available by internet archive (https://archive.org) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see 45157-h.htm or 45157-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/45157/45157-h/45157-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/45157/45157-h.zip) images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/reminiscencesofl00forwuoft reminiscences of a liverpool shipowner 1850-1920 by sir william b. forwood, k.b.e., d.l. author of "recollections of a busy life": "economics of war finance": etc. illustrated with 22 plates liverpool henry young & sons, limited mcmxx. [illustration: the port of liverpool--1873 _from the picture by s. walters_] preface the following sketches were contributed to the liverpool press (_liverpool daily post_, _liverpool courier_, _journal of commerce_), and they are now published at the request of many friends. advantage has been taken of the opportunity for revision, and to add further reminiscences. a chapter has also been added descriptive of the part played by the british merchant seaman in the war; and another, published in 1917, portraying the attitude and work of the british shipowner during the war. to do adequate justice to the history of our shipping during the past sixty years would occupy several volumes. in the following pages all that has been attempted has been to outline the principal events in the fewest possible words, in the hope that they may serve for future reference; and also keep alive that interest in our mercantile fleet which is so essential to the prosperity of our country and the welfare of our people. bromborough hall, cheshire, _august, 1920_. contents chapter i page the passing of the sailing-ship 1 chapter ii the era of the steamship 15 chapter iii the evolution of the marine engine 24 chapter iv the makers of our shipping trade 29 chapter v our merchant ships and the war 55 chapter vi shipping and the war 69 chapter vii the "red jacket," 1857 87 chapter viii the "queen of the avon," 1858 94 chapter ix the "great eastern," 1861 99 chapter x the building of an east indiaman 106 chapter xi our riddle of the sands 113 list of illustrations 1--the port of liverpool, 1873 _frontispiece._ 2--the sailing-ship "princess charlotte" _facing page_ 8 3--the ss. "savannah" " " 16 4--the ss. "great western" " " 18 5--the ss. "president" " " 20 6--the ss. "britannia" " " 22 7--the ss. "great britain" " " 24 8--the ss. "scotia" " " 26 9--portraits--charles maciver, william inman, thomas h. ismay, sir edward harland " " 30 10--the ss. "oregon" " " 34 11--the ss. "umbria" " " 38 12--the ss. "oceanic," no. 1 " " 42 13--the ss. "nile" " " 44 14--portraits--sir thomas brocklebank, w. miles moss, f. r. leyland, sir alfred jones " " 46 15--the sailing-ship "aracan" " " 50 16--the ss. "aquitania," with convoy " " 56 17--the ss. "oceanic," no. 2 " " 60 18--the ss. "mauretania" " " 66 19--the ss. "olympic" " " 70 20--the sailing-ship "red jacket" " " 88 21--the ss. "great eastern" " " 100 22--the ss. "aquitania" " " 114 reminiscences of a liverpool shipowner chapter i the passing of the sailing-ship the old sailing-ship, with all the romance which surrounds it, must long linger in the affectionate regard of all british people as the creator of our great overseas trade and the builder-up of our commercial prosperity. the sailing-ship was the mistress of the seas for centuries. she founded our maritime supremacy, was the conveyor of the first fruits of our manufacturing industry to the ends of the world, and enabled us to train a race of sailors unequalled for their skill, courage, and patriotism, who in times of national peril have protected our homes and safeguarded the freedom of the world. liverpool owes her greatness as a city and her position as the first port in the world to her shipping. possessing the only deep-water haven on the west coast, she naturally became the port of shipment for the manufactures of lancashire and yorkshire directly our export trade began to develop. the beginnings of the shipping trade were small, for in 1751 there were only 220 vessels belonging to the port. the opening up of the american trade in 1756 gave a great impetus to shipping. it was destined, however, to receive a serious check by the world-wide war which started in 1756, and was waged almost continuously for sixty years. the first of this long series of wars known as the seven years' war (1756-1761) was followed by twelve years of peace, and it was during this time that our trade with america made its greatest headway. the war of independence with america, which broke out in 1773, proved most disastrous to liverpool. it paralysed our trade and there was dire distress in the town. it is recorded: "our docks are a mournful sight, full of gallant ships laid up and useless." this unhappy war lasted seven years. but perhaps the most terrible period for our shipping was in 1810, when america, feeling herself "crushed between the upper and the nether millstone of napoleon's mastery on land and england's supremacy by sea," declared war and threw her strength into privateering. the result to the trade of liverpool was most disastrous. the number of ships entering the port fell from 6,729 in 1810 to 4,599 in 1812. when, in 1815, peace was again brought about, there was a most rapid recovery in business in every direction. our british arms which had been victorious in the great war on the continent of europe had also made our country supreme at sea; foreign shipping had almost disappeared, and our shipping trade reaped an enormous advantage, our tonnage rapidly increasing. the period from 1815-1860 may be termed the halcyon days of the british ship, and the period from 1850-1880 witnessed the "passing" of the sailing-ship. with the "passing" of the sailing-ship we have lost many interesting and attractive features. the attitude of the shipowner has entirely changed. his quiet, leisurely occupation has gone, and with it much that was picturesque and gave pleasure and enjoyment. with the advent of the steamer a new era opened up, characterised by the hustle of increased activity. speed is the criterion aimed at, calling for constant and strenuous work. the shipowner of the olden days had time to take a deep personal interest in the upkeep of his ship. he strolled down from his office almost daily to the dock where she was lying. of the sixty-four sixty-fourth shares into which the ownership was divided he probably owned at least one-half; this gave him a very real concern in his ship's welfare. he watched and supervised her construction with the same solicitude as he would the building of his own house. and when completed and she took up her loading berth in the prince's or salthouse dock, all fresh painted, the rigging tarred down, the ratlines all taut and evenly spaced, every rope and hawser carefully coiled down and in its place, it was excusable if the owner viewed his ship with some pride. a large poster displayed in the ship's rigging announced the port for which she was taking cargo and the date of sailing--a date which was never kept. she remained in dock week after week while her cargo gradually trickled down. this long delay involved a loss of interest and earning power, and also a serious loss of interest to the owners of cargo shipped by her. mr. donald currie, when he left the cunard company, made up an ownery for five or six ships for the calcutta trade, and was anxious that jardine, skilmer & co., of calcutta, should take the agency at that port. but they had suffered so much from the delay of their cargoes that they made it a condition of their acceptance that mr. currie should strictly adhere to his advertised dates of sailing; and certainly he had no cause to regret it, for practically jardines loaded his ships with their own goods, and mr. currie's fleet rapidly increased. this was the beginning of fixed days of sailing from liverpool, which are now almost universal. although the pleasure of a shipowner was more personal and greater in the days gone by, it was accompanied by much anxiety, and the risks were greater than those of to-day. a wooden ship was liable to decay, and the periodical surveys by lloyd's were times of much concern. they might expose some defect which might involve the stripping and rebuilding of the part affected. the highest class at lloyd's a1 for thirteen years, soon ran out, and the continuation of the class always involved many repairs. the preparation of a captain's instructions prior to the commencement of a voyage entailed much thought; every contingency had to be provided for; there were no "cables" by which subsequent instructions could be sent, or the owner consulted. cargoes at the loading ports were uncertain, and the change of ports in ballast had to be provided for. the most carefully-worded instructions often failed to provide for the very contingency which happened, or more frequently the captain did some stupid thing. the owner was in dread lest his ship should find no homeward cargo and have to shift ports, or lest she be damaged or dismasted, and put into some remote port not contemplated in his instructions. he had visions of heavy repair bills and bottomry bonds. sailing-ship owning was profitable to those who possessed high-class ships, but i cannot recall many fortunes made out of soft wood ships, the cost of their maintenance and repair being so heavy. in a brief résumé of the history of the sailing-vessel it is not necessary to pass in review the early steps taken in the evolution of a ship, for shipowning did not assume a position of any importance before the year 1600, when, during the reign of queen elizabeth, the east india company was founded. the east india company's first ships were vessels of from 300 tons to 600 tons. they were all heavily armed, and only conveyed the cargoes belonging to the company. the "john" company was highly successful, and at the close of the eighteenth century had not only a large fleet of ships, but also possessed a large portion of the continent of india. the ships of the company were remarkable vessels; they were frigate built, large carriers, and stately looking, but badly designed, very slow, required a large quantity of ballast, and their cost was about £40 per ton. improvement in design and equipment was very slow; there existed no incentive to improvement; the profit made was derived mainly from the cargoes they carried; and it has been said that the improvements made in british shipping from the reign of queen elizabeth to the victorian era were so gradual as to be perceptible only when measured by centuries. when we speak of the ships of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, we cannot but be surprised to find how slight were the improvements made during these three hundred years. during the latter half of the eighteenth century the finest ships were constructed in france, and at that period the best ships in the british navy were those captured from the french. the treaty of peace between the united states of america and great britain, signed in 1814, marks the beginning of a new era in the history of shipping. the progress, however, for some years was slow; design and construction were hindered by our obsolete tonnage laws, which encouraged the building of a very undesirable type of ship. meanwhile america was going ahead. not only did she produce more ships, but they were well designed and equipped, and it was the general opinion that the american ship was superior to the british ship. when, in 1832, the monopoly of the east india company came to an end, and the commerce of the orient was thrown open to all british ships, there was at once an effort made to establish british shipping on a broader and more substantial basis. the opening of the china and east india trades gave rise to that competition which had been so long dormant, and without which there can be little incentive to improvement. the american trade gave the first and great impetus to shipowning in liverpool. the famous new york packets, the pioneer black ball line, were established in 1816. this line consisted at first of vessels of from 300 to 500 tons register. these little ships with their full bodies and bluff bows made wonderful passages, averaging 23 days outwards and 43 days homewards. they were for many years the only means of communication between this country and the united states. the "dramatic" line was started in 1836, with vessels of about 700 tons, and it is noteworthy that the "sheridan," of 895 tons, built the following year for this line, was found to be too large for the liverpool trade; but the trade rapidly grew and the packet ships gradually increased in tonnage. in 1846 the "new world" was built, of 1,400 tons. as a child i recollect being taken down to the dock to see this ship, as being the largest sailing-ship in the world; and many still living will remember the "isaac webb," the "albert gallatin," the "guy mannering," and the "dreadnought." the ships of the "black ball" line and the "dramatic" line were grand ships, and made many wonderful passages. there are three outstanding events which greatly contributed to the improvement of british shipping, and may be said to mark the beginning of our great maritime position--the establishment, in 1834, of lloyd's register; the founding, in 1846, of the marine department of the board of trade; and, in 1849, repeal of the navigation laws. these laws, devised originally for the protection of british shipping, and to secure for it a certain monopoly of the carrying trade, had become antiquated, and a hindrance to its development. it was not, however, until we found the commerce of the world was largely being carried by american ships, which were faster and better built, that an agitation was started to abolish those laws. [illustration: "princess charlotte," 1815] there was considerable opposition to their repeal, and the first result was not encouraging; there was a decrease in the tonnage of british ships entering our ports, and a large increase in foreign tonnage, especially of american; and although this created a feeling of despondency, and gave rise to the fear that we had lost for ever our premier position in the overseas carrying trade, it really proved a great stimulus to enterprise, and renewed exertion, and not many years elapsed before we had regained, and more than regained, our position in the shipping world. to america belongs the credit of introducing the clipper ship, which was specially designed to make rapid passages. the discovery of gold in california created a great rush, and there was a gigantic movement of human beings by land and by sea. the land journey across america was long and hazardous, and this gave rise to a large emigration by sea, and the necessity for providing a class of ship which would be able to make rapid passages. this the old-fashioned frigate-built ship was unable to do. the era of the clipper ship may be said to date from 1848, when gold was first discovered in california. the building of these ships in america proceeded rapidly, and in four years one hundred and sixty were built. they were the swiftest ships the world had ever seen, making the voyage from new york to san francisco in from 100 to 120 days. they were remarkable for their fine lines, lofty spars, and great sail-carrying capacity. the discovery of gold in california in 1848 was quickly followed by the discovery of gold in australia in 1851, and a rush of emigration immediately set in, which had to be carried by sailing-ships. the regular traders were small vessels with very limited passenger accommodation; so shipowners very quickly turned their attention to the clipper ships built in new england and in new brunswick, which had been so successful in the californian trade. the first clipper ship constructed for the australian trade was the "marco polo," of 1,622 tons. she was built in 1851, at st. john's, for james baines & co., of liverpool, and she was the pioneer of the famous australian black ball line. the "marco polo" was a handsome ship, built with a considerable rise of floor and a very fine after end, and carrying a large spread of canvas. she made some remarkable passages under the command of captain forbes, who did not hesitate to shorten the distance his ship had to travel by sailing on the great circle, and going very far south. the "marco polo" may be said to have set the pace in the australian trade. she was quickly followed by such renowned ships as the "lightning," the "james baines," the "sovereign of the seas," and the passages of these ships created as much public interest as those of our atlantic greyhounds do to-day. we had also the white star line of australian clippers, which owned the "red jacket," the "blue jacket," and the "chariot of fame." the "red jacket" made the record passage of 64 days to melbourne, and was one of the most famous of the american built clippers. although america can claim to have introduced the clipper ship, our english shipbuilders were not much behindhand. the tea trade with china offered great rewards for speed, and the ship landing the first cargo of the new teas earned a very handsome premium. the competition was, therefore, very keen. these tea clippers were very beautiful vessels of about 800 to 1,000 tons, of quite an original type; and, unlike the american clipper, they relied for their speed more upon the symmetry of their lines than upon their large sail area. they had less beam and less freeboard than the american clipper, and as their voyages necessitated a good deal of windward work, this was made their strong point of sailing, and probably they will never be excelled in this. the names of the "falcon," the "fiery cross," the "lord of the isles," will still dwell in the memory of many. in 1865 a memorable race took place between ten celebrated tea clippers, and the evenness of their performances was remarkable. the times of the passages of the first five, from the anchorage in china to deal, varied from 99 to 101 days, and the prize, 10s per ton, was divided between the "taeping" and the "ariel"--the one arriving first at deal, and the other being the first to dock in london. there were similar races every year, which always aroused great interest. the greatest development in sailing-ships was brought about by the substitution of iron for wood in their construction. the iron ship, among other advantages, could be of larger size, was more durable, and less costly in maintenance; and in 1863 a notable further improvement was made when, in the liverpool ship "seaforth," steel lower masts, topmasts, and topsail yards, and also standing rigging of steel wire were introduced, and about the same time double topsail yards were adopted. we are apt to make light of the great increase in american shipping since the late war, and think that the competition of america will not last and will not be serious. we should, however, not forget how large a proportion of the world's carrying trade by sea was done by america prior to her civil war in 1863, and the excellence of her ships. the tariffs she imposed after this war killed her shipping and made shipbuilding, except for her coastwise trade, impossible. the result of the late war has been to make the cost of shipbuilding nearly as great in this country as in america, and she will certainly make a serious bid for her share of the trade. with the passing of the old sailing-ship we have lost much that was picturesque and much that appealed to sentiment. the river mersey at the top of high water filled with sailing craft of all kinds, from the great australian clipper down to the dutch galliot or the british sloop with her brown sails, presented a panorama which has no equal to-day, and called forth thoughts of adventure and perils by the sea which a great atlantic liner or even the modest coasting steamer fail to suggest, although they may speak to us in the spirit of the times--of that security and speed which has brought the very ends of the earth together. this short sketch of the old sailing-ship days would be incomplete without alluding to the position of the sailor, which was far from satisfactory. his life was hard and very rough. he usually lived in the forecastle, which was close and damp. the chain cables passed through it to the chain lockers below, the hawse-pipes had often ill-fitting wooden plugs, and when the ship plunged into a head sea the forecastle was flooded. there was no place for the men to dry their clothes, and no privacy. their food was salt tack, and it was no wonder that they enjoyed their noggin of rum. these were, however, days before we had the luxury of preserved provisions or ice-houses. but the old british tar came of a hardy, good humoured race. i have seen them when off cape horn take marling-spikes aloft to knock the ice off the topsail, and merrily singing one of their chanties while they tied in a close reef. the pay of a sailor was small--£3 a month for an a.b.; and when they returned home from a voyage they were pounced upon by the boarding-house keepers, who did not let them out of their clutches while they had any money left. the neighbourhood of our sailors' home was a perfect hell, a scene of debauchery from morn to night. the sailor had no chance, and when he sailed again he had no money to buy any decent or warm clothes. thanks to such philanthropists as the late samuel smith, alexander balfour, and monsignor nugent, this reproach to liverpool was, after a great and long fight, removed, and the interests of the sailor are to-day safeguarded in every way by the board of trade, and greater interest is exhibited in his welfare by the shipowner. while thus recording the conditions of a seaman's life we must not forget that the conditions of life generally were much harder and rougher than those of to-day, and the sailor had many compensating advantages when at sea. it was while he was in port that he required safeguarding. chapter ii the era of the steamship with the "passing" of the sailing-ship much of the poetry and romance of the sea disappeared. the era of the steamship is more prosaic, but it brought with it a recognition of the spirit of the times that the expanding trade of the world and the march of civilisation, demanded speed and regularity in our sea services for their development, and what we have lost in romance we have more than made good by the wider distribution of the world's products which the facilities for travel and the rapid conveyance of our merchandise have made available. all parts of the world have been brought within easy reach of the traveller, and our trade routes have been increased and expanded. we have opened up new markets for our exports, and new sources for the supply of food. our people are now largely fed by supplies of perishable food which reach us from the far distant antipodes. it is, indeed, difficult to say what might have happened if we were still dependent upon the old sailing-ship. the advent of the steamship was most fortuitous. just as in our means of conveyance by land, new means and forms of transport have been developed with our increasing population, so it would appear that, as the growth of our population and the spread of civilisation have demanded it, improved facilities for travel by sea have been opened up. the passing of the sailing-ship made very slow progress in the beginning, for although steamers entered the atlantic and the east india trades about 1840, the old-fashioned wooden paddle steamer was not a serious competitor except in the conveyance of passengers and mails. it took thirty or forty years to develop improvements in the design of steamers and to effect the evolution of the marine engine, and the progress made was gradual. the high-pressure engine, the compound engine, the turbine, and now the geared turbine were all steps in the direction of securing the economy and efficiency necessary to make the steamer an effective competitor in the conveyance of heavy or bulky cargoes; but once this point was reached, the sailing-vessel was doomed except in the small coasting trades. the opening of the suez canal also gave the steamer a great advantage, and perhaps did more than anything else to destroy the position of the sailing-ship in the long trades. it will be interesting to watch the effect which dear coals and cost of sailing may have in reviving the fortunes of the sailing-ship. [illustration: ss. "savannah," 1818] steamers are now mostly owned by public companies, which we regret to say are largely centred in london, and are represented in liverpool by managers. a steamer somehow fails to arouse the same enthusiasm as the old sailing-ship; much of the old romance and sentiment has gone. the managers have so many steamers to look after that their work becomes more or less mechanical; they cannot take the same personal interest in them. the manager of one large fleet boasted that he never went down to the dock to see his steamers--this he considered was the business of his marine superintendent. the shareholders in a limited liability company in the same way have not the same close touch with their property that the owner of a sixty-fourth share had in the old sailing-ship. the one was personal, the other is remote. the subscription lists of our nautical charities prove this. the bluecoat school and the seamen's orphanage do not appeal to them as they appealed to the bryan blundells, the macivers, the brocklebanks, allans, beazleys, and ismays and the general public of fifty years ago. we cannot dwell upon the many early efforts to apply the steam engine to the propulsion of a ship. the first steam vessel to cross the atlantic was the "savannah," a vessel 130 feet in length and 26 feet broad. she was built in new york in 1818; she was an auxiliary vessel, her paddle wheels being taken off and placed on deck when the wind was fair. she sailed from savannah on the 24th may, 1819, and arrived at liverpool on the 20th june. the first vessel to steam all the way across the atlantic was the "royal william," built at quebec in 1831. she was 830 tons, with side-lever engines of 200 horse power. she sailed from quebec to london on the 4th of august, 1833, and after a stormy passage arrived in the thames on the 11th september. a more serious attempt to bridge the atlantic was made in june, 1838, when a second "royal william" of 720 tons was built at liverpool, and her paddle engines of 400 horse power were made by fawcett, preston & co., of liverpool. she made several successful passages, and was our first passenger steamer. the transatlantic steamship company, which had chartered the "royal william" afterwards built the "liverpool," of 1,150 tons, and 464 horse power. she made several voyages, averaging 17 days out and 15 days home. mr. maginnis in his very useful and excellent work "the atlantic ferry," claims for the "sirius" the honour of inaugurating the atlantic steamship service. she was owned by the british & american steam navigation company, of which mr. john laird was the chairman. she was 703 tons, and sailed on the 5th april, 1838, making the passage in 16½ days, maintaining an average of 8½ knots, on a consumption of 24 tons. about the same time the "great western," of 1,340 tons, sailed from bristol, making the outward passage in 13½ days. [illustration: ss. "great western," 1838] the british & american steamship company encouraged by the successful voyage made by the "sirius," built, in 1839, two sister ships, the "british queen" and the "president." they were 1,863 tons gross register, and 700 horse power. the "british queen" sailed from portsmouth, july 12th, 1840, and the "president" on july 17th, 1840. the "president," after sailing from new york, on march 11th, 1841, with a small number of passengers, was never again heard of, and in consequence of this disaster the british & american steamship company ceased to exist. we cannot omit from our brief review of the early history of the steamship, an allusion to the "great britain," the first large iron steamer. she was 3,270 tons, and was launched at bristol in 1843. for very many years she was our largest ship, and considered to be one of the wonders of the day. she was placed in the liverpool and new york trade, and sailed on the 26th july, 1845, on her first voyage. i remember seeing her pass down the channel off seaforth. her six masts greatly impressed my child intelligence. she was wrecked the same night on the irish coast, but she was afterwards got off, and had a very varied and chequered career, and underwent many changes. her six masts were reduced to four, then to three. she had new engines, and was placed by gibbs, bright & co., in the australian trade. then she was converted into a full rigged sailing-ship, and in 1883 was condemned at the falkland islands as no longer seaworthy, and remained there for many years as a coal hulk. it cannot be said that these early endeavours to establish a steamship trade were very encouraging, and the great scientist of that day, dr. lardner, stated that he had no hesitation in saying that the project announced in the newspapers of making a voyage directly from new york to liverpool was perfectly chimerical. they might as well talk of making a voyage from new york to the moon. all the more honour to those pioneers who had the courage and the prescience to go ahead; and to mr. samuel cunard and his partners the steamship trade must be for ever deeply indebted, for to them we owe the first serious and successful effort to establish a steamship service across the atlantic. they built, in 1840, the "britannia," "acadia," "columbia," and "caledonia,"--the first ships of the now celebrated cunard line. the inman line was founded in 1850, the guion line in 1866, and the white star line, which now shares the great atlantic trade with the cunard company, was established in 1870. [illustration: ss. "president," 1840] the evolution from sail to steam involved changes in the design of the hull of a ship. at first it was considered that to turn a sailing-ship into a steamer it was simply necessary to fit a hull designed for a sailing-vessel with a steam engine. it was soon, however, discovered that the fine lines and deep keel required to carry sail were not required in a steamship, and in course of time full-bodied hulls with square bilges without keels were adopted. an iron steamer is but a rectangular girder or tank with the ends sharpened, the co-efficient of fineness varying from 62 to 78 degrees, according to the speed or deadweight capacity required. in 1860 sir edward harland, with a view to easy propulsion, introduced steamers into the mediterranean trade with a length of ten times their beam. these were so successful that when he built the fleet for the white star line he carried out the same principle, thereby also securing steady sea boats. he also introduced central passenger saloons and cabins, which speedily made the white star ships very popular. cabin accommodation placed in the centre of the ship has now become general. some further modifications in design have taken place; ships have, relatively, now less length and more beam, and the cabin accommodation is built up citadel fashion in the middle of the ship. the most notable evolution has, however, been in size and speed. the "britannia," built in 1840, was 1,200 tons, with 8½ knots speed. she was followed by the "great britain," in 1843, 3,270 tons; she was, however, too large for the times, and did no good. the "great eastern," built in 1855, was of 18,915 tons, and 12 knots speed, and was also a failure, although if she had been given sufficient power she would probably have hastened the era of large and fast vessels. the demand for speed was for some years the governing feature in the design of steamers in the atlantic trade, and to a smaller extent in the eastern trades, in which the carrying of coal for long voyages has also to be considered. the increase in power required to obtain high speeds necessitated the adoption of twin screws, and with the still higher powers required by the "mauretania," "olympic," etc. (60,000 h.p.), four propellers are found necessary. in the atlantic trade, the "arizona," built by john elder & co. for the guion line, was the first of the "atlantic greyhounds." she was quickly followed by the "alaska" and the "oregon," the latter being built in 1882, with a speed of 19 knots. she was the fastest ship of her time, and became the property of the cunard company. she was again eclipsed by the cunard ships "umbria" and "etruria," in 1885, with a speed of 19½ knots. in 1888 the "city of paris" and "city of new york" had attained a speed exceeding 20 knots. for some years no improvement in speed was obtained until the advent of the "campania" and "lucania," in 1893, with a tonnage of 12,900 and a speed of 22 knots. [illustration: ss. "britannia," 1840] although steamers thus gradually increased in size and power, the "oceanic," built in 1899 for the white star line, may, i think, claim to be the pioneer of the great atlantic liners. she was 16,900 tons and 704 feet long, and 21 knots speed. she was quickly followed by the "lusitania" and "mauretania," built for the cunard in 1907, with a tonnage of 33,000, and a speed of 24½ knots. they were again eclipsed in size by the "olympic," "aquitania," and the "imperator," all about 50,000 tons; but the "mauretania" still holds the blue riband of the atlantic for speed. it is scarcely safe to say that the last big ship has been built; size is only limited by commercial considerations and the depth of water available in our harbours, as an iron ship, being a girder, her length is limited by the depth which can be given to the girder. the cost of construction may, however, limit the size of ships, at all events, for some years. chapter iii the evolution of the marine engine the steamship as a practical proposition developed slowly, being retarded by the dilatory evolution of the marine engine. the first serious effort to apply steam power to vessels of any size dates back to only 1838-1840, years which witnessed the establishment of the royal mail, the peninsular and oriental, and the cunard steamship companies. their first vessels were steamers of 1,200 tons, having a speed of eight or nine knots. such vessels were not formidable competitors of the old packet ships, except in the passenger trades; their average passage across the atlantic, occupying from thirteen to seventeen days, not being a great improvement upon the passages of the sailing-packets. the ships of the dramatic line averaged 20½ days, and those of the black ball line 21 days. [illustration: ss. "great britain," launched 1843] the advantage of the greater regularity in the passages of the steamer was, however, obvious, and greatly stimulated invention. the improvements in the paddle engine were slow. we were a long time getting away from the side-lever engine, working at a low pressure. the "britannia," built in 1840, was 1,200 tons; her engines indicated 740 horse-power, giving a speed of 8½ knots. the "scotia," the finest paddle steamer ever built, and the last of the great paddle boats, was built in 1860, and had the same type of side-lever engine, but her tonnage was 3,871, with an indicated horse-power of 4,800, giving her a speed of 13 knots. the most rapid passage made by the "britannia" was 14 days 8 hours; the most rapid made by the "scotia" was 8 days 15 hours. the screw propeller was invented in 1836, but for a long time it was thought to be inferior to the paddle as a means of propulsion, and there was some difficulty in applying the power to the screw shaft. the side lever in various forms was tried, but proved a failure. the "great britain," 3,270 tons, launched in 1843, had engines which worked upward on to a crank shaft, and the power was brought down by endless chains to the screw shaft. this did not prove satisfactory. then we had oscillating engines working a large geared wheel fitted with wooden teeth to increase the revolutions of the propeller. then came the direct-acting engines with inverted cylinders, which for years were almost the universal type of engine, and were a very efficient form of low pressure engine. the compound engine revolutionised the steamship trade, ensuring such economy of fuel as to permit of long voyages being successfully undertaken. the compound engine developed into the triple expansion engine; the object being to get the last ounce of power out of the steam by first using it in a high pressure cylinder at 180 lbs., then passing it into a larger cylinder, using it expansively, and finally passing it into a still larger cylinder at about 8 lbs. pressure, and again allowing it to expand. the triple expansion engine came into general use in 1886. the turbine, invented by sir charles parsons in 1897, has effected a revolution in the engines of large size. the principle is simply to allow steam at a high pressure to impinge upon blades fitted to a rotor which it revolves on the principle of the syren. the steam is afterwards used expansively in a second rotor working directly upon the screw shaft. the advantage of a turbine engine is its simplicity--few working parts and a saving in weight and space; its disadvantage is that a separate turbine has to be employed to obtain sternway. recently, geared turbines have been introduced which are lighter, slightly more economical in fuel, and are sweeter running machines. it is noteworthy that whereas gears were necessary in olden times with engines working at a low pressure to speed up the propeller shaft, with turbines gears are used to reduce the revolutions. [illustration: ss. "scotia," 1860] meantime, greater boiler efficiency was being obtained. the "britannia" worked with a pressure of 12 lbs. this was gradually increased to 30 lbs. in boilers constructed in 1868, and this was practically the range of pressure during the period of single-expansion engines. the salt water used in these boilers caused them to become quickly salted up, which not only diminished their efficiency but shortened their lives, and it was not until the compound engine was invented by john elder that cylindrical boilers, working at a pressure starting at 60 lbs. and increasing to 190 lbs., were introduced. these proved a great success. by the use of fresh feed water and replenishing it from the condensers, salting was prevented and the life of a boiler greatly increased. no further great improvement in the boiler has taken place. the water-tube boiler is still in an experimental stage, and attention is now being directed to oil fuel, which will reduce the engine-room staff, ensure greater cleanliness and quicker despatch. the result of these improvements in marine engines and boilers has been to reduce the consumption of coal from 4 lbs. per indicated horse-power to 1.4 lbs., which cannot be considered otherwise than a great achievement. the future high cost of coal is sure to stimulate invention, and we may at no distant date expect developments in internal combustion engines adapting them to high powers which may open up a new and great era for mechanically-propelled vessels, and again entirely change the world's outlook. we have also always before us the probability of further discoveries in electricity; the recent developments in wireless telegraphy teach us that we are only on the threshold of discoveries which will bring this mighty but mysterious power more and more into the service of man. chapter iv the makers of our shipping trade these sketches of the growth and development of our shipping trade would be incomplete without some reference to those who built up its great prosperity--men who are entitled not merely to our consideration but to our admiration; men whose memories should be treasured by liverpool people, because they afford to generations yet to come examples of industry and perseverance in the face of difficulties which should not be without beneficial effect if kept in remembrance. things move so rapidly, and our memory is so limited that we are apt to view the things of to-day as of our own creation, and lose sight of the strenuous spade work done by our forefathers. much as we must appreciate the enterprise and ability of our shipowners of to-day, it is no disparagement of them when we claim that the work of those who have gone before was equally enterprising within its limits, and was even more strenuous and anxious. they had to do with a business world only just emerging from the chrysalis state, and without those helps and facilities which modern science has placed at our disposal. but while claiming this, we must avoid considering those who have passed before as "giants" of industry. they were simply the men who, when placed in circumstances of difficulty, always rise to the occasion and develop those faculties of industry, resource and imagination which are so happily characteristic of our race. that we may, therefore, appreciate the labours of those who have built up our prosperity we must consider shortly the circumstances in which they worked and the tools they had to work with. we have already alluded to the difficulties which a ship's husband had to contend with owing to the absence of "cables," or any speedy means of communication with distant places, and to the anxieties attending the maintenance of the old wooden ships; but these did not entirely disappear when iron ships were introduced. the early steamers were badly designed, very short of freeboard, insufficient in strength and short of engine power; they were frequently loaded too deeply, and we had many casualties. one of the greatest improvements in the construction of an iron ship was the introduction of iron decks, which gave the constructional strength required, and when water ballast tanks were also adopted a ship not only gained additional strength, but also mobility and seaworthiness. [illustration: charles maciver] [illustration: william inman] [illustration: thomas h. ismay] [illustration: sir edward harland] the place of the old cargo boat was in course of time taken by the so-called "tramp," the modern cargo carrier--a good wholesome ship, a large carrier, with sufficient power to take care of herself in all weathers. with modern machinery a tramp can go to the ends of the earth without replenishing her coal supply. one remarkable change has taken place which would have shocked the shipowners of fifty years ago; steamers no longer carry sails and the tendency is to do away with masts. the "standard" ship has only one mast, which is only used for signalling. the excellence of modern machinery and the general adoption of the twin screw have rendered breakdowns very rare, and the "wireless" is at hand to summon assistance when required. if the cargo steamer of to-day has improved, the design of the passenger ship has made even greater progress. those who travelled across the atlantic in the early sixties will recall the stuffy passenger saloons, placed right aft, with no seats except the long settees, and lit only by candles suspended on trays, which swayed to and fro sputtering grease right and left. the state-rooms were placed below the saloon and were lit by oil lamps, one between every two rooms. these were religiously put out at ten o'clock every night. there was no ventilation, and no hot water was obtainable. we have always thought that the introduction of the electric light was a greater boon, and more appreciated on board ship than anywhere else. on a rough, wild night, when everything in your state-room is flying about, and you begin to conjure up thoughts of possible disaster, if you switch on the electric light, all is at peace. the very waves appear to be robbed of their fury. there were no smoke-rooms in the olden days--the lee side of the funnel in fine weather, the fiddlee at other times. here, seated on coils of rope, and ready to lift our feet as the seas rolled in from the alleyways on either side, we smoked and spun our yarns. there was an abundance of food in the saloon in the shape of great huge joints of meat and dishes of vegetables, which were placed on the table, and it required some gymnastic agility to be ready to seize them, when the ship gave a lurch, to prevent their being deposited on your lap. we had no serviettes, but there came the enormous compensation for all deficiencies--it was deftly whispered, "the cunard never lost a life," and not another word was said. the conditions of life in the steerage were wretched. the sleeping berths were huddled together, necessitating the occupants climbing over each other; there was no privacy, no washing accommodation except at the common tap, no saloon or seating accommodation except on the hatchways. the food was brought round in iron buckets, and junks of beef and pork were forked out by the steward, and placed in the passenger's pannikin, and in a similar way potatoes and plum duff were served out. all this has been changed, and in place of discomfort we have luxurious accommodation for every class of traveller; and this change has been brought about by the men concerning whom we propose to make some notes. sir edward harland it is very difficult to give to any one man the credit for the great improvements which have been made, but i think ship designing owes much to the late sir edward harland, of belfast. he was the first to introduce the long ship with easy lines--easily propelled and excellent sea boats. in designing passenger ships, sir edward harland was the first to see the advantage of placing the saloon passenger accommodation in the centre of the ship (citadel fashion), thus adding greatly to the comfort of ocean travel. the modern cargo boat--the so-called "tramp," because she has no fixed trade, but vagrant-like seeks her cargoes at any likely port--owes much also to the genius of sir edward. the old-fashioned wave line theory in design, with its concave water lines and hollow sections, had produced bad sea boats and poor cargo carriers. sir edward was the first to perceive that long, easy convex water lines, with full sections, gave buoyancy at every point, were more easily propelled, and had large deadweight and measurement capacity. i think, therefore, when considering who were the makers of the shipping industry of to-day, his name must ever occupy a foremost position. we must also give credit to messrs. randolf elder & co., for the introduction of the compound engine, and to sir william pearse (who became the head of the firm) for the "atlantic greyhounds," the "arizona," followed by the "alaska" and the "oregon." these ships were the first to make speed one of the first considerations of atlantic travel. the shipbroker in the olden days we had not only shipowners but shipbrokers, who had lines of ships to various places, and who either chartered vessels or loaded them upon commission. the loading brokers made it their duty to call upon the forwarding agents every morning to ascertain what goods they had for shipment. this duty was never relegated to clerks, but was always performed by one of the principals. we have a very vivid recollection of the daily morning visits of mr. mors, mr. astley, mr. w. imrie, mr. thomas moss, mr. mcdiarmid, and others. this business of the shipbrokers eventually came to an end when regular lines of steamers were established, but they for long occupied a very influential position in the shipping world. [illustration: ss. "oregon," 1883] charles maciver the most outstanding figure among shipowners of 1850-1880 was charles maciver, of the cunard line, a man of resolute courage and stern discipline. clean shaven with aquiline features, he looked like a man born to command. i remember when i was mayor, in 1880, a commission was given to herkomer to paint his portrait. he asked me what sort of man mr. maciver was, and then proceeded to calderstones to paint his portrait. in a few days he returned, saying he was going home, as he had not found the strong man i had described. in a few months he returned and called to tell me that he had found my mr. maciver and painted him. it appears that on his first visit mr. maciver was suffering from illness. mr. maciver built up the cunard line, which in the fifties paid one-third of our liverpool dock dues. i can visualise colonel maciver marching down water street at the head of 1,000 of his men whom he had drilled and trained. this was one of the first volunteer regiments raised in 1858, when we had fears that napoleon iii intended to invade this country. many stories are told of mr. maciver's stern discipline. it is said one of his captains asked permission to take his wife to sea with him. permission was granted, but when the day of sailing arrived he received passenger tickets for himself and his wife, also an intimation that he had been superseded in command of the ship. i remember doing some small service for mr. maciver which required some promptitude in its execution. in thanking me he added, "young man, always kill your chickens when young"--and this was the principle he acted upon when threatened with opposition in any of his trades. mr. maciver was very public-spirited, and a liberal supporter of our seamen's charities. it was a rule with the old cunard line not to introduce improvements until they had been well tried, and they continued to construct wooden paddle steamers long after the iron screw steamer had proved its efficiency. it was no doubt this policy which built up the wonderful reputation the line has always enjoyed for safety. although charles maciver was the master-builder of the cunard company, he was not actually one of the founders. these were samuel cunard, george burns, and david maciver. david maciver died in 1845, and his brother charles took his place. i was staying at castle wemyss in 1890, when i received a message that sir george burns wished to see me. the old man was lying on what proved to be his deathbed. his features, which were those of a handsome, strong, and resolute man, were thrown into striking relief by the halo of long, flowing, silver-white locks, which fell on his pillow. his mind (he was then ninety-five) evidently loved to live in the distant past, and he told me with pride, not of the doings of the cunard company, with which he had been so long and so honourably associated, but of the old sailing brigs, which in the days of his youth carried the mails between this country and halifax. several of the first cunard ships were built by john wood at port glasgow. as a schoolboy i spent my summer holidays at his house. he was then building the wooden steamer "lusitania" for my father's firm. she was intended to trade between lisbon and oporto. old john wood was the father of shipbuilding on the clyde, and a brass plate inserted in the wall of messrs. duncan's shipbuilding yard at port glasgow now marks the site of his house. i treasure these links of memory with those olden days of the shipping industry; they bridge over a period of most remarkable achievement and progress. sir george burns was made a baronet by queen victoria on the occasion of her golden jubilee, and his son was raised to the peerage on her majesty's diamond jubilee under the title of lord inverclyde. lord inverclyde took a very warm interest in shipping matters; he was a keen yachtsman, and dispensed at castle wemyss a splendid hospitality. he was for many years chairman of the cunard company. after the cunard company was formed into a limited company, in 1882, mr. john burns was the chairman, but as he lived in scotland, the deputy-chairman (the late mr. david jardine) had the practical charge. his devotion to the interests of the company through difficult times was most praiseworthy. he built the "umbria" and "etruria," the two most successful and popular ships ever owned by the company. the marine superintendent of the cunard line (captain watson) was a remarkable man, a seaman of the olden school, with great knowledge of a ship, but with a very narrow outlook. of those who have passed away in connection with the cunard company, the most conspicuous figure was the second lord inverclyde, who succeeded mr. jardine as chairman in 1905, and remained so until his death, five years later. lord inverclyde had a great grasp of affairs, and was a thorough master of the management of a steamer. he built the "mauretania" and "lusitania," and had he lived he was destined to take a leading position in the country. lord inverclyde was succeeded as chairman by mr. william watson, who died in 1909. [illustration: ss. "umbria," 1884] the inman line ten years after the cunard company was established the late mr. william inman, in conjunction with richardson brothers, of belfast, founded a line of steamers to philadelphia. their first steamer was the "city of glasgow." they shortly after made new york their headquarters in america. mr. inman's policy was to cultivate the emigration trade, which had hitherto been carried by sailing ships; in this he was very successful, and the inman line, which existed for nearly forty years, will be remembered as containing some very fine and fast ships. the last ship mr. inman built, the "city of rome," was certainly the handsomest ship entering the port. mr. inman died in 1881 comparatively young. he was an excellent public-spirited citizen, always ready and willing to help forward any good cause. we saw much of him at windermere, where he loved to spend his holidays, and owned quite a flotilla of craft on the lake. before he died the pride of place on the atlantic had, however, been wrested from his hands by the more enterprising white star company. the inman steamers passed into the hands of the inman and international steamship company, under the direction of the late mr. james spence and mr. edmund taylor, and eventually drifted to southampton, and the old inman line, loved by liverpool people for their handsome ships with their overhanging stems and long graceful lines, is now only a memory. the collins line in 1850 an american line called the collins line started in the new york trade. it consisted of wooden paddle steamers with a tonnage of 2,800. they were for those times most luxuriously fitted. they had straight stems, and were known by their black funnels with red tops. the company was not a financial success, and the steamers were withdrawn in 1858. the white star line the white star line was originally a line of clipper ships trading to australia, and owned by pilkington and wilson. the line was bought by mr. t. h. ismay, who had formed a partnership with mr. imrie. mr. schwabe, of broughton hall, west derby, was a large shareholder in messrs. bibby's mediterranean line, and had, much to his annoyance, been notified that he could not have any further interest in their steamers, and the story goes that over a game of billiards he asked his friend, mr. imrie, to establish a new line to new york, and promised, if he would do so, and would give the order to build the ships to messrs. harland and wolff, he and his friends would take a substantial interest. messrs. ismay, imrie & co. accepted the proposal, and in conjunction with the late mr. g. h. fletcher founded, in 1870, the white star line of steamers to new york, mr. fletcher being associated with mr. ismay in the management. in the design of the "oceanic," "baltic," "atlantic," the first steamers built for the line, mr. harland adopted the novel features to which i have already alluded, and these, with the personal interest which mr. ismay displayed in making travellers by his line comfortable, quickly made the white star company very popular. it was this personal touch which contributed largely to the success of the company, and built up its great prosperity. mr. ismay was a personal friend of whom i saw much in private life. i did not consider his prominent position was due so much to his brilliance, although he was distinctly an able man, as to his personality. he was also very thorough in all he did, and had great initiative. he had the happy gift of winning the confidence of those with whom he was associated, and the power of selecting excellent lieutenants and placing responsibility upon them. he was ambitious--not for honour, for he had refused a baronetcy--but that the white star line should be pre-eminent. i was his guest on board the "teutonic," in 1897, on the occasion of the queen's diamond jubilee; the ship was filled by the leading people of the land. all that was great and distinguished in politics, in literature, and art, etc., were represented. we had also the kaiser wilhelm ii as a visitor. i was struck by mr. ismay's composure and the perfection of all his arrangements. the occasion was also made memorable by the appearance of the "turbinia," sir charles parsons' experimental ship. she rushed about at headlong speed, but always under control, and it was evident that the turbine was destined to become--as it has--a great motive power with immense possibilities. mr. ismay unfortunately did not live to see the completion of his _chef d'oeuvre_, the "oceanic." s. b. guion the guion line occupied for many years an important and distinct position. founded in 1866, their steamers were specially constructed for the emigration trade. after enjoying considerable success, they were unfortunate in adopting new designs which proved very costly experiments. upon the death of mr. guion, in 1885, the steamers were transferred to a public company, which ceased to exist in 1894. mr. guion was very highly esteemed, he was a member of the city council and chairman of the watch committee; his pleasant, genial smile and his little jokes still linger in my memory. [illustration: ss. "oceanic," no. 1, 1870] we have not alluded to the national line, which was established in 1862, and which, after enjoying a fluctuating career of prosperity and adversity, came to an end in 1892. the mediterranean trade in the forties the mediterranean trade was conducted by sailing brigs and fore and aft schooners. the late mr. w. miles moss, of james moss & co., told the story that in 1849, feeling convinced that the time had arrived to introduce steamers, he invited those engaged in the trade to dinner at his house. he gave them his opinion, and added that he had contracted to build a steamer to cost £21,000, and invited his guests to take an interest with him. they responded to the extent of £12,000 only. mr. moss significantly added, "i took the balance." this steamer was the "nile," and was the beginning of the moss, bibby, viana, chapple lines. they all rapidly grew to be enterprises of great importance, and the sources of large wealth. james moss & co. were the pioneers in the steam trade to egypt and the levant, their first steamer being the "nile." the bibby line the bibby line to the mediterranean was established in 1850 by john and james bibby, who had for many years owned a line of small sailing-vessels trading to italy. the success of the line was largely due to the genius of a young man, mr. f. r. leyland, who worked his way up from one of the lower rungs of the ladder, and eventually became the owner of the company. the career of mr. leyland is one of the most remarkable in our annals; receiving but a scant education he became a great linguist, an excellent musician, and as lover and connoisseur of art he had few superiors. mr. leyland's dispute with the great whistler as to the decoration of his peacock room will be remembered by many. the bibby line was revived by the nephews of the messrs. bibby who built up the old bibby line. the present bibby line has made for itself a very leading position in the east indian trade. w. j. lamport the liverpool shipping trade owes much to the late mr. w. j. lamport, who for many years was the nestor of the trade, and also the founder, in co-partnership with mr. george holt, of the firm of lamport & holt. mr. lamport was a very able man and was the author of the first merchant shipping bill. [illustration: ss. "nile," 1850] t. and j. harrison messrs. t. and j. harrison, in the sixties, owned a few iron ships in the calcutta trade, and some small steamers in the charente wine trade. the late mr. james harrison was a genius--some thought he was a little eccentric, but he saw much further than most men, and recognised that there was an opening in the india trade for ships of moderate power that could make their passages with some regularity, and he boldly chartered the ships of messrs. malcolmson, which were large carriers, and with their engines of small power placed right aft, they quickly made a great success. mr. james harrison's mantle fell upon very worthy shoulders in the late mr. john hughes, and under his direction the little charente line developed into the important harrison line of to-day. mr. james harrison's sons are among the foremost of the supporters of our charities, and have contributed largely to the building of our cathedral. alfred holt mr. holt claims a prominent niche in our gallery. he was essentially an inventor and a pioneer. in the early sixties he owned a line of small steamers trading to the west indies, and afterwards he entered the china trade in association with the swires, and was the founder of the prosperous holt line. mr. holt was for long years the advocate of the single engine, which he claimed to be the most economical, and also of models having fine lines and a big rise of floor--claiming that it was most economical in practice to have an easily-driven vessel. experience has, however, demonstrated that ships with full bodies can be more cheaply propelled at moderate speeds. mr. holt was the chairman of the dock board, and was the inventor of the "plateway"; a scheme suggested to be adopted on our highways in order to facilitate the conveyance of heavy goods in competition with the railways, a scheme of which we shall hear more. sir alfred jones the late sir alfred jones was a remarkable personality. he climbed up to the prominent position he eventually occupied by the sheer force of his will and character, backed by marvellous industry. i once asked him why he did not take a partner. his answer was, "i will do so as soon as i can find a man as 'intense' as myself." on my inquiry how he got through his work he replied, "system. my day is mapped out--a certain hour for my steamers, another for my banana trade, another for coal, another for my properties, another for my theatres in the canaries." with all this he spent several days each week in london, taking his correspondence clerks with him on the train and shedding them on the way as he completed his letters. for sheer force of character and power for work, sir alfred was the most remarkable man liverpool has produced in my day. [illustration: sir thomas brocklebank] [illustration: w. miles moss] [illustration: frederick r. leyland] [illustration: sir alfred jones] mr. walter glynn we had in mr. walter glynn a successful manager of the leyland line, and also a very useful member of the dock board. very blunt of speech, his directness of purpose was a very useful quality in public affairs. mr. william johnston mr. william johnston, the founder of the johnston line, devoted himself to the building up of his own business, in which he was most successful. he was the first to recognise and profit by through freight arrangements in connection with the great trunk lines of railway in america. rathbone brothers were among the first to form a line of steamers to calcutta. the "orion," "pleiades," and others, were handsome vessels, but the general impression was that they were not sufficiently large carriers for such a distant trade. mr. william rathbone's memory will be long treasured by liverpool as one of our most useful public men. he represented the town in parliament for many years, and liverpool was never better represented. he had an office at the rear of his private residence in london, where he kept a staff of clerks for his parliamentary business. those were days when a member could initiate and carry through legislation. mr. rathbone took a leading position in the reform of the poor laws, and in the promotion of the first merchant shipping bill. his brother, mr. samuel g. rathbone, devoted his remarkable ability to local affairs, and was a very valuable and leading member of the town council. turner, morrison & co. the owners of the asiatic line, trading on the coast of india, were represented by the late mr. alfred turner, who was one of our most large-hearted citizens. when we failed in the eighties to raise money to build a cathedral on the st. john's site, he defrayed the whole of the initial expenses. he was for some years the president of the seamen's orphanage. sir thos. royden was at one time one of our most prominent shipbuilders. he afterwards devoted his attention entirely to ship owning, in which he was most successful. sir thomas was a tower of strength to the tory party, his eloquence and his smile being among their most valuable assets. sir thomas lived to a good old age, and was always prominent in liverpool affairs. sir arthur forwood founded, in 1865, the west india & pacific co., of which he was the managing director, until he entered parliament. he was a man of striking ability and power of organisation, and was endowed with enormous energy. as the leader of the tory party in liverpool and in the county he did a great work for liverpool, and he became the parliamentary secretary to the admiralty. the booth line the booth line occupies a prominent position, and has built up a large trade with the northern brazilian ports. it was founded by the right hon. charles booth, the philanthropist, and the late mr. alfred booth. the original booth line amalgamated some years ago with messrs. singlehurst & co. * * * * * it is impossible to refer to the many who have been interested in our atlantic steam trade who valiantly bore their part in the struggles of the past. in these days, which have been days of remarkable prosperity, one is apt to forget the struggles of the past, and in no trade were they more severe than in the atlantic. sailing-ship owners among the sailing-ship owners of the day messrs. brocklebank took the lead. their ships, distinguished by a white band, seemed to monopolise the albert and the salthouse docks. they were not only our largest shipowners but our largest merchants, their ships conveying mostly their own cargoes. they were very slow in changing over from sail to steam. mr. ralph brocklebank took an active interest in the affairs of our dock board, and was for many years the chairman. sir thos. brocklebank took a prominent position in politics as a unionist, and both were very public spirited. messrs. rankin, gilmour & co., associated with the old firm of pollock & gilmour, of glasgow, had a large fleet, mostly engaged in the timber trade. mr. robert rankin lived at bromborough hall, and was for many years the chairman of the dock board. the firm is now most worthily represented by mr. john rankin, to whose widespread philanthropy liverpool is so greatly indebted. mr. edward bates was among our principal shipowners. his ships traded with bombay, were built of iron, and bore family names. to the surprise of most people, mr. bates entered parliament. he won the reputation of being the most regular member in his attendance, and was created a baronet. [illustration: "aracan," 1854] among other owners of sailing-ships we had mr. james beazley, who will always live in our kindly memory as the founder of the seamen's orphanage; mr. f. a. clint, mr. david fernie, and others. the australian trade probably the most active trade in the fifties was the australian trade, the gold discoveries attracting a large emigration trade. mr. h. t. wilson (the napoleon of the tory party) was very prominent and active in this trade. he founded the white star line, which he afterwards sold to mr. ismay. mr. james baines (who never appeared to be able to buy a hat sufficiently large to contain his big head), with his henchman, mr. graves, was always active and pushing, and kept the black ball line of australian packets well to the fore. he owned quite a large fleet of clippers, including the celebrated ship the "marco polo," the "james baines," the "donald m'kay," and others. the australian trade did not make fortunes; the soft wooden ships were costly to maintain, and competition became severe. s. r. graves, m.p. was a prominent shipowner. he became one of the members of parliament for liverpool; he was very popular in the house, and his friends expected he would have taken a high position had he lived. he was the popular commodore of the royal mersey yacht club, and his schooner yacht "ierne" will be remembered by many. we must not forget the fruit schooners owned by messrs. glynn & co., which filled the old george's dock. they were the witches of the sea. one of our most flourishing trades was the west coast trade of south america. it was worked by small barques of 400-500 tons, always smart, well-equipped vessels, as they needed to be to do battle with the heavy westerly gales off cape horn. messrs. balfour, williamson & co., who owned many vessels in this trade, made a noteworthy departure in providing a home in duke street for their masters and apprentices when in port. leaders in shipping in bringing these sketches to a close, one feels it may be considered presumptuous to attempt to allot the position which each may claim in building up our shipping prosperity, but we may point to distinctive features in the work of each claiming recognition. i think mr. charles maciver stands out prominently as the founder of our great atlantic trade. mr. t. h. ismay demands our appreciation for the good work he did for the ocean traveller--he made the comfort of the passenger his first consideration. the late mr. w. miles moss can claim to be the pioneer of the mediterranean steam trade. mr. inman was the friend of the irish emigrant. sir alfred jones, the active minded and energetic owner, whose ambition was boundless and success great. and last, but not least, sir edward harland, the great master shipbuilder, whose genius prevailed everywhere, and is still felt. it is very gratifying to be able to record the successful careers of many of our shipowners, who, from small beginnings, have achieved not only wealth, but positions of influence and importance. we have already alluded to mr. ismay, mr. f. r. leyland, and sir alfred jones. the late sir donald currie was for many years head of a department in the cunard co., and became in after years the chairman and principal owner of the cape mail line of steamers; and sir charles cayzer, while in the service of the p. & o. company, saved sufficient to buy a small sailing-vessel, and afterwards associating himself with messrs. arthurs & co., of glasgow, founded the important line of steamers bearing his name. it is a subject for sincere regret that the recent craze for amalgamation has obliterated so many landmarks in the history of our shipping. in a very few years names which were household words with us will have disappeared. ismay, imrie & co., the inman company, the guion line, the west india and pacific, the dominion line, the old bibby line have all already gone, and have become absorbed in still larger companies. the process is still making headway, and in a few years very few of the old companies will be left, and the headquarters of our great shipping industry will be in london. this will not make for the general prosperity of liverpool, and we shall miss the old liverpool shipowner in many ways. it will, however, be always pleasant to think of how nobly he did his duty. messrs. maciver, inman, ismay, allan, beazley, sir alfred jones were all distinguished by their public spirit and their generous support of our charities, particularly those associated with the welfare of the sailor, and no port in the world is so well equipped with institutions which care for his welfare. chapter v our merchant ships and the war _she walks the water like a thing of life and seems to dare the elements to strife._ --byron. the active part taken by our merchant ships in the war, and the brave deeds of our seamen are perhaps too recent to be considered "reminiscent," yet we cannot but feel that any story of the doings of our merchant navy during the past fifty years would be very incomplete without some reference to the noble part it played in the stirring events of the last five years, and how largely it contributed to the glorious and victorious result. the task of giving even a fragmentary account of the part which the mercantile marine took in the mighty conflict is rendered difficult in consequence of the lack of authoritative information, owing to the severe (but very proper) censorship exercised over the press during the war, and we shall have to await the official accounts to enable us to appreciate fully its work. but we know, however, sufficient of the arduous work of our seamen during this period, their courage and endurance in times of stress and peril, and their indomitable pluck in going to sea without any hesitation, knowing by experience the dangers they would encounter, to rank their services among the most valorous in the history of our country. war was declared on the 4th august, 1914. this country was slow in realising the gravity of the situation. "business as usual" expressed the light heart with which we entered upon a campaign which was destined to become a world war, involving us in immense sacrifices, and in responsibilities of which even now we cannot see the end. warlike operations during the first few months were mostly on land. the seas appeared to be well under the control of the navy, and therefore when sailing from liverpool early in december for the canaries, on the "anchises" we did not take seriously into account any danger from a submarine attack, and the only special precaution taken during the voyage out was to summon all hands to their boat-stations with their lifebelts on. when we arrived at las palmas, we saw fourteen german steamers anchored within territorial waters, while their crews had been interned, a british cruiser paying an occasional visit to see that the ships were all still there. [illustration: ss. "aquitania," with convoy, 1918] the sympathy of the people of the canary islands was entirely with germany, which for some time had been carrying on a carefully prepared propaganda. when the time arrived to return home, in april, 1915, the conditions had changed. the germans had declared a submarine blockade on the 18th february. the submarine warfare had become active, and special precautions had to be taken. when passing ushant a destroyer dashed up alongside, and gave the sailing directions upon which we were to proceed going up channel; but even these would not have protected us if we had been a few hours earlier, for a steamer preceding us had been attacked and sunk while following the course we were sailing upon. our ship, the white star steamer "corinthic," was bound from new zealand to london, with a cargo of frozen meat, and also carried many passengers. she was armed with two four-inch guns, manned by a complement of naval gunners. at dover we had to pass through a narrow passage protected by mines on either side; off margate we brought up for the night guarded by a destroyer, while ships of war were continually dashing past. there were evident signs of anxiety and activity, and we began to realise that we were at war, and to consider what could be done to counter the attack of a u boat. we had guns, but when a u boat showed herself, it would be almost too late to fire with effect. we remembered when on board the "mauretania" on a voyage to new york, hearing at a distance of fourteen miles a fog bell ringing under water at the nantucket lightship, and we thought the same principle might be utilized to detect a submarine at some distance by the thud made by the propeller. we also thought of the long distance coming up the channel which our ship had sailed without any protection, and the idea of reverting to the old system of "convoys" suggested itself, and we ventured, on reaching london, to write a letter to the _times_, embodying these ideas, but they were censored by the admiralty, although both were subsequently, after the lapse of three years, introduced, the "convoy" being found the best means of protecting our merchant fleet. when the war broke out suddenly, like a bolt from the blue, we were probably better prepared by sea than by land to meet the onslaught which had been so cunningly devised to take us unawares, for it was undoubtedly the intention of germany to crush us and bring us under her heel within a few months. the fleet had been summoned for a review by his majesty the king, it was, therefore, practically mobilized, and ready at once to take up such positions as would paralyze the movements of the german fleet, but much more than this had to be done, our army had to be transported across the channel, with all its stores and equipment; the forces so nobly supplied by our dominions beyond the seas had to be brought over, and this had to be done by our merchant ships. the seas had to be policed, our commerce had to be carried on and to be protected, and all this with the knowledge that german fleets still existed in the pacific and south atlantic, and also that many armed raiders were about. the rapidity with which all this was organised and carried out reflects the greatest credit upon our navy and merchant service. we managed to land our "contemptible" little army (as the kaiser was pleased to term it) of 170,000 men, and place it in battle array on the belgian soil without our enemy knowing when it arrived or where it was placed, and it was this ignorance of the whereabouts of our forces which we are now told enabled us to turn the defeat of the marne into a victory. on the seas our fleet was able to dispose of the german pacific fleet by sinking it in the battle off the falkland islands. the raiders were, however, successful in destroying much shipping before they were run to earth by our navy, which in the end destroyed or captured them. the credit of destroying the "cap trafalgar" after a severe fight belongs to a liverpool merchant ship, the "carmania." the war, however, developed new engines of maritime warfare--the submarine, the mine, and the seaplane--and our enemies speedily let it be known that they intended to carry out the traditions of their hun forbears, and pursue a ruthless war, in which they would slay every man, woman and child, however peaceful might be their occupations, if they stood in their way--a policy which they carried out with the greatest cruelty, outraging every dictate of humanity. the u boats, whose legitimate sphere was only to attack warships or those carrying troops or munitions, broke the laws of nations, and attacked hospital ships, sinking them with their freight of suffering humanity, passenger steamers, and merchantmen of every kind, not merely sinking them, leaving their people to drown or perish, but in many cases adding to their death struggles by firing upon them while in the water, or turning them adrift in their boats hundreds of miles away from the land. germany had realised at an early date in the war that she had no chance of defeating our navy in regular warfare, and that the submarine was not a very effective weapon against a battleship; and therefore, after declaring a submarine blockade of british commerce, entered upon a submarine campaign against our merchant shipping, in which she met with varying success. between the 24th february and the 13th october, 1916, she sank 183 ships and 144 fishing vessels, the highest number in one week being 35; and in the following year, between february 26th and november 18th (in nine months) the german submarine sank 661 vessels of over 1,600 tons, 247 under 1,600 tons, and 161 fishing craft; the number of ships unsuccessfully attacked being 550. during the war upwards of 8,000 british sailors lost their lives through submarine attacks. [illustration: ss. "oceanic," no. 2, 1899] submarines which at first were limited in the range of their operations by the amount of fuel they could carry, and could only conduct their nefarious warfare within the waters immediately surrounding great britain, were eventually built of sufficient size to be able to destroy our shipping when two or three hundred miles to the west of ireland, and two or three u boats were constructed large enough to cross the atlantic and destroy some shipping on the american coast; they were also armed with guns, which they freely used. various estimates were put out as to the number of submarines afloat. they seemed to ever increase in numbers, and in their boldness and unscrupulous mode of warfare. sometimes their attacks slacked off, as we are now told, while the kaiser had passing qualms of conscience. their movements were directed by wireless, and there is little doubt that they had sympathizers on the british coast, from whom they received information. the sinking of our shipping became alarming, sometimes, at the week-ends, the total reaching twenty and more steamers for the two days. this was the condition of things with which our merchant fleet had to contend. traversing day by day and hour by hour waters reeking with death and destruction, they knew that a submarine attack probably meant death to a large number of the people on board, perhaps all; but the british sailors heeded it not, their country's call sounded in their ears, and without hesitation they went to sea, not only in ships engaged in commerce, but also in vessels acting as armed cruisers and as patrol ships, sweeping the seas in search of the enemy's raiders; or as transports, in which they conveyed nearly a million of british troops from the most distant parts of the world, and two millions of american troops across the atlantic, with all their munitions of war and all their impedimenta. such a brilliant performance must for all time stand forth as one of the greatest achievements in the world's history. nor was the great and heroic work of our sailors limited to merchant ships. our fishing fleets, fitted as minesweepers, carried on without flinching, the highly dangerous task of sweeping the seas to find and destroy the mines which the enemy had strewn in all its pathways. even their mines were diabolically constructed to destroy innocent life, for contrary to international law, they remained active even after they were detached from their moorings, and were floating about. they were also sown by night, in the busy channels frequented by cross channel steamers and our fishing fleets. that all this was carefully thought out and "according to plan," is proved by the fact they could and did discriminate where and what their submarines attacked, for the isle of man boats were immune from attack, because it was known that they regularly carried large numbers of german prisoners of war. the patrol and mine-sweeping services conducted by our fishermen and many yachtsmen were most arduous, exposed not only to submarines and mines, but to the cruel, cold winter weather and heavy seas; yet they never faltered in their duty. the sea along the east coast of england is sown with wreckage of steamers and fishing craft destroyed while pursuing their ordinary and innocent trades. the irish sea and the north channel are also strewn with the remains of british shipping. for four years or more british ships followed their calling, passing through seas bristling with dangers, and the people of this country, which depends upon its overseas traffic for their daily bread, went about as usual, and suffered no actual privation from the shortage of food. such was the position of things--the dangers which our merchant ships had to encounter, and the problems which our navy had to attack and to conquer. the versatility of our navy is proverbial. it has been well said "a sailor is a jack of all trades." a distinguished officer recently stated that when he retired from the navy, he bought a brewery, which he worked for some years, and brewed the best beer in the district. he then laid a submarine cable for the american government, and ended up by managing a foreign coal-mine. such is the remarkable adaptability of our naval men. it is not, therefore, surprising that when the submarine menace developed itself our navy was not slow in devising means of counter-attack, and of destroying the u boats. destroyers and even submarines chased them, dropping depth charges containing high explosives, which were fatal if they struck the submarine, and even the concussion of the explosion at a considerable distance placed their electric batteries _hors de combat_. wire netting protected our ships while at anchor, and was used to form a barrier across the channel and to protect our ports. it was found that u boats could be seen from an aeroplane when they were some depth under the water. aeroplanes were, therefore, used to hunt the submarine, and indicate its position to an accompanying destroyer, or the aeroplane itself dropped a depth charge. underwater listening apparatus was invented, by which the thud of the propeller of a submarine could be distinctly heard, and the position of the submarine approximately ascertained. mystery-ships, fully armed, but having the appearance of an innocent coasting vessel, traversed the adjacent seas, but the most successful protection afforded to our transports and to our commerce was the adoption of the old system of "convoys." convoys were seldom very successfully attacked, and ships lost while being convoyed did not exceed 3 per cent. the convoy system required very careful organisation. ships have different speeds and different destinations, so we had convoys for ships of varying swiftness. we had not sufficient war ships or destroyers to act as convoys from shore to shore in the atlantic, therefore the convoys crossing the ocean were only under the protection of a ship of war, and only met their escort fleet of destroyers when they reached the danger zone. at a given point the convoy broke up, some ships going up the st. george's channel to liverpool, the others proceeding to london and the channel ports. the convoy system in the later stages of the war became very perfect, and although some enemy submarines boldly penetrated the protecting line of destroyers, and sank a few ships, they seldom got away again, and the knowledge of this had a very wholesome and a very deterrent effect. the valuable services performed by both english and american destroyers to our mercantile marine deserves the highest praise. the appearance of the river mersey upon the arrival of a convoy was something to be remembered. sometimes a convoy would consist of twenty or thirty large merchantmen, all dazzle-painted, stretching out in a long line from new brighton to the sloyne, while their escort of british and american destroyers made their rendezvous at the birkenhead floating stage. admiral scheer, in his book, allows that the germans lost half of their submarines, a considerable number he says were always under repair, and the difficulty of obtaining crews was an increasing one. therefore, we think that it can be claimed that our navy had already mastered the u boat menace when the war ended. to make it difficult for a submarine to find the range at which to fire their torpedos, our ships were carefully camouflaged or dazzle-painted, and presented a very grotesque and strange appearance, no two ships being alike. the painting was carefully designed, in many cases by an artist of eminence, the object being to confuse the eyes of a spectator at a distance. in some cases the ship was made to appear as if going the opposite way to that upon which she was actually proceeding. in others the ship gave the appearance of going at a much greater speed than that at which she was actually steaming. in others the ship at a distance had the appearance of being much shorter than she really was. in all these cases the submarine would have difficulty in ascertaining how far his quarry was away from him, which way she was proceeding, and how fast she was going. in order to render a submarine attack still more ineffective, our ships during the day time followed a zig-zag course, proceeding for a given period on a certain course, then suddenly changing it by several degrees, thus rendering it difficult for a submarine to get into a position to fire a torpedo. [illustration: ss. "mauretania," camouflaged, 1918 built 1907] another device adopted by our ships when pursued by a submarine was to throw out a smoke screen, which for some minutes entirely hid them from the enemy, enabling them to alter their course and steal away from their pursuers. the promiscuous mine-laying was a source of many disasters, but fortunately the invention of the "paravane" by a naval officer, proved an excellent protection. it consisted of two long steel bars, one on either side of the ship, attached at one end to the bows a few feet below the water, and at the other to an "otter," which, as the ship proceeded, spread the bars out and kept them away from the ship's side. when a mine was struck, the buoy-rope of the mine slid down and along the bar, and when it reached the "otter" the rope was caught and cut by a steel knife, and the mine was sunk. sufficient has been said to prove the very active and noble part taken by our mercantile marine during the war. although we do not claim that they won the war, we can, at least, say that the war could not have been won without them. we would also wish to bear testimony to the excellent spirit displayed by the royal navy to the merchant navy. they were in the highest and best sense "comrades-in-arms," and we in liverpool also gratefully recognize our debt to the united states. american destroyers were continually in the mersey. we admired their seamanlike trim, and the smartness of the officers and crews, and we appreciate the excellent and arduous work they did in safeguarding our convoys, which not only demanded the exercise of great skill, but called forth courage and endurance. chapter vi shipping and the war _the following chapter was published during the war, and fairly describes the attitude taken by shipowners towards the war, and the great work they successfully performed._ 1.--now and after it is unfortunate that no adequate statement has been forthcoming setting before the public the important services shipowners are performing for the country, and the serious position of the shipping industry. even in the house of commons the voice of the shipowner has never been effectively raised. it is no exaggeration to say that the shipping interest of great britain has sacrificed more than any other leading industry--and the country does not realise the serious difficulties which are in front of shipowners if they are to "carry on" after the war and maintain our maritime position. indeed, so far from the true position of the shipowner being realised, there appears to be a general impression that he has made undue profits out of the war, and is still in a privileged position, and is gathering in exceptional riches. it will scarcely be disputed that the material prosperity of the country depends upon the existence of a great mercantile marine, and that our shipping industry is vital to the existence of the nation. in times of peace we depend upon it to feed and clothe our people, and to bring us the necessary raw products, the manufacturing of which gives employment to our industrial population. we are apt to forget that we live upon an island, and with the exception of coal and iron, we depend almost entirely upon our shipping to supply the wants of our forty-five millions of people and to maintain our industries. were it not for our merchant ships the present war could not have been carried on. it would, ere now, have been lost, and the people of this country would be in the grip of famine. nor have our shipowners merely supplied our commercial wants; our merchant ships have been turned into armed cruisers, patrol ships, hospital ships, and transports, and have thus rendered the most effective assistance in the conduct of the war. anyone who realises these facts will see how important it is that our shipping interest should be supported, so that it may be in a position to resume its activities; and that its individuality should not be crushed and extinguished by government control and bureaucracy. as a proof of the successful enterprise of our shipowners in the twenty years prior to the war, our tonnage increased from 8,653,543 tons to 19,145,140 tons, and we owned 43 per cent. of the world's shipping. [illustration: ss. "olympic," 1911] it may be well to deal at once with the allegation that shipowners have made excessive profits. there is no doubt that during the first two years of the war ships earned large freights, not, however, due to what is commonly called "profiteering," but simply because the government hesitated to check the imports of merchandise of a bulky character. after the government had taken up the tonnage necessary for their transport purposes, what remained was not sufficient to convey the produce pressing for shipment. if imports had been regulated as they are now, the pressure for freight room would have been reduced and freights kept within moderate limits. the urgent need for checking imports of a bulky character was, i know, urged upon the government by shipowners who foresaw the scramble for freight space, but the government failed to respond to these representations. their hands were very full, the tonnage problem was a new and difficult one, opening up many embarrassing questions, viz., as to what imports should be checked, the effect of this upon our manufacturers, and what would be the result of checking trade in one direction, in causing its dislocation in another, and the consequent disturbance of our foreign exchanges. all these and others were points upon which we had little or no experience to guide us, and the position was aggravated by the loss of tonnage due to the ravages of the submarine. taking a calm view of the retrospect, and the gigantic and unique task with which the government has been faced, they have accomplished their work with fewer blunders than might have been expected. after all, freights have not bulked largely in the increased cost of produce; a freight of £10 per ton is only 1d per pound. if we are to find the true cause of our high cost of living we must look at the inflation and consequent depreciation of our currency, the high rate of wages, and increased spending power of our working classes, and the indifferent harvests of last year in all parts of the world. the high freights earned by our shipping in 1914, 1915, and part of 1916 naturally caused the value of shipping to rapidly advance. very few new merchant ships were being constructed; ships were being destroyed, and shipowners possessing established lines were forced to buy to maintain their services, and thus the value of secondhand steamers advanced to two, three, and even four times their pre-war values. many holders, especially of tramp steamers, sold out and realised great fortunes, and these unexpected and unprecedented profits unfortunately escaped taxation, on the ground that they represented a return of capital; and it is these profits that have appeared unduly large in the public eye. the shipowners who remained in business, and this comprised the great majority, were deprived of 80 per cent. of all their profits above their pre-war datum, and afterwards this tax on their excess profits was relinquished, and the government requisitioned all tonnage on what are known as blue book rates--which on the basis of the present value of shipping yield only a poor return. it is difficult to understand why the government should have placed shipping on a basis of taxation differing from all other industries--it is the industry which beyond all others is essential to the conduct of the war, and which is exceptionally subject to depreciation. the chancellor of the exchequer (the right hon. a. bonar law) was undoubtedly carried away by his own amateur experience as a shipowner, and thought there was no limit to the extent he might filch away the shipowner's earnings, little recking that if the shipowner is unable to put on one side a reserve to replace the tonnage he loses, he is forced to go out of the trade; and also utterly disregarding the rapid headway being made by neutral countries, who are profiting by the high freights and using their profits to greatly extend their mercantile fleets. in estimating the financial results of our shipowning industry during the early period of the war, allowance must be made for the increased cost of working a steamer. coals, wages, insurance, port charges, and cost of repairs, and upkeep were all very high; indeed, it may be said that the nett results to the shipowner of the high freights which prevailed in 1915 and 1916 were not very excessive when all these things are considered, for in addition to the increased cost of working, there was heavy depreciation to provide for, the shipowner suffered a complete dislocation of his trade, and in many cases lost his entire fleet, the creation of long years of toil, and with this his means of making a livelihood. 2.--difficulties of restoration we have considered the position of shipping as the paramount industry of the country--its great services in the conduct of the war, and what it is suffering in consequence of the diffusion of fairy tales of the excessive profits made by shipowners. we can now turn our attention to the extraordinary difficulties which stand in the way of the restoration of the shipping industry, which are fraught with considerable peril to the future of our empire. shipping may be divided into two classes, both of which are of national importance. the liners, which comprise fixed services of passenger and cargo ships. these services must be maintained, and new tonnage built at whatever cost to replace lost ships. the other class is our cargo ships. many of these conduct regular services; others are what are known as "tramps," and go where the best freights offer. it is the owners of the tramp steamers who have realised large profits by selling their ships. the government in their shipping policy have entirely failed to discriminate between these classes, not recognising that the liner services involve a complete and costly system of organisation both at home and abroad, which, once dislocated, is difficult to restore. the urgency for additional cargo ships prevents the building of liners, and there must be a considerable shortage of this description of vessel when the war ends. probably the cause which has been most detrimental and disastrous to shipping was the obstinacy of the admiralty in declining to recognise the urgent necessity for building more merchant ships. they filled all the yards with admiralty work, and when the violence of the submarine attack aroused the nation to a sense of the danger before it, and the cry went up throughout the land "ships, ships, and still more ships," the government then--only then--responded, and decided that further merchant ships must be built at once. there was great delay in giving effect to their decision to build "standard" ships--plans had to be submitted and obtain the approval of so many officials that many months elapsed before the keel of the first standard ship was laid, and in the meanwhile the losses through the submarine attack continued. the destruction of tonnage by submarine attack in 1917 assumed very serious proportions, but latterly the number of vessels sunk has been gradually reduced, and we have the recent assurance of the secretary to the admiralty that our methods of dealing with submarines have improved, and that we are now achieving considerable success in destroying them. the following statement gives the position to-day in gross tonnage:- 1917. u.k. world. sunk 4,009,537 6,623,623 built 1,163,474 2,937,785 nett loss 2,846,063 3,685,838 january-march, 1918. sunk 687,576 1,123,510 built 320,280 864,607 nett loss 367,296 258,903 the nett loss of british tonnage of 367,296 tons during the first three months of 1918 was still very serious, but we were told that we were making distinct progress in our rate of shipbuilding, and the following returns seem to bear this out. the united kingdom monthly output of new ships from may, 1917, was in tons:- may 69,773 june 109,847 july 83,073 august 102,060 september 63,150 october 148,309 november 158,826 december 112,486 january 58,568 february 100,038 march 161,674 april 111,533 in the year ended april, 1917, new u.k. ships totalled 749,314 tons, and for the year ended april, 1918, 1,279,337 tons. the growing scarcity of shipping, the urgent need of providing tonnage for the food supplies, not only for this country, but also for our allies, forced the government to consider in what way they could make the most economical use of the tonnage available. the position was rendered more acute by the entry of america into the war, and the adoption of the "convoy" system as a protection against submarine attack. there were two policies open for adoption by the government. one was to marshal and organise shipowners, and place in their hands the provision of the necessary tonnage, thus securing the co-operation and assistance of trained specialists. the other policy was to "control" the trade, requisition the whole of our shipping, and to work it themselves. they unfortunately adopted the latter policy, and by so doing they not only lost the individual enterprise and supervision of the trained shipowners, but practically placed shipowners out of business, and this at a time when "neutrals," who continue to benefit by the high freights, are making rapid strides as shipowners. the shipping control, under the able direction of sir alexander maclay, is doing its work on the whole better than might have been expected--thanks to the voluntary assistance of many of our younger shipowners. under the control, the shipowner is paid at rates laid down in the blue book, and without going into figures it may be roughly stated that on the pre-war values of steamers these rates leave him 6 per cent. or 7 per cent. on his capital, and 6 per cent. for depreciation, but on to-day's values the return upon his capital is very poor. a steamer now costs to build at least three times its pre-war cost. therefore, it is obvious a provision of 15 per cent. for interest and depreciation on pre-war cost is only 5 per cent. on to-day's values. this affords no inducement to enterprise, and it is not surprising that many shipowners have gone out of business. the government control has taken ships out of the long voyage trades and placed them in the atlantic trade, where they are required as transports and for the conveyance of food. this policy, which was perhaps inevitable, may involve far-reaching consequences. the long voyage trades have been built up by shipowners at a heavy cost, and are also the creation of generations. these services involve costly adjuncts in the shape of docks, piers, barges, repairing shops, branch steamers, and through traffic arrangements. it may be said all this will be recovered after the war; but this loses sight of the difficulty of regaining a trade once its associations and connections are severed; and also of the probable competition of america and neutral countries. certainly, the blue book rates give no compensation for such a disturbance. the government are making huge profits out of shipping, but what becomes of these profits we have been unable to discover; they do not appear in any returns we have seen. but the time has arrived when the "blue book" rates require to be revised--this, in view of the heavy cost of the repairs which will be necessary when the war is over, and the necessity of placing the shipowner in a position to replace his tonnage at the enhanced prices which will prevail. 3.--problems to come with peace we can now proceed to consider what will be the position of shipping after the war. this involves much clear thinking, and the discussion of several questions upon which no definite statement can be at present made. we start with a tonnage deficit as compared with 1914 of approximately 3,000,000 tons. the output of new tonnage at present falls short of our losses; last quarter to the extent of 367,296 tons. this is serious, but we are gradually overtaking it. we built last quarter 320,280 tons, and other countries did still better, turning out 864,607 tons, and it would appear as if we might now claim with some confidence that while the curve of the destruction by submarines is decreasing, the curve of the output of tonnage is increasing, and we may reasonably hope that at the end of the year our gains and losses of tonnage will balance. this will leave us still to make good the losses by submarine prior to this year. we have also to keep in mind that our shipbuilding yards are still much occupied with admiralty work and with the repair of ships damaged by submarine attack. after the war the government will have to demobilise, and the repatriation of armies comprising 5,000,000 men, with their munitions and impedimenta, can scarcely occupy less than two years, and will engage probably one-third of our available tonnage. europe will be very short of raw materials of every kind; the importation of them will be very urgent, and food will also be short for some time. with the heavy weight of taxation which we shall have to bear, an increased output of manufactures will be necessary if the prosperity of the country is to be restored. this will not be possible without an abundant supply of raw materials. the repatriation of our armies and the urgent need for raw produce would indicate that the government will retain their control of shipping for some time after the war. the british and american governments are building standard and wooden merchant ships, but they will not last long, and will have to be replaced by more substantial and suitable vessels. the prospect before shipowners, therefore, is that there will be a prolonged period of government control and of high freights, which will greatly benefit neutral shipowners. and the serious question arises, how is the british merchant service to be built up again? the position is one full of difficulty. prices of new ships will probably rule very high, and the blue book rates afford no encouragement to build. in america, france, and germany the difficulty will probably be solved by the granting of subventions; but in this country we have a profound distrust of subventions, as they are invariably associated with government control, which has always been destructive of enterprise. nothing could be more unfortunate than the prolongation of the shipping control one day longer than is necessary. it is undoubtedly paralysing the industry, and any attempt, such as has been fore-shadowed, to nationalise shipping would be most disastrous. how could a state department administer the shipping industry of this country in competition with foreign private enterprise? the national control of our shipping and other leading industries may be expedient in the present war crisis, but it has taught us that the nationalisation of any industry penalises it with so many restrictions, and surrounds it with so many unnecessary difficulties that it is foredoomed to failure, and would inflict infinite damage to the prosperity of the country. advances of money by the government at a low rate of interest would no doubt be an encouragement--and those shipowners who can afford to be bold and accept the position will probably be rewarded; but to go on building ships at the very high prices may be beyond the prudent reach of the average private shipowner. this rather points to the creation of large companies. in shipowning, as in every other department of industrial life, "scale" may be the dominant factor, and the shipowning companies who, during the war, have been able to lay by large reserves, will find themselves in a position of great advantage. in view of the necessity for strengthening the hands of shipowners and enabling them to carry on in the difficult times before them, the government is making a mistake in not giving more encouragement to shipowners. experience teaches us that shipowners may be trusted to quickly adopt every modern means to work their ships economically, and to adapt them to the trades they serve; but do our port authorities equally recognise their duties to provide the most up-to-date methods and machinery for the handling of our cargoes? we may economise in the working of our ships at sea, but if on their arrival in port they have to wait for berths to discharge and load, and if these operations are hampered by the lack of mechanical appliances or labour, the shipowners' exertions are in vain. nor does the difficulty end here: docks lose their value and attractiveness if the cost of moving cargoes from the ship's side to the warehouse, or to the manufacturing districts, forms a heavy addition to the freight. in liverpool we have, unfortunately, the costly, cumbrous, and old-fashioned system of cartage still prevailing. there is a lack of good road approaches to the docks and railway termini--a wholly inadequate means of conducting the cross-river traffic. our trade has out-grown our railway communications with the interior, and our railways continue, as they have always done, to strangle our trade by their excessive charges, and thus to deprive our port of the advantage of its unique geographical position. we want cheap and abundant water, and cheap electrical energy to extend our local manufacturing industries. all these things point to a quickening of dock board methods, but still more to the awakening of the city council to its responsible duties as the custodians of a great seaport, and the urgent necessity that they should do their part in its restoration and development, and make it ready to do its share in the revival of trade after the war. our city fathers cannot rest content with carrying out what disraeli, in one of his ironical moods, called "a policy of sewage." we want a wider outlook, and a more generous appreciation of the fact that liverpool depends upon her commerce. every expenditure which the city has made in the past upon its development has resulted not only in its growth and prosperity, but in the well-being of her people. the british mercantile marine has for long been the envy of neighbouring nations, who are watching the opportunity to seize the business which our ships have been compelled to abandon. we have lost a large proportion of our tonnage, and what is left is taken out of the control of the shipowner. the situation constitutes a serious national danger, and we may some day awake to the fact that we have lost beyond recovery the industry which is above and beyond all others, the great national asset, and shall rue the day when our chancellor of the exchequer became interested in four small vessels and drew conclusions from his experience which are not supported by the wider and more expert knowledge of the shipowner. such is the present position of shipping and its future outlook- a considerable reduction in the available tonnage. government control for a lengthened period. high freights and high cost of new ships. the probability of a great increase in american and neutral shipping. we cannot leave the subject without indicating that everything may be greatly changed by the attitude of labour. if the present "ca-canny" and "down tool" policies are to continue it is difficult to see how we can recover our prosperity. labour will have to realise that it has its value, and that the receipt of wages carries with it the obligation to give an honest day's work. and equally employers will have to recognise that labour must have a fuller share of the fruits of their labour and better conditions of life. strikes will not settle these matters; they only serve to intensify distrust and ill-feeling. we must hope that our men returning from the front will have a wider outlook and altered views of life, and that employers will also generously recognise the changed conditions. we trust also that the whitley report may be quickly followed by the establishment of industrial councils, and that these councils will be able to promote confidence and good feeling and remove the friction and distrust which has too long existed between capital and labour. meanwhile a propaganda might be started to instruct our people in those elementary principles of economic science which govern their labour, and about which so much ignorance unhappily prevails. chapter vii the "red jacket" a reminiscence of 1857 we are justly proud of the development of our steamships--their size, speed, and magnificent equipment--and we are apt to forget that this has always been characteristic of british shipping. in the old sailing-ship days, about 1850-1860, a walk round the prince's dock, crowded with clipper ships, was something to fill an englishman with pride. the beautiful symmetry of the hull, the graceful sweep of the sheer fore and aft, the tautness of the spars, the smartness of the gear and equipment attracted the eye; but, perhaps, above all, the romance of the sea attached itself to the sailing-ship and appealed to the imagination in a way which does not gather round a steamer, however large and magnificent. we realised that the sailing-ship had to do battle with wind and waves in far distant seas single-handed, relying entirely upon her sails and equipment and the skill of her crew; whereas a steamer tells us at once of her unseen power which makes her independent of winds and weather, and enables her to make her voyages with almost the regularity of the railway train. all this, the achievement of the steam engine and the development of the screw propeller, is very splendid to think upon, but the old romance of the sea has gone. the inspiring and wonderful sight of the liverpool docks, a forest of the masts of english and american clippers; the river mersey at high water, alive with splendid sailing vessels leaving or entering our docks, and at anchor in a line extending from the sloyne to new brighton, or towing out to sea, or may be sailing in from sea under their own canvas--all was activity and full of life and motion. i remember seeing one of brocklebank's ships--the "martaban," of 600 tons--sailing into the george's dock basin under full canvas; her halliards were let go, and sails were clewed up so smartly that the ship as she passed the pierhead was able to throw a line on shore and make fast. it is difficult in these days to realise such a thing being possible. it was skill supported by discipline. when i was young i was a keen yachtsman, and had the good fortune to make a voyage to australia in one of the most famous of our clipper ships, the "red jacket." some account of the first few days of my voyage may be of interest, and bring into contrast the ease and luxury enjoyed on board an atlantic liner, with the hard life on board a first-class clipper ship. it is not too much to say that on board an atlantic liner the weather does not count; on board an old sailing-ship the weather meant everything. [illustration: "red jacket," 1854] the "red jacket" was built in maine, in 1854. she was 2,006 tons. her length was 260 feet, and her beam 44 feet. she was an extremely good-looking ship. her figurehead was a full-length representation of "red jacket," a noted indian chieftain. she had been purchased by pilkington & wilson for £30,000, for their white star line of australian packets. on her voyage from new york she had made the passage in thirteen days one hour--on one day she logged 415 miles. on the morning of the 20th november, 1857, i embarked by a tender from the liverpool pierhead. it was nearly the top of high water. the crew were mustered on the forecastle, under the 1st mate, mr. taylor. an order comes from the quarter-deck, "heave up the anchor and get under way." "aye, aye, sir." "now then, my boys, man the windlass," shouts the mate, and to a merry chantie: in 1847 paddy murphy went to heaven to work upon the railway, a-working on the railway, the railway, the railway, oh, poor paddy works upon the railway. a good chantie man is a great help in a ship's crew. a song with a bright topical chorus takes half the weight off a long or a heavy haul. the chain cable comes in with a click, click of the windlass falls. "the anchor is away, sir," shouts the chief officer. "heave it a-peak and cathead it," comes from the quarter-deck, and the tug "retriever" forges ahead, and tightens the towrope as we gather way. bang, bang, went the guns, and twice more, for we were carrying the mails, and good-bye to old liverpool, and the crowds which lined the pierhead cheered, for the "red jacket" was already a famous ship, and it was hoped she would make a record passage. next morning we were off holyhead, with a fresh westerly breeze and southerly swell. we were making but poor headway, and shortly the hawser parted. "all hands on deck" was shouted by captain o'halloran, and a crew of eighty men promptly appeared on deck, for we carried a double crew. "loose sails fore and aft; hands in the tops and cross-trees to see that all is clear and to overhaul gear; let royals and skysails alone." the boatswain's whistle sounded fore and aft as the men quickly took their positions and laid hold of the halyards and braces. "mr. taylor, loose the head-sails." "aye, aye, sir." the topsails, courses, and topgallant sails were all loose and gaskets made up. "sheet home your topsails." "aye, aye, sir." "now, then, my men, lead your topsail halyards fore and aft, and up with them." away the crew walk along with the halyards, and then with a long pull and a pull all together the topsail yards are mastheaded to the chantie:- then up the yard must go, whiskey for my johnny, oh, whiskey for the life of man, whiskey, johnny. "'vast heaving--belay there. now brace up the yards, all hands on the lee fore braces." so handy my boys, so handy, sang the chantie man. "pass along the watch tackle, and have another pull. that will do. belay there, and man the main braces. down tacks." the jibs are run up and the spanker hauled out, and the good ship "red jacket" like a hound released from the leash, bounds forward, and runs the knots off the log reel. captain o'halloran was hanging on to the rail to windward, munching, not smoking, his cigar, with an anxious eye to windward, asking himself, "dare i do it? will she carry them? yes, i think she will. mr. taylor, stand by the royals, haul on the weather braces, steady the yard while the youngsters lay aloft--up boys"; and half a dozen or so youngsters scampered up the rigging, over the tops, and through the cross-trees, and quickly were the royals loosed and sheeted home. "well done lads--tie up the gaskets--clear the clew lines and come down." but we not only wanted all sails, but every sail well set, for we were close on the wind. jibs and staysails, courses and topsails, topgallant sails and royals must be braced sharp up at the same angle to the wind, and every tack and sheet pulling doing its work. the good ship felt that she had the bit in her mouth, and bounded along, throwing the seas in sparkling cascades to port and starboard. the man at the wheel kept his eyes upon the weather-luff of the fore royal, and kept the sail just on the tremble, so as not to lose an inch to windward. as evening approached, the wind increased with squalls, the captain looked anxious, and shouted to mr. taylor, "see that all the halyards are clear, run life-lines fore and aft, sand the decks, and see that the lee scuppers are free." so the good ship plunged along, occasionally taking a sea over the bows, and in some of her lurches pushing her lee rail under water and throwing spray fore and aft; she was just flirting with the weather, romping along, seemingly enjoying every moment, and revelling in her element. "keep her going," shouted the captain to the man at the wheel, "full and bye; just ease her a few spokes when the squall strikes her." a loud report like a cannon--the second jib is blown clear out of the bolt ropes. "hands forward--bend a new jib"--not an easy matter with seas coming over the forecastle; but with haul in the bowline, the bowline haul the sail was mastheaded. "mr. taylor, heave the log." "aye, aye, sir." "what is she doing?" "eighteen knots, sir, on the taffrail." "good, we shall make over 400 knots by noon tomorrow." and we did. we need not say that passengers under these conditions were not at home, or, indeed, wanted on deck, and the fifty saloon passengers and 600 steerage were on such days kept below in an atmosphere which was stifling; but this was rather an exceptional day. we had also soft, bright, sunny days, when life was a delight, a luxury, a dream, and the sea heavenly, but we had something exciting almost every day--sail splits, spars and gear carried away, albatross circling overhead, cape pigeons, icebergs off kerguelen land, and finally we made port philip heads in sixty-four days--the record passage. bravo, "red jacket." i leave my readers to mentally compare a passenger's life on the "red jacket"--with its spirit of sport and adventure, its romance, its daily happenings, and its hardships--with the luxury on such a ship as the "aquitania" or "olympic" with all their attractions of a first-class hotel, bridge parties, dancing, and entertainment of every kind, regardless of weather--with everything, in fact, but that spirit of adventure which appeals so strongly to the imagination of the britisher, and which, after all, has built up his character and made him the doughty man he is either on land or at sea. chapter viii the "queen of the avon" a reminiscence of 1858 the old-fashioned sailing-ship was handicapped by her inability to contend successfully with strong head winds. after the continuance of a succession of north-west gales the river mersey and our docks became crowded and congested with outward bound ships waiting for a shift of wind to enable them to get away, and when this took place the river was a wonderful sight. i remember, as a boy, standing on the shore at seaforth and counting over three hundred sailing vessels of all sorts and sizes working their way out to sea on the ebb tide between the rock light and the formby light ship, and interspersed among them were also a number of sailing-ships towing out to sea. this crowd of shipping was not only very picturesque, with their divers rigs and tanned sails, but was interesting, as it contained many types of vessel now extinct. the "brig," square-rigged on both masts, was a good-looking, weatherly craft; the "billie boy," carrying a square sail forward and a jigger aft; the sloop, which did most of our coasting work, had a big square-cut mainsail and jib; and the old dutch galliot, with her bluff bows and paint of many colours; all these have now practically disappeared. the most trying winds, however, were the easterly gales, which prevailed in november and december, and also in the spring. with easterly gales blowing i have known liverpool to be a closed port for weeks together, few or no vessels entering it; and more than once this blockade of our port by easterly gales had a serious effect upon our stocks of cotton and produce. the inward-bound fleet was caught in the chops of the channel, and was there detained until the wind changed. it is of such an experience i wish to write. i had gone out to australia in the celebrated clipper "red jacket." at sydney i took my passage home in a small barque of 400 tons, called "queen of the avon." i was the only passenger, and selected this little ship purposely that i might learn something of the practical working of a ship at sea. i told the captain of my wish, and found him quite sympathetic, and he offered to teach me navigation; but when i showed him the log i had kept on the "red jacket," and the many observations i had taken and worked out, he said he felt he could not teach me much. he, however, agreed to my taking my trick at the wheel, and going aloft when reefing or making sail. when the ship was ready for sea the police brought off our crew, for, in consequence of the lure of the goldfields, it was only possible for a ship to keep her crew by interning them with the police while she was in port--in other words, placing them in gaol. the police and the crew soon set our topsails and foresail, and with a fair wind we quickly passed down sydney's beautiful harbour. when we reached the entrance the police, getting into their boat, left us, and we started upon our long voyage to valparaiso. from valparaiso we proceeded to guayaquil, where we loaded a cargo of cocoa for falmouth for orders. our voyage was uneventful. i obtained the knowledge of seamanship i desired, for we were fortunate in having in our small crew an old man-of-war's man named amos. amos was a splendid man, a stalwart in physique, and most estimable in character. he quickly took the lead in the forecastle, and exercised great moral influence. no "swear word" was heard when old amos was present. when reefing he had the post of honour at the weather earing, and when he got astride the yardarm the weather earing was bound to come home. he taught me my knots, bends, and splices, and looked after me when aloft. at the end of ninety days we sighted the wolf rock off the land's end. in the afternoon we were off the lizard, and stood off shore to clear the manacle rocks. the crew were busy hauling up the cables from the chain locker, for we expected to be in falmouth before sunset, and all hands were bright and gay at the early prospect of being on shore once more. the wind, however, became more easterly, and when we again tacked we failed to clear the manacles. standing out again we were blown off the land, and thirty days elapsed before we again made the manacles, during which time we battled day after day with a succession of easterly gales. we were blown off as far west as the meridian of the fastnet; then we got a slant, and crawled up as far as the scillies, only to be blown off again. it was monotonous and weary work; standing inshore during the day and off-shore at night, mostly under double-reefed or close-reefed topsails, or hove to with a heavy sea running. indeed, we met many ships which apparently had given up the contest, and remained hove-to waiting for a change of wind. we had some bright sunny days, but mostly drab grey atlantic days, and an easterly wind always. at the end of ten days h.m.s. "valorus," a paddle sloop, came within hailing distance, and offered to supply us with fresh provisions. this offer our skipper declined, much to the disappointment of his crew, for our hencoops had been empty for weeks, and our one sheep and two pigs had been consumed long ago, and we were living upon hard biscuit and salt tack, boiled salt beef and plum duff one day and roast pork and pea soup the next. there was no variation; our food had become distinctly monotonous. the crowd of ships thus weather-bound increased day by day--ships from calcutta and bombay, deeply-laden rice ships from rangoon, and large heavily-laden american ships with guano from the chinchas. some we met almost daily; others came upon the scene now and again, and we welcomed them as old friends. the only vessels that got through to their port of destination in spite of the easterly gales were the fruit schooners conveying cargoes of oranges from the azores. they were smart brigantines--perfect witches of the sea--well handled, and they never missed a chance. they seemed to have the power of sailing right into the teeth of the wind. at the end of a further ten days another relief ship hailed us, but our captain again declined any supplies, arguing with himself that the east winds could not last much longer; but another ten days had to pass before a gentle westerly swell told us that westerly winds were not far away, and before twenty-four hours had elapsed we squared away before a westerly breeze. we soon passed the lizard, and the manacles, and dropped our anchor in falmouth, making the passage in 120 days, of which we had spent thirty in the chops of the channel. chapter ix the "great eastern" a reminiscence of 1861 some account of the memorable voyage of the "great eastern," when she broke down in the middle of the atlantic, may be of interest. it is an old story, but it is memorable as marking an epoch in the history of the atlantic trade, which owes not a little of its progress to its failures. the enterprise which produced these failures is entitled to our admiration for its boldness and courage. the "great eastern" was a remarkable ship. she was, in a sense, twenty years ahead of her time. on the other hand, if she had possessed sufficient engine power for her displacement, she would have revolutionized steamship travel across the atlantic and hastened the era of large and swift atlantic liners. the "great eastern" was designed by brunel, and built in 1858 for the east india and australian trades, for which routes a large coal carrying capacity was necessary. but she never entered those trades. her speed in smooth water was twelve to thirteen knots, but in a head sea she could do little more than hold her own, hence the cause of her troubles. the following figures give her dimensions, contrasted with the largest vessel of her time--the "scotia"--and the ships of to-day:- built. length. beam. depth. tonnage. "great eastern" 1858 691 82 48.2 18,915 "scotia" 1861 400 47 30.3 3,871 "campania" 1893 620 65 43.0 12,950 "aquitania" 1914 868.7 97 49.7 45,647 it will be seen from these figures how great was the departure of the "great eastern" from the largest vessel of her period, and how small she would appear to-day by the side of the "aquitania." not only was she a great advance in size, but she had many other novel points. she was propelled by two sets of engines, oscillating paddle engines and horizontal screw engines, which together developed 11,000 horse-power. she was fitted with six masts and four funnels. her cabin accommodation was unusually capacious and lofty. speaking from memory, her saloon was 18 to 20 feet high. she had a smoking room, while in the "scotia" smokers had still to be content with the fiddlee, sitting upon coils of rope. the "great eastern" had but few deck houses, so that her decks were magnificently spacious. [illustration: ss. "great eastern," 1858] she sailed from liverpool for new york on a beautiful afternoon in the early autumn of 1861. we had on board about four hundred saloon passengers, and a considerable number in the second cabin. she was commanded by an ex-cunarder, captain walker. the dock quays in liverpool, margining the river, were lined with a vast concourse of people to see the great ship depart. we had a splendid run down the channel, and on the following evening we passed the fastnet. our people were having a gay time, singing and dancing on deck, and greatly enjoying themselves. in the middle of this revelry we passed the "underwriter," one of the black ball sailing-packets, also bound for new york. she was under whole topsails, plunging into a head sea and throwing the spray fore and aft. we looked upon her with admiration, but with feelings of immense superiority. the old order had passed away, and the new had arrived in the "great eastern." many were the congratulations expressed upon the advance in naval architecture, and many indeed fancied that the perils and discomforts of the sea were things of the past. the next day was one of those drab grey days so frequent upon the atlantic. the wind was increasing in force, and more northerly. the sea was getting up, but the great ship, meeting it almost dead ahead, scarcely heeded it. "she is as steady as a rock." "wonderful!" were some of the remarks passed around as we took our morning constitutional. by noon the scene had changed. the wind had veered round to the north, bringing up a heavy beam sea. the big ship began to lurch and roll heavily, taking heavy spray overall. some of her movements were significant of danger--she hung when thrown over by a sea, and recovered very slowly. a huge sea striking her on the starboard bow swept her fore and aft, and carried away one of our paddle wheels and several boats. an ominous silence shortly prevailed, and it was whispered that the rudder had been carried away. the great ship fell into the trough of the sea and became unmanageable, lurching and rolling heavily and deeply. the seas, from time to time, striking her with great force, made her quiver fore and aft. the second paddle wheel was soon swept away, and boat after boat was torn from the davits, the wrecks in many instances being suspended by the falls. while destruction was being wrought on deck, the damage in the saloons and state-rooms was appalling. they were simply wrecked by the furniture getting loose and flying about, breaking the large mirrors which adorned the saloon, and adding broken glass to the dangerous mass of debris. many of our passengers were badly wounded. the engineers were trying to repair the broken rudder-stock by coiling round it iron chains to form a drum, so as to be able to get a purchase upon it. that night was a night of much anxiety, but the behaviour of the passengers was exemplary. the ladies found a part of the saloon where they could sit on the deck in comparative safety, and here they knitted and sang hymns. there was a general effort to make the best of things. the following morning the weather had slightly moderated, but the sea was still mountainous, and we rolled heavily. the chain cable stowed in one of the forward lower decks broke loose, and burst through the outer plating and hung in a festoon overboard. the cow-house had been destroyed, and one of the cows was suspended head downwards in the skylight of the forward saloon, and a swan which had been in the cow-house was found in the saloon. the captain sent for some of the passengers he knew, and told them that, as the crew had broken into the liquor store, he wished to form special guards to patrol the ship. some twenty or thirty volunteered, and for four hours each day we patrolled the ship, having a white handkerchief tied round our left arm as our badge of office. food had become a difficulty. all the crockery had been smashed, so the victuals were brought down in large stew pans, and taking pieces of broken dishes, we helped ourselves as best we could. in the afternoon the "scotia," outward bound for new york, hove in sight. the great cunarder looked stately and magnificent, and as she gracefully rode over the big seas without any effort, simply playing with them, she told us what design, knowledge and equipment could do. after sailing round us, she bore away on her voyage. another miserable night followed, and it was obvious that the mental strain was beginning to tell upon some of our people. the following day the weather was much finer and the sea moderate, but we were still helpless, a derelict on the wide atlantic. no success had attended the effort to repair the rudder-stock; nothing would hold it. in the afternoon a small nova scotian brig hove in sight, and sailed round us, as we thought, within hailing distance. one of our passengers offered the captain £100 per day if he would stand by us. no answer coming, an offer to buy both his ship and her cargo was conveyed to him, but still no answer came, and in the evening she sailed away. the captain of the brig was apparently some time afterwards informed of what had taken place, and promptly claimed one day's demurrage, and was suitably rewarded. it was now evident that our only hope was to hasten the repair of the rudder-stock. in our dire emergency a young american engineer, mr. towle, offered a new suggestion, to build a cross head on to the broken stock, and to steer the ship with tackles attached to it. after some hours' work and the exercise of much ingenuity, he succeeded, to the great joy of everyone. the screw engines were still in good order, and the big ship was soon on her way back to queenstown, where we arrived five days after passing it on our outward voyage. the damage done to the ship was considerable, and some idea of the violence with which she had rolled can be formed from the fact that when the baggage room was opened, it was found that water having got into it, the baggage had been churned into a pulp, and was taken out in buckets. the "great eastern" ended her somewhat inglorious career by laying cables across the atlantic, and finally was broken up on the new ferry shore at birkenhead. she had served, however, one great purpose which had borne good fruit--she taught us that to successfully fight the atlantic on its days of storm and tempest, which are many, the design of the engine and its power should receive as much consideration as the design of the ship's hull. chapter x building an east indiaman a reminiscence of 1856 _build me straight, o worthy master, staunch and strong, a goodly vessel that shall laugh at all disaster, and with wave and whirlwind wrestle._ --longfellow. the building of a wooden east indiaman recalls much of what was romantic in the history of british shipping--much of what was essentially british in the art of the craftsman. the old shipwright with his black wooden toolbox slung over his shoulder, or plying his adze or the caulking iron, is a type of a british artisan unhappily now becoming extinct. he was no ordinary workman following day after day the same monotonous job, for his work called for the constant exercise of his own individuality, of his powers of observation, and his ingenuity in the application of the teachings of experience; the selection of suitable timber, of proper scantling, oak crooks for the floors, aprons and knees, the curved timber for the futtocks, all called for skill and knowledge, and he had to keep constantly in view, when building, the necessity for giving proper shifts to the scarfs and the butting of the planks--all demanding not only thought, but daily presenting new problems which only a trained eye and experience could solve. the rhythm of the old shipbuilding yard had a peculiar charm and attraction; it was not the monotonous deafening roar of the hydraulic riveter heard in the modern yard, but the music of the adze and the humming of the caulking chisel made a sort of harmony not unpleasant to the ear; while the all-prevailing smell of tar imported a nautical flavour which is entirely absent from the iron shipbuilding yard. we now only think in terms of angle iron, plates, butt straps, and rivets which follow one orthodox pattern. the iron ship is but a tank with shaped ends, or a girder, or a series of box girders, for every deck, and every row of pillaring constitutes a girder; their size and shape are all set out by the draftsman in the drawing office, the work in the yard is purely mechanical; the old skill of the craftsman is not called into play. it was my good fortune, when i left school in 1856, to spend some time in the shipbuilding yard of george cox & son, of bideford, in order that i might obtain some knowledge of the craft. the firm were engaged building the "bucton castle," of 1,200 tons register, for the calcutta trade, to class thirteen years a1, the highest class at lloyd's. it is of my experience in building that ship of which i purpose writing. it will occur to many that bideford was a strange out-of-the-way place for a shipyard. bideford we only associate with charles kingsley and "westward ho!" with its long bridge of twenty-three arches, a bridge which has the repute of being a soul-saving bridge, an alms-giving bridge, a dinner-giving bridge, a bridge which owns lands in many parishes; but bideford, with its wide expanse of sands and tidal bores, is about the last place to suggest shipbuilding. but bideford, like plymouth and devonport in olden days, was in close proximity to large forests of oak and other woods essential to wooden shipbuilding. the first thought of the builder of a wooden ship was to secure his timber, good natural oak crooks for the floor timbers, knees and aprons, and the futtocks forming the turn of the bilge, and good square timber for the frames, beams, etc. not only had this to be carefully selected free from rends and shakes, but it had to be piled up in the yard and seasoned. in the same way elm timber required for the sheathing, and the pine necessary for the decks and inside ceiling, all required seasoning before being worked up. the plans of the proposed ship having been prepared and duly laid off in the drawing loft, the first step was to provide the blocks upon which she was to be built, and the ways from which, when completed, she would be launched. upon these blocks the keel was laid, usually constructed of elm, which is tough and does not split. the keel was in several lengths, fastened together with long scarfs, bolted through. on each side a rabbit or groove was cut to receive the garboard strake (the first strake of planking). on the top of the keel the floor timbers were laid across alternately, long and short, and on the top of the floors the keelson was bolted. the keelson ran the full length of the ship. there were also sister keelsons on either side, covering the ends of the floors. to the end of the floors the first futtocks were scarped and bolted, and these formed the turn of the bilge, and above came the timbers forming the frame. the selection of the timber required for the floors and futtocks needed a very skilled eye; pieces of timber which would require the least dressing must be chosen, and the piles of timber were examined over and over again to find the piece which would give the nearest approach to the curve required when the ship was in frame. then came the planking or sheathing. this had to be carefully worked in proper shifts, to prevent the butts of the planking coming into close proximity. the upper strakes or sheer strakes and the bilge strakes were always doubled. in a similar way the interior of the ship was lined or ceiled, all with a view to strength. 'tween deck beams and main deck beams were thrown across and rounded up, to give strength and camber to the decks. they were fastened to longitudinal timbers running along the sides of the ship, called shelfs, and these shelfs were secured to the framing of the ship by wooden knees reinforced in high-class ships by iron knees. the structure was fastened by wooden treenails and metal through-bolts of copper or yellow metal. the butt end of every plank was secured by a metal bolt, in addition to treenails securing it to every timber. i have said enough to prove that the shipwright of the olden time had to exercise more individuality and skill than is necessary to-day. the shipbuilder's work was not completed when he had launched his ship; she had to be rigged and fitted out, and copper-sheathed to prevent the ravages of worms and marine insects; and in course of time the ship had to be salted, the spaces between the frames being filled with rock salt to preserve the timber from decay. american ships, which were very numerous and handsome in design, were usually built with hacmatac frames and pine sheathing, and canadian vessels were built entirely of soft wood with iron fastenings, and rarely received a higher class than nine years a1. although the reminiscences of the old wooden shipbuilding days are pleasant and interesting, if we had been limited to wooden ships the progress of commerce and the spread of civilisation would have been greatly hindered. it was not possible to build a wooden ship of over 4,000 tons--i think this was the size of the "great republic"--and the number of vessels required to lift the merchandise now requiring to be carried by sea would have exhausted our available forests of timber. the iron and steel ships have saved the situation, not only enabling us to move the cargoes the world requires, but enabling us to construct steamers of large size and great speed which have built up a passenger trade which, even sixty years ago, was never dreamed of. it is remarkable that in land travel, just as the growth of the population demanded it, we have had improvements in the mean of locomotion--the pack-horse, the wheel, the steam engine, the railway, and electric traction have followed each other. so at sea--from the ancient galley to the wooden sailing ship, the clipper ship, the paddle steamer, the screw steamer, the high-pressure engine, the condensing engine, the double and triple expansion engine, the turbine, and we have in front of us looming largely oil fuel, to be followed probably by some form of electric propulsion. from this it would almost seem as if a providence provided for us transport facilities in proportion to our needs for the conveyance of our products and for travel. i was interested in recently visiting bideford to find that the old shipbuilding slips still exist--although unused for nearly fifty years. they have this year been bought by the firm of hanson & co., who have a small ship under construction. chapter xi our riddle of the sands shortly before the late war a small volume entitled "the riddle of the sands" had a large circulation. it described the adventures of two friends, who, in a small yacht, spent their summer vacation in cruising on the friesland coast of germany, and it gave a graphic account of their discovery of a wonderful network of canals and waterways which had been made through the sands, connecting the ports of emden, wilhelmshaven and cuxhaven. mysterious craft flitted about, and their own movements were carefully watched. what is this "riddle of the sands" they asked? the war gave the answer. it was a great submarine base for an attack upon england. we in liverpool have our riddle of the sands, which, although very different in character, has proved equally elusive. it has defied scientific solution, the teaching of hydrodynamics, and has from time to time almost threatened the existence of the port of liverpool, and with it the prosperity of our manufacturing districts. the approaches to the port have not been maintained (although assisted) by the use of mechanical or scientific means, but by encouraging the natural forces to do the work necessary to maintain the deep water entrances clear and serviceable. there are many now living who remember that the deep water approach to liverpool was through the rock channel only with three feet of water at low water, with dangerous and shifting shoals off the spencer spit, and the long lee shore off the west hoyle bank. if these conditions had continued the liverpool of to-day would not have existed. the development of the northern deep water approaches is an interesting study. liverpool has solved her own "riddle of the sands," not by colossal ambitious engineering schemes which might have been fatal, but by patient watchfulness of what nature was doing, or trying to do, and judiciously assisting her efforts. nature has practically closed the rock channel and the old victoria channel, and concentrated her forces and opened up the queen's channel with over 20 feet of water at low tide in the dredged cut at the bar, thus making the port open for ordinary vessels during twelve hours out of the twenty-four, and making liverpool the great port she is--the only deep water port on the west coast capable of taking such great ships as the "aquitania" and "olympic." [illustration: ss. "aquitania," 1914] the riddle of the sands as it presents itself to us, divides itself into two portions:- the sands of the upper estuary; the sands of the sea channels; each forming a very interesting and entertaining subject of inquiry. the riddle of the upper estuary we have an upper estuary of the mersey formed like a huge bottle with a narrow neck entrance at seacombe, through which the tide rushes at springs at the rate of five or six knots. at rock ferry this estuary, like a fan, spreads out to widnes, runcorn, ellesmere port, and garston. this vast basin is filled by the tidal waters twice in each day, forming a great lake; at low water we have a vista of sandbanks and water, very beautiful in their colour and light effects, the favourite haunt of wildfowl, which in olden time filled the decoys at hale and widnes. during the parliamentary inquiry into the proposal to construct the manchester ship canal, it was given in evidence that each tide brought into this bottle-necked estuary 100,000 tons of sand, which was held by the water in mechanical suspension and deposited on the banks at slack water, which takes place at the top of high water. the ebb tide carries this sand out again. about half ebb a process of erosion takes place. tidal streams form through the sand banks, and gradually underpin the sand, which falls into these streams and is carried out to sea. on a quiet summer evening the process of erosion going on can be heard at bromborough, the loud reports caused by the falling sands being distinctly audible. this riddle of the sands makes quite a fairy tale, so full of surprises, so wayward and erratic. craft and even ships which have disappeared long since suddenly come into view. the coals which fall overboard when coaling our great liners in the sloyne creep along the bottom and pile themselves on to the sandbanks, and form a welcome supply of fuel to the villagers. wells of beautiful fresh spring water bubble up on the shore at shodwell, and formerly supplied the runcorn coasters with water. at the mouth of the alt, and also at hoylake, the low tides expose the remains of two remarkable primeval forests, from which have been gathered many tokens of long bygone generations. there is one thing these sands will not do. they will not obey the dictates of man unless they conform to their moods and methods. the original scheme for the construction of the manchester ship canal proposed to cut a channel through the sands from runcorn to deep water at garston, a distance of about ten miles, protected on either side by training walls of stone. the mersey docks and harbour board very strongly and successfully opposed this part of the scheme, maintaining that by thus stereotyping the channel, the process of erosion would be destroyed and the estuary would become permanently silted up with sand. there would not be a sufficient head of water impounded each tide to keep the sea channels and approaches to the mersey scoured and fit for navigation. the magnitude of the reservoir of water gathered at high water in the upper estuary may be gauged by the fact that spring tides rise 30 feet and neap tides 20 feet, and form the mighty power for scouring the sea channels. the riddle of how to treat the upper estuary has therefore been solved by leaving nature severely alone and permitting no interference. the riddle of the outer estuary when we come to consider the conditions affecting the outward estuary, which extends from the rock light to the bar, we have to take into account not only the scouring power of the ebb tide, and its capacity as a sand carrier depending upon the force of the current and the volume of water, but also the action of waves which is very powerful in preventing the undue accumulation of sand upon our shores and upon the great sandbanks lying off the entrance to the port. standing on the shore at blundellsands at low tide and during a westerly gale, i have seen the shore from hightown to seaforth a moving mass of sand, spreading itself over the surface like a sheet. placing a stick into the ground, in a few moments a heap of sand would accumulate on the windward side. these sand storms fill up all the mouths of the alt, and pile the sand up in big banks. if there was no correcting force these sand storms would quickly fill up the shallow shores and destroy their capacity to impound the tidal water which assists the scouring power of the main stream; but at high water with a westerly gale the waves churn up these deposits of sand, and the ebb tide carries them out to sea. after a westerly gale i have seen the shores swept of loose sand down to the hard shore beneath, and the many outlets of the alt washed clean, and the black marl which forms their banks exposed. i do not think that this wave action has been sufficiently considered in selecting the shallow flats on the west side of the burbo bank as the place of deposit for the sand dredged from the bar. they are frequently violently disturbed by the action of the waves, and the sand is carried by the flood tide back again to the bar. there is another action of which we must take notice; every stream creates an eddy of slack water, or, it may be, a counter current of much reduced velocity, in a stream heavily charged with sand such as our tidal streams, and these eddies may create inconvenient deposits of sand and accretions to the banks which have to be watched. the old sea approaches having set out the natural forces we have to deal with, we will proceed to consider their effect upon the outer approaches to the river mersey. these approaches twenty-five years ago were very indifferent. the bar only carried eight feet of water at low tide, and practically for vessels of any size liverpool was a closed port for eighteen hours out of the twenty-four. by the employment of sand dredgers, which have removed millions of tons of sand, this difficulty has been overcome, but in deepening the bar the mersey docks and harbour board have greatly added to the work which the ebb tide has to do. that work has to be supplemented by the almost continuous use of sand dredgers, and has been also assisted by the construction of the revetment on the taylor bank. this has prevented the flood tide frittering its strength away over the taylor bank, and confines and concentrates the strength of the ebb stream; but still the formation of inconvenient lumps in the crosby channel suggests that the ebb tide has more than it can do. it has been suggested that by confining this channel with training walls constructed along the burbo bank and the crosby shore the power of the ebb tide would be increased. it is, however, forgotten that the effect of training walls would be to diminish the volume of water, and therefore its sand-carrying capacity, and also that training walls along the lancashire shore would rob the channel of the large amount of water now impounded at high water on the shore, which forms a valuable addition to the first part of the ebb. the changes in the outer estuary during the past fifty years have been quite remarkable. the old sea channel was the rock channel striking off to the west at the rock light, and the fairway was marked by two land marks which were prominent objects upon the bootle shore; while the hoylake and leasowe lighthouses indicated the fairway through the horse channel. the rock channel has shoaled, and is no longer used. the old victoria channel took its seaward course between the great and little burbo banks. this in process of time has shoaled and narrowed, and is no longer of any service, and the main channel pursues a north-west direction between the little burbo bank and the taylor bank, and crosses the bar through the new queen's channel. the taylor bank, which now stretches from the crosby lightship almost to the bar is of recent formation, and takes the place of the jordan flats. the rapid growth of the taylor bank no doubt induced the dock board to construct the revetment, and it has proved an effective bulwark against the rebound of the stream round askew spit, and its extension to the north seems to be desirable. the strong flood coming through the crosby channel is no doubt mainly accountable for the erosion which has taken place at hightown, and which is now taking place at hall road. the latter can be prevented by the erection of a timber groin to give a south-west direction to the flood stream. i have made these sands and sand banks a long study. the late rev. nevison loraine and i explored, in our canoes, every nook and cranny of the sand banks, and loved to bathe in the pools which formed at low water on the burbo bank; but this long experience of the riddle of the sands makes me afraid to dogmatise--nature so often rebels and does the very opposite to what you expect, and the teaching of the past tells us that she has been a good friend to liverpool, and had better be left alone, only helping her, as by the revetment, to concentrate her energy in the direction she wishes to go. a step in the same direction might be taken by closing the channel which has formed across the burbo bank. in my canoeing days this channel was a mere gutter, but now it is sufficiently large to abstract much water from the main stream. it has also often occurred to me that the old formby channel might also be diverted. it serves no useful purpose for navigation, and if the ebb tide which now flows through it could be turned into the present formby channel it would increase the scour; but experience may have demonstrated that the flood tide demands the old channel, and if so it has been wisely left open. i think it is probable that the flood tide making through this old formby channel strikes the main stream of the flood coming through the crosby channel and rebounds on to the hightown and hall road shores, causing the erosion at these points. great credit is due to the conservators, the mersey docks and harbour board, and to captain mace, r.n., for the care and wisdom with which they have watched over the approaches to our port, and to the successful way they have handled our "riddle of the sands." liverpool: lee and nightingale, printers, 15, north john street 1920. * * * * * * transcriber's note: archaic and variable spelling is preserved as printed. minor punctuation errors have been corrected. hyphenation has been made consistent. the title page shows a publication date of mimxx. this appears to be a typographical error for mcmxx and has been corrected. the following changes have been made: page 69--section title moved to follow italicised note. page 83--pervailing amended to prevailing--... old-fashioned system of cartage still prevailing. the frontispiece illustration has been moved to follow the title page. other illustrations have been moved where necessary so that they are not in the middle of a paragraph. some notes on shipbuilding and shipping in colonial virginia by cerinda w. evans librarian emeritus, the mariners museum newport news, virginia virginia 350th anniversary celebration corporation williamsburg, virginia 1957 copyright©, 1957 by the mariners museum, newport news, virginia jamestown 350th anniversary historical booklet, number 22 as concerning ships it is that which everyone knoweth and can say they are our weapons they are our armaments they are our strength they are our pleasures they are our defence they are our profit the subject by them is made rich the kingdom through them, strong the prince in them is mighty in a word: by them in a manner we live the kingdom is, the king reigneth. (from _the trades increase_, london, 1615) shipbuilding and shipping the dugout canoe various types of watercraft used in colonial virginia have been mentioned in the records. the dugout canoe of the indians was found by the settlers upon arrival, and was one of the chief means of transportation until the colony was firmly established. it is of great importance in the history of transportation from its use in pre-history to its use in the world today. from the dugout have come the piragua, rose's tobacco boat, and the chesapeake bay canoe and bugeye as we see them today. the first boats in use by the colony in addition to the indian canoe were ships' boats--barges, long-boats, and others. a shallop brought over in sections was fitted together and used in the first explorations. as the years went by, however, "almost every planter, great and small, had a boat of one kind or another. canoes, bateaux, punts, piraguas, shallops, flats, pinnaces, sloops, appear with monotonous regularity in the seventeenth and eighteenth century records of virginia and maryland." little is known about the construction of boats in the colony except the log canoe. a long and thick tree was chosen according to the size of the boat desired, and a fire made on the ground around its base. the fire was kept burning until the tree had fallen. then burning off the top and boughs, the trunk was raised upon poles laid over crosswise on forked posts so as to work at a comfortable height. the bark was removed with shells; gum and rosin spread on the upper side to the length desired and set on fire. by alternately burning and scraping, the log was hollowed out to the desired depth and width. the ends were scraped off and rounded for smooth navigating. captain john smith, who had a number of occasions to use the canoe, wrote that some were an elne deep (forty-five inches), and forty or fifty feet in length; some would bear forty men, but the most ordinary were smaller and carried ten, twenty, or thirty men. "instead of oars, they use paddles or sticks with which they will row faster than our barges." additional space and graceful lines in the canoes were secured by spreading the sides. to do this, the hollowed log was filled with water and heated by dropping in hot stones until the wood became soft enough to bend into the desired shape by forcing the sides apart with sticks of different lengths and allowed to harden. the tools with which the indians built their boats and used for other purposes, were tomahawks of stone sharpened at one end or both, or one end was rounded off for use as a hammer. a circular indentation was made in the center to secure the tomahawk to the handle. another method of fitting the stone tomahawk to a handle was to cut off the head of a young tree, and as if to graft it, a notch was made into which the head of the hatchet was inserted. after some time, the tree by growing together kept the hatchet so fixed that it could not come out. then the tree was cut to such a length as to make a good handle. another method in use was that of binding the stones to the ends of sticks and gluing them there with rosin. some colonists did not hesitate to take the canoes from the indians, which they may or may not have returned. on one occasion the king of rappahanna demanded the return of a canoe, which was restored. among the first laws of the general assembly was that for the protection of the indians, enacted in august, 1619: "he that shall take away by violence or stealth any canoe or other things from the indians, shall make valuable restitution to the said indians, and shall forfeit, if he be a freeholder, five pounds; if a servant, forty shillings or endure a whipping." a story of an indian and his canoe was told by john pory, secretary of virginia, after he had visited the eastern shore. "wamanato, a friendly indian, presented me with twelve bever skins and a canow which i requited with such things to his content, that he promised to keep them whilst he lived, and berie them with him being dead." several writers of boatbuilding have expressed the thought that the evolution of the chesapeake bay canoe and the chesapeake bay bugeye from the indian dugout canoe was one of the most interesting developments in the history of shipbuilding. m. v. brewington, in his _chesapeake bay: a pictorial maritime history_, says of this development: "the white man's superior knowledge of small craft soon indicated changes which would improve the canoe: sharp ends would make her easier to propel and more seaworthy; broader beam and a keel would increase stability; sail would lessen the work of getting from place to place. sharpening the bow and stern was a simple matter; the increased beam was difficult because no single tree could provide the needed width. in time, the settler learned to join two or more trees together to give the beam desired. he learned how to add topsides, first of hewn logs, later of sawed plank. a keel was added and a sailing rig. after the centerboard was invented, it took the place of a keel...." "but the culmination of the simple, single log, trough-shaped indian dugout was the bugeye, a complex vessel as much as eighty-five feet in length. there was an intermediate step between the canoe and the bugeye, the brogan, a large canoe, partially decked, with a cuddy forward in which a couple of men could sleep and cook.... the earliest known use of the name "bugeye" was in 1868, but doubtless the word was not coined upon the first appearance of the vessel itself.... in essence the bugeye was a large canoe, fully decked, with a fixed rig following that of the brogan. there were full accommodations for the crew which, because the vessel was built for oyster dredging, needed to be comparatively large.... throughout the course of development from canoe to bugeye, the original dugout log bottom was always apparent in this most truly american craft." virginia-built pinnaces the smallest of the three vessels that reached virginia in april, 1607, was the little pinnace _discovery_, a favorite type of small vessel in that period. the first english vessel known to have been built in the new world was a pinnace. a colonizing expedition to raleigh's colony on roanoke island left plymouth, england, on april 9, 1585, with a fleet of five vessels and two pinnaces attached as tenders. a storm sank the tender to the _tiger_, sir richard grenville's flagship. on the 15th of may, the fleet came to anchor in the bay of mosquetal (mosquito), and a landing was made at st. john on the island of puerto rico. here an encampment was made to give the men time to refresh themselves and to build a new pinnace for the _tiger_. a forge was set up to make the nails, and trees were cut and hauled to camp on a low four-wheeled truck for the boat's timber. the ship's carpenters made speedy headway, launching and rigging the pinnace in ten days. they set sail from st. john on the 29th of may, the new pinnace carrying twenty men and, on the 27th of july, anchored at hatoraske on the way to roanoke. the second english vessel known to have been built in north america was also a pinnace. the members of the second colony of virginia left plymouth, england, on the last day of may, 1607, under command of captain george popham, and located at "sagadahoc in virginia" at the mouth of the kennebec river. there they set up fortifications which they called fort st. george. after finishing the fort, "the carpenter framed a pretty pinnace of about thirty tons which they called _virginia_, the shipwright being one digby of london." this little vessel is known to have made two voyages across the atlantic. on june 7, 1609, a fleet of seven ships and two pinnaces left plymouth, england, for jamestown. after a few days out, one of the pinnaces returned to england, but the other, the little _virginia_, remained with the fleet as the tender to the flagship _sea venture_. sir thomas gates, lieutenant governor under lord de la warr, and sir george somers, admiral of the fleet, embarked on the _sea venture_, commanded by captain christopher newport, vice admiral. these three men were leaders of the expedition and in order to avoid any dispute as to precedence, they agreed--very unwisely, it was disclosed--to sail on the same ship "with several commissions sealed, successively to take place one after another, considering the uncertainty of human life." wreck of the _sea venture_ on july 28, a violent storm arose which separated the _sea venture_ from the rest of the fleet. this "dreadful tempest" was the tail of a west indies hurricane and lasted four days and nights. an account of it written in 1610, by william strachey, secretary to lord de la warr, and a passenger on the ship, is said to be one of the finest descriptions of a storm in all literature, and led to the writing of _the tempest_ by shakespeare. the letter was written to a person unknown, addressed as "excellent lady." some excerpts are given herewith. when on s. james his day, july 24, being monday ... the clouds gathering thicke upon us and the wind singing and whistling most unusually, which made us to cast off our pinnace towing the same until then asterne, a dreadful storm and hideous, began to blow from out the north-east, which swelling, and roaring, as it were by fitts, some hours with more violence than others, at length beat all light from heaven, which like a hell of darkness turned black upon us, so much the more fuller of horror, as in such cases horror and fear use to overrunne the troubled, and overmastered sences of all, which, taken up with amazement, the eares lay so sensible to the terrible cries, and murmurs of the winds, and distractions of our company.... for foure and twenty houres the storme in a restless tumult, had blown so exceedingly, as we could not apprehend in our imaginations any possibility of greater violence, yet did wee still find it, not only more terrible, but more constant, fury added to fury, and one storm urging a second more outrageous than the former; whether it so wrought upon our feares ... as made us look one upon the other with troubled hearts and panting bosoms; our clamours drowned in the windes, and the windes in thunder. prayers might well be in the heart and lips, but drowned in the outcries of the officers, nothing heard that could give comfort, nothing seen that might encourage hope.... the sea swelled above the clouds, and gave battell unto heaven. it could not be said to raine, the waters like whole rivers did flood in the ayre.... the winds spake more loud and grew more tumultuous and malignant. what shall i say? winds and seas were as mad as fury and rage could make them.... there was not a moment in which the sudden splitting or instant oversetting of the ship was not expected. howbeit this was not all; it pleased god to bring a greater affliction yet upon us; for in the beginning of the storm, we had received likewise a mighty leake. and the ship in every joint almost, having spued out her okam, before we were aware ... was growne five foote suddenly deep with water above her ballast, and we almost drowned within, whilst we sat looking when to perish from above. this imparting no less terror than danger ran through the whole ship with much fright and amazement, startled and turned the blood and took down the braves of the most hardy mariner of them all.... the leake which drunk in our greatest seas, and took in our destruction fastest could not then be found nor ever was by any labour, counsell or search.... every man came duely upon his watch ... working with tyred bodies and wasted spirits three days and foure nights destitute of outward comfort, and desperate of any deliverance.... during all this time the heavens looked so black upon us that it was not possible the elevation of the pole might be observed; nor a starre by night, not a sun beame by day was to be seene. onely upon thursday night, sir george somers being upon the watch, had an apparition of a little round light like a faint starre, trembling and streaming along with a sparkeling blaze, halfe the height upon the main mast, and shooting sometimes from shroud to shroud, tempting to settle as it were, upon any of the foure shroudes ... half the night it kept with us; running sometimes along the main yard to the very end, and then returning. at which, sir george somers called divers about him, and showed them the same.... it did not light us any whit the more to our known way, who ran now as hoodwinked men, at all adventures, sometimes north and north-east, then north and by west, and in an instant varying two or three points, and sometimes half the compass.... it being now friday, the fourth morning, it wanted little, but that there had been a general determination to have shut up hatches, and commending our sinfull soules to god, committed the ship to the mercy of the sea. surely, that night we must have done it, and that night had we then perished: but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope, by our merciful god given unto us. sir george somers, when no man dreamed of such happiness, had discovered and cried land! the storm drove the ship toward the dangerous and dreaded islands of bermuda. nearing the shore, the ship was caught between rocks as in a vise and held there while all the one hundred and fifty persons reached the shore in safety. as soon as they were conveniently settled, after the landing, the long boat was fitted up in the fashion of a pinnace with a little deck made of the hatches of the wrecked ship, so close that no water could enter, and with a crew of six sailors, using sails and oars, thomas whittingham, the cape merchant, and henry ravens, the master's mate, as pilot, the boat sailed for virginia. it was hoped, when news reached jamestown of the safe landing of the passengers from the wrecked _sea venture_ on bermuda, that a ship or pinnace from the fleet in virginia would be sent to take them home, but the long boat was never heard from again. building the _deliverance_ and the _patience_ while waiting for help from virginia, sir george somers and sir thomas gates decided to build a pinnace, in case of need. the work was put in charge of richard frobisher, an experienced shipwright. the only wood on the island that could be used for timber was cedar and that was rather poor, being too brittle for making good planks. the pinnace's beams were all of oak from the wrecked ship, as were some planks in her bow, all the rest was of cedar. the keel was laid on the 28th of august, 1609, and on the 26th of february, calking had begun. old cables that had been preserved furnished the oakum. one barrel of pitch and another of tar had been saved. lime was made of wilk shells and a hard white stone, which were burned in a kiln, slaked with fresh water, and tempered with tortoise oil. she was forty feet long at the keel, nineteen feet broad at the beam, had a six-foot floor, her rake forward being fourteen feet, her rake aft from the top of her post (which was twelve feet long) was three feet; she was eight feet deep under her beam, four feet and a half between decks, with a rising of half a foot more under her forecastle, the purpose being to scour the deck with small shot if an enemy should come aboard. she had a fall of eighteen inches aft to make her steerage and her great cabin larger; her steerage was five feet long and six feet high with a closed gallery right aft, having a window on each side, and two right aft. she was of some eighty tons burden. on the 30th of march, the pinnace was launched, unrigged, and towed to "a little round island" nearer the ponds and wells of fresh water, with easier access to the sea, the channel there being deep enough to float her when masts, sails and all her trim had been placed on her. "when she began to swim (upon her launching) our governor called her _the deliverance_." late in november, and still with no word from virginia, sir george somers became convinced that the pinnace which frobisher was building would not be sufficient to transport all the men, women, and children from bermuda to virginia. he consulted with sir thomas gates, the governor, who approved his plan of building another pinnace. he would take two carpenters and twenty men with him to the main island where with instruction from frobisher, "he would quickly frame up another little bark, for the better sitting and convenience of our people." the governor granted him all the things he desired, all such tools and instruments, and twenty of the ablest and stoutest men of the company to hew planks and square timber. the keel laid was twenty-nine feet in length, the beam fifteen feet and a half; she was eight feet deep and drew six feet of water, and was of thirty tons capacity. sir george somers launched her on the last day of april, giving her the name of _patience_, and brought her from the building bay in the main island, into the channel where the _deliverance_ was moored. after nine months on the islands, these fearless and undaunted men, with a stout determination to finish the voyage they had begun nine months before, set sail in the two pinnaces on may 10, 1610, and after eleven days, arrived at point comfort. "on the three and twentieth day of may, we cast our anchor before jamestown." boatbuilding before 1612 the few available records of early boatbuilding in the virginia colony differ so materially that one cannot make a statement as to number or kind of vessels with any degree of accuracy. that the first vessel constructed in virginia was built earlier than the year 1611, and was of twelve or thirteen tons capacity, seems to be an accepted fact as given in the spaniard molina's _report of a voyage to virginia_ in 1611. the report also referred to a galley of twenty-five benches being built there. in his _short relation_ to the council of the virginia company in june, 1611, lord de la warr spoke regretfully of the fact that the three forts he had erected near point comfort were not properly manned because of a lack of boats, there being but two, and one barge in all the colony. the fishing, too, had been hindered because of this shortage. no mention was made of the galley that was said to have been in the process of construction. argall's shipyard at point comfort in a letter to nicholas hawes, written in june, 1613, samuel argall (later sir samuel argall) tells of a voyage to virginia in 1612, and some of his activities there. on the 17th of september, he arrived at point comfort with sixty-two men on the ship _treasurer_, his course being fifty leagues northward of the azores. from the day of his arrival until the first of november, he spent the time in helping to repair such ships and boats as he found there "decayed for lack of pitch and tarre." about the first of november, he carried sir thomas dale in the _deliverance_ to sir thomas smith's island to have his opinion about inhabiting it. they found an abundance of fish there, "very great cod" which they caught in water five fathom deep. they planned to get a great quantity in the summer of 1613, and hoped to find safe passage there for boats and barges by "a cut out of the bottom of our bay into de la warr bay." this is an early mention of the need for a canal connecting these two bays. that the sir thomas smith's island referred to was not the island known by that name lying near cape charles is evident from the reference to large cod fish caught there, and the desire for a passage between the bays for a shorter route. argall sailed from point comfort on the first of december and entered pembroke, now rappahannock, river where he met the king of pastancie, who told him the indians were his very great friends and had a good store of corn for him, as they had provided the year before. he carried his ship to the king's town and there built a stout shallop to take the corn aboard. after concluding a peace with other divers indian lords, and giving and taking hostages, argall hastened to jamestown with 1100 bushels of corn, which he delivered to the storehouses there, besides the 300 bushels he retained for the use of his own company. as soon as he had unloaded the corn, argall set his men to work felling timber and hewing boards with which to build a "frigat." he left this vessel half finished in the hands of his carpenters at point comfort in order to make another voyage to pembroke river, and so discovered the head of it. upon learning that pocahontas was with the king of patowomack, he devised a stratagem by which she was captured. pocahontas was taken to jamestown and delivered to the protection of sir thomas gates, who hastened to conclude with powhatan, her father, a peace based upon the terms demanded by argall. argall returned to point comfort and "went forward with his frigat and finished her." he sent a "ginge" of men with her to cape charles, to get fish and transport them to "henries town" (henrico). another gang was employed to fell timber and cleave planks to build a fishing boat. argall himself, with a third gang, left in the shallop on the first day of may to explore the east side of the bay. having explored along the shore for some forty leagues northward, he returned on the 12th of may, fitted his ship and built a fishing boat, and made ready to take the first opportunity for a fishing voyage. other voyages of argall samuel argall is said to have achieved lasting fame as one of england's maritime pioneers by establishing a shorter route to virginia from england in 1609, although batholomew gosnold took that route in 1602, and martin pring did so in 1603. the usual course led by way of the canaries to the island of puerto rico in the west indies, the route of columbus, a long, circuitous pathway exposed to pirates and interference from spain. argall made the round trip by the shorter route in five months. however, the shorter route did not supplant entirely the longer southern route for several decades. argall accompanied lord de la warr to virginia in 1610, to point out the northern route. while in virginia, he was sent with sir george somers to bermuda with two pinnaces to get a supply of hogs and other provisions for the colony. in a storm, argall lost sight of sir george's pinnace and failed to locate bermuda; so he changed his course toward the north and went to sagadahoc and cape cod where he procured a large cargo of fish, which he brought to jamestown. sir george somers reached bermuda, but died there on november 9, 1610. argall was then sent by lord de la warr to the river patawomeke to trade with the indians for corn, where he rescued the english boy, henry spelman, who had been living with the indians. through spelman's influence, the indians "fraughted his ship with corn." soon after june 28, 1613, argall sailed from virginia on his "fishing voyage" in a well-armoured english man-of-war. his object was the french colony of jesuits at mt. desert, now in maine, but at that time within the bounds of virginia. he attacked the buildings and returned with the priests late in july. he was sent back by gates to destroy the buildings and fortifications there and at st. croix and port royal. this was done and he arrived back at jamestown, about the first of december. on this voyage, he stopped at new netherlands, on the hudson, and forced the colonists there to submit to the crown of england. shipbuilding on plantations the tracts of land or plantations occupied by individual settlers of the colony were very few until after the "starving time" in 1610. when the colony had been reorganized by lord de la warr and sir thomas gates, and something like peace existed with the indians, more land patents were issued year after year. a list of land owners, in 1625, in the records of the company, shows nearly two hundred persons owning plots of land varying in size from forty acres to the thirty-seven hundred acres of sir george yeardley's plantation at hungar's river on the eastern shore. in _a perfect description of virginia_ by an unnamed writer in 1648, it is stated that there were in the colony "pinnaces, barks, great and small boats many hundreds, for most of their plantations stand upon the rivers' sides and up little creeks and but a small way into the land." every planter must have had a boat of some kind. neighborly communication had to be maintained, religious services attended, fishing and oystering to be done, crops of tobacco transferred to the ships anchored out in the channel, and cargoes of goods taken from the ships to the warehouses. the planter navigated the boat himself unless he could provide a slave or an indentured servant. most of the shipbuilding done on the plantations was done by ship carpenters or men trained by them. the shipyards were very simple affairs, the essentials being a plot of ground on the bank of a stream with water deep enough to float the vessel and near a supply of suitable timber. later would be added, perhaps, a small pier to which the boat could be attached, and a small building or shed for the protection of tools. a visiting ship in need of repair would seek some convenient place on the river and the hospitality of the neighboring planter. an instance is that of captain thomas dermer from monhegan, north virginia, now in maine, who arrived at the colony in september, 1619, in an open pinnace of five tons. he had met captain ward several weeks earlier at a place called "st. james his isles," and there had put most of his provisions on board the _sampson_, captain ward's boat. of his arrival in virginia, he wrote to samuel purchas as follows: "after a little refreshing, we recovered up the river to james citie and from thence to captain ward his plantation, where immediately we fell to hewing boards for a close deck." he and his men soon fell sick with malaria and "were sore shaken with burning fever." as their recovery was slow and winter had overtaken them, dermer decided to wait until spring before sailing north. captain john ward had arrived in virginia during the previous april and was already a member of the house of burgesses. some of the visitors did their shipbuilding more quickly. a captain thomas young arrived in the colony with two ships on july 3, 1634, and by july 14, was reported by governor harvey to have built two pinnaces, and that he would be gone in two more days. some planters on the larger plantations continued to build their own ships even after public shipyards had been established in seaport towns. flowerdieu hundred on the james river was a prosperous plantation, where many vessels were built. it had its own wharf where large ships could be moored for loading. some shipbuilding at westover on the james river is recorded in the diary of william byrd ii, who, after the death of his father in 1704, became owner of the plantation. in july 1709, byrd wrote: "i sent the boatmaker to falling creek to build me a little boat for my sea sloop." two days later he wrote: "i sent tom to williamsburg for john b-r-d to work on my sloop." later in the month, he noted that john b-r-d had come in the night to work on his sloop. in november, he wrote: "in the afternoon we paid a visit to mr. hamilton who lives across the creek. we walked about his plantation and saw a pretty shallop he was building." in august, 1710, he wrote that he had taken a walk to see the boatbuilder at work. on august 9, he wrote that he had paid the builder of his sloop sixty pounds, which was twenty pounds more than he had agreed for. later in the year, he noted that his sloop had gone down to the shipyard at swinyards. byrd acquired a new shipwright who came from england on the ship _betty_ in 1711. in march, he wrote that the new shipwright was offended because he had been given corn pone instead of english bread for breakfast. he had taken his horse and ridden away without a word. however, he reported later that the shipwright had returned. on may 15, 1712, byrd reported that he had engaged mr. t-r-t-n to build him a sloop next year. several years later, he recorded the loss of his great flat boat, but it was found by a man at swinyards. swinyards was a place for public warehouses and a shipyard, located on the north bank of the james river, a short distance below westover, opposite windmill point. at berkeley, a neighboring plantation on the james river, owned by benjamin harrison, there were extensive merchant mills and a large shipyard where vessels were built for the plantation. on october 20, 1768, there appeared a for-sale advertisement in the _virginia gazette_: "a double decked vessel of 110 tons on the stocks at berkeley shipyard, built to carry a great burden, and esteemed a very fine vessel." two years later, john hatley norton and a mr. coutts were negotiating with colonel harrison for the purchase of the ship _botetourt_ built there for which they offered 1100 pounds sterling. "she is as stout a ship as was ever built in america, and we expect will carry 380 hogsheads of tobacco," wrote mr. norton. the virginia company's interest in boatbuilding when sir thomas smith ended his term as treasurer of the company in 1619, among many other charges brought against him by the opposing faction, it was declared there was left only one old frigate belonging to somers' isles, one shallop, one ship's boat, and two small boats belonging to private persons. in his defense, smith referred to the 150 men he had sent to virginia to set up iron works; the making of cordage, pitch, tar, pot and soap-ashes from material at hand; the cutting of timber and masts; and how he had sent men to erect sawmills for cutting planks for building houses and ships. in justification of smith and himself, robert johnson, alderman, a leader during smith's administration, drew up an account in which he stated among other evidences of prosperity that barks, pinnaces, shallops, barges, and other boats had been built in the colony; but this statement was not accepted as fact. sir edwin sandys succeeded smith as treasurer; and in the earl of southampton's administration in 1621, a list of improvements was drawn up, among which it was claimed that the number of boats was ten times multiplied and that there were four ships owned by the colony. a reply to this may be taken from _an answer to a declaration of the present state of virginia in may_, 1623, in which it was declared that the new administration was many degrees behind the old government, for in those times there were built boats of all sorts, barges, pinnaces, frigates, hoyes, shallops and the like. the great massacre in march, 1622, put an immediate check on any progress in boatbuilding in the colony. for a time the settlers were panic stricken, and there was much talk of assembling all the remaining settlers on the eastern shore, but happily, wiser counsel prevailed. that the few boatwrights then in the colony perished is considered probable from the fact that none could be found to repair a boat that had drifted ashore at elizabeth city after the massacre. when writing about the indian massacre, captain john smith, in his _general history of virginia_, in a bitter outburst, said: "yea, they borrowed our boats to transport themselves over the river to consult on the develish murder that insued and of our utter extirpation." in sir francis wyatt's commission to sir george yeardley on september 10, 1622, to attack the indians in punishment for the massacre, he ordered the use of "such ships, barks, and boats as are now riding in this river as transports." the ships and barks may well have been english vessels. when virginia became a crown colony in 1624, the reports on the state of the colony named thirty-eight boats, two shallops, one bark, one skiff, and one canoe, but this was considered inaccurate as many plantations did not report their vessels. shipwrights and ship-carpenters every colonizing expedition to the new world had been deeply impressed by the wealth of shipbuilding materials to be found. the english were particularly enthusiastic, since the scarcity of timber in england was very serious. here, in virginia, were to be found all that was needed for building ships: "oakes there are as faire, straight and tall and as good timber as any can be found, a great store, in some places very great. walnut trees very many, excellent faire timber above four-score foot, straight without a bough." the report went on in praise of the tall pine trees fit for the tallest masts, and the kinds of woods for making small boats: mulberry, sassafras, and cedar. other materials were not wanting: iron ore, pitch, tar, rosin, and flax for making rope. the colonists saw in this wealth of materials a new source of supply at one-half of the previous cost. both england and holland had been purchasing their shipbuilding materials from poland and prussia at a cost of a million pounds sterling annually. one enthusiastic englishman, when he heard these reports, wrote: "we shall fell our timber, saw our planks, and quickly make good shipping there, and shall return thence with good employment, an hundred sayle of ships yearly." when captain newport returned to england in june, 1607, he carried with him a request, from the colonists to the company, for carpenters to build houses, and shipwrights to build boats. upon newport's return in 1608, he brought with him a number of poles and dutchmen to erect sawmills for the production of boards for houses and boats. this did not prove to be a successful venture. further attempts were made in 1619, and later, to establish sawmills in the colony. instructions sent to governor wyatt, in 1621, bade him "to take care of the dutch sent to build sawmills, and seat them at the falls, that they may bring their timber by the current of the water." repeated appeals had been made to the company for ship-carpenters without success. in january, 1621, the governor and council joined in an appeal for workmen to build vessels, of various kinds, for the use of the people in making discoveries, in trading with their neighbors, and in transporting themselves and goods from one place to another. in reply, a letter from the company, in august, gave the encouraging news, that in the spring, the company would send an excellent shipwright with thirty or forty carpenters. in preparation, they were advised to fell a large number of black oak trees, and bark as many others. the company expected the sawmill to provide the planks and suggested a place near the sawmill and ironworks for the shipyard. a thousand pounds had been underwritten by private persons for sending the shipwrights and carpenters who were promised by the end of april at the latest. the next spring, in may, the council received notice that sailing on the ship _abigail_ were captain thomas barwick and twenty-five other persons for building boats, ships and pinnaces. they were to be established together in an area of at least twelve hundred acres, and were to be employed only in the trade for which they were sent. four of the company's oxen were to be assigned to them for use in hauling the timber. captain barwick and his men settled in jamestown. at first they were employed in building houses for themselves and afterward began to build shallops, the most convenient and satisfactory vessels, for transporting tobacco to the large ships. soon several of the men were ill, from malaria it was thought, and by the end of the year many of them had died. a letter from george sandys, in march, to deputy treasurer ferrar, sent by the ship _hopewell_, told the discouraging news. he deplored the failure of the shipbuilding project caused by the death of captain barwick and many of his shipbuilders, "wherein if you blame us, you must blame the hand of god." he attributed the pestilent fever that raged in the colony to the infected people that came over in the _abigail_, "who were poisened with stinking beer, all falling sick and many dying, everywhere dispersing the contagion." not only the shipbuilders, but almost all the passengers of the _abigail_, died immediately, upon their landing. the contagion even spread to the cattle and other domestic animals, it was said. on march 31, 1626, thomas munn (?) came before the council and the general court of virginia and swore that he was at the making of a small shallop, by direction of captain barwick, and that afterward this boat was sold to captain william eppes, for two hundred pounds of tobacco, and "as yet the debt is not satisfied unto any man." upon the death of captain barwick, munn had delivered to george sandys, treasurer, a list of debts owing, and this debt had never been paid. adam dixon, who came over in the _margaret and john_, was sent by the company as a master calker of ships and boats. he was living at pashbehays, near jamestown, in 1624. as the years went by, a number of shipwrights came to the colony from time to time, and were engaged in private shipyards on plantations, or set up shipyards of their own. orphan boys were sometimes apprenticed to these shipbuilders until they reached the age of twenty-one. they were expected to be taught to read, write and cipher in addition to learning the trade of ship-carpenter. many of the shipwrights who came to virginia in the seventeenth century, became land owners, some of them owning large tracts of land, as shown by county records, especially in the tidewater area. in lancaster on the rappahannock river, john meredith, a shipwright, obtained, by patent, a tract of fifty acres. his sale of 600 acres is recorded, also a contract to build a sloop and a small boat, in payment of a debt of 47,300 pounds of tobacco. in rappahannock county records, we find shipwright simon miller, a noted shipbuilder, who owned a tract of 125 acres; and john griffin, a shipwright, who, in 1684, recorded a deed to colonel cadwalader jones for a bark of fifty odd tons, for the consideration of fifty pounds sterling. the first john madison of virginia, great-great-grandfather of president james madison, acquired considerable land in virginia by the importation of immigrants; in a land patent dated 1682, he called himself a ship-carpenter. at this time, good ships of three hundred tons and over were being built in virginia, and probably john madison aided in the construction of one or more of these. it is evident that many of the shipwrights, who came to virginia from england, found the life of a planter more desirable than that of a shipbuilder, while some of them combined the two occupations. controversies over boats the council and general court of virginia were called upon occasionally to settle controversies over vessels of various kinds and to hear reports concerning others. the following reports are from the records of the court for 1622 to 1632. at an early date, robert poole reported a trading voyage with the indians for mr. "treasurer," in the pinnace _elizabeth_, during which he gave ten arms length of blue beads for one tub of corn and over, and thirteen arms length for another tub. anne cooper complained that her late husband, thomas harrison, loaned a shallop to lieutenant george harrison, late deceased. it was ordered by the court that she should receive one hundred pounds of merchantable tobacco from george harrison's estate. an argument between john utie and bryan caught resulted in the order that the latter should build utie a shallop eighteen feet, six inches keel; six feet, six inches breadth; with masts, oars, yard and rudder, and to find the 1100 nails and six score "ruff and clench" desired. utie was to pay bryan for building the shallop six score pound weight of tobacco, and to furnish the help of a boy and the boy's diet. also, he was to pay bryan six score pounds of tobacco for a boat previously built for him. captain francis west, a member of the council, desired that he be given the use of the spanish frigate with all her tackle, apparel, munitions, masts, sails, yards, etc., that had been captured by john powell, with a shallop built for that purpose, on an expedition to the west indies in the man-of-war, _black bess_. he was required to pay 1200 pounds of tobacco to the captain and men. in trading for corn for southampton hundred, john powntis was allowed a barrel of the corn for the use of his pinnace. mr. proctor had to pay mr. perry fifty pounds of tobacco for splitting perry's shallop. later, a shallop, which edmund barker sold to mr. rastall's men, was ordered returned to mr. perry, and edmund barker to be paid fifty pounds of tobacco for mending the shallop. to settle a charge against thomas westone by several men, he was ordered to appear before the governor with his pinnace. at a later meeting, thomas ramshee swore that westone was owner of the ship _sparrow_ and "did set her out of his own charge, from london to virginia." this was an early seagoing vessel of a colonist, but whether built in virginia, or purchased, is not stated. nicholas weasell received the most severe penalty, in cases concerning boats, when he was ordered to serve henry geny the rest of the year from february, for taking away geny's boat without leave, "whereupon it was bilged and spoiled." captain claiborne purchased a shallop with appurtenances from captain john wilcox who had been "at the plantation called accomack" since 1621. he paid wilcox 400 pounds of tobacco for the shallop, and sold it to thomas harwood. captain wilcox failed to make delivery, and the court ordered the attorney of captain wilcox to make satisfaction to thomas harwood. the court was called upon to settle a controversy between captain william tucker and mr. roland graine about a boat. a mrs. hurte was named as the owner of another ship in the colony, the _truelove_, formerly owned by john cross, deceased in england. a much discussed case was that of william bentley, on trial for the killing of thomas godby, which resulted when mr. conge's boat ran ashore at merry point, near william parker's house. while there, bentley, who had arrived in the boat, got into a quarrel and fight with godby, and was accused of killing him. these court records show that most of the cases concerned vessels built in the colony: boats, pinnaces, and shallops. the ships mentioned were evidently of english make. the shallop was the most popular boat for use in the colony. it was a small boat from sixteen to twenty feet in length, fitted with one or two masts and oars, and suitable for exploring the creeks and rivers, collecting corn from the indians, and transporting tobacco to waiting ships. shipbuilding on the eastern shore the eastern shore records are among the earliest in virginia. shipbuilding in the early days has been ably discussed by dr. susie m. ames in _studies of the virginia eastern shore in the seventeenth century_. in 1630, john toulson, or poulson, built a pinnace at nassawadox in which he had one-half interest. richard newport, one of captain christopher newport's sons, while living in northampton county, bought a shallop from the carpenter, thomas savage, for the use of the merchant, henry brookes, for which savage was paid twenty pounds sterling. william berry, another eastern shore carpenter, made an agreement with philip taylor, one of william claiborne's men, during the kent island controversy, to make him a boat, twenty by ten feet, provided taylor furnished the boards for the deck between the forecastle and the cabin. for this, berry was to receive two cows with calf and four hundred pounds of tobacco. during the dispute over kent island, a pinnace, belonging to captain claiborne, was taken by the marylanders. obedience robins, a well-known citizen of the eastern shore, acquired from the boatwright, william stevens, a shallop, twenty-six feet in length, with masts, yards, and oars. he owned a pinnace also, which he had named _accomack_. a number of lawsuits on the eastern shore in the 1640's, involved boats and ship materials. philip taylor was indebted to william stevens for one house, four days on a shallop, valued at one pound sterling, six gallons of tar, and 1250 nails of various sizes. payment was ordered made to the overseers of the estate of daniel cugley of one small boat, twenty-four yards of canvas, twenty gallons of tar, and ninety ten-grote nails, supplies for making a boat. another court order concerned the delivery of a boat, and 3500 six-penny nails lent by john neale. ambrose nixon testified that he and his mate had built a boat for randall revell. in 1638, two planters of accomack, nicholas white and one barnaby, made voyages to new england in their own vessels. the names of walter price and christopher stribling shipwrights are listed in the early records of northampton county. encouragement for the building of ships the general assembly of virginia encouraged shipbuilding by such laws as those enacted during 1662: "be it enacted that every one that shall build a small vessel with a deck be allowed, if above twenty and under fifty tons, fifty pounds of tobacco per ton; if above fifty and under one hundred tons, one hundred pounds of tobacco per ton; if above one hundred tons, two hundred pounds per ton. provided the vessel is not sold except to an inhabitant of this country in three years." other encouragement by virginia to owners of vessels, built by them, was the exemption of the two shillings export duties per hogshead of tobacco; the exemption from castle duties; the reduction to two pence per gallon on imported liquor from the four pence required of foreign vessels; and the exemption from duties imposed on shipmasters on entering and clearing, and for licenses and bond where necessary. the english government discouraged manufacture in the colonies that would compete with home manufactures, but the building of ships was an exception. england needed ships and granted the colonies the right to build as many as they could. throughout the whole period of royal government, there were enacted various laws remitting the duties on imports brought in on native ships and remission of tonnage duties. this aroused the resentment of the english shipbuilders, who had endeavored to put a stop to the building of ships of any size in the colonies. they were alarmed, too, at the laws passed in the colonies to encourage shipbuilding and complained that they had been discriminated against. resolutions were passed by parliament to investigate such laws framed in the colonies, and a bill, based upon these resolutions was proposed, but never introduced. however, in 1680, governor culpeper was ordered to annul the laws exempting virginia owners of vessels constructed in the colony from duties on exported tobacco and castle duties. the grounds upon which this order was based were (1) the injustice of granting privileges to virginia ship owners, not enjoyed by the owners of english vessels, trading in virginia waters; (2) the success of the navigation laws would be impaired by creating a virginia fleet, able to transport tobacco, without the assistance of english vessels; and (3) owners of english ships might be tempted to order them as belonging to virginians. since the virginia fleet in 1681, was composed of two ships, as mentioned by john page, in a petition to lord culpeper, the english were thought to be unnecessarily alarmed. during the 1660's, following the laws of the general assembly, a number of virginia built ships were recorded. there was much shipbuilding activity on the eastern shore. the mate of the _royal oake_, when caught trading illegally, stated that the owner had another boat in the house of a mr. waters, and also had a sloop being built there. about this time, a shipwright agreed to build between may and october, for william whittington, a sloop of twenty-six feet keel, and breadth in proportion, receiving for his work 4,400 pounds of tobacco. in 1666, john goddon entered a claim for a vessel of twenty-five tons built for him in accomack. john bowdoin built a brigantine which he named _northampton_. the size of the vessels built in virginia had been increasing steadily. thomas ludwell, secretary of the colony, reported, in 1655, that there had been built recently, several small vessels which could make voyages along the coast, presumably sloops. again, in a letter to lord arlington, secretary ludwell made the following statement: "we have built several vessels to trade with our neighbors, and do hope ere long to build bigger ships and such as may trade with england." colonel cuthbert potter of lancaster county, who was sent on a mission to ascertain the truth of the reported indian depredations in massachusetts and new york, was an early settler in the colony, and had acquired large land holdings in middlesex county. about 1660, he removed to barbadoes in his own sloop, the _hopewell_. in 1665, james fookes agreed to build for the widow, mrs. ann hack, a sloop that would carry thirty-five hogsheads of tobacco, if mrs. hack would supply the plank and a barrel of tar; fookes agreed to finish the job by the 25th of december. the following summer, at the plantation of mrs. hack, fookes made a formal contract with the brother of mrs. hack, augustine herrman of bohemia manor in maryland, to build a sloop and have it ready by the following october. herrman is well-known for his 1673 map of maryland and virginia. twenty years later, the dimensions of the _phenix_, another vessel built by fookes, were given: length of keel, forty feet; breadth, fourteen feet, nine inches inside; depth, eight feet, ten inches. in the english _news letter_ of march 12, 1666, was carried an encouraging news item: "a frigate of between thirty and forty [tuns?], built in virginia, looks so fair, it is believed that in a short time, they will get the art of building as good frigates as there are in england." at that time, a new fort was being erected at point comfort, and it was ordered that every ship riding in the james river should send one carpenter with provisions and tools to work on this fort. in 1667, mrs. sarah whitby, widow of john whitby, petitioned the king in council as follows: "the petitioner with other planters in virginia are owners of the ship _america_, built in virginia by captain whitby, and pray for a license, for the said vessel with six mariners, to proceed to virginia." the workmanship of the _america_ and her fine appearance had aroused the interest of the english, and expectations arose that virginia might soon become skillful in building large vessels. in a reply by sir william berkeley, governor of virginia, to an inquiry by the lords commissioners of foreign plantations, in 1671, as to the number of ships that trade yearly with the colony, he answered that there were a number of ships from england and ireland and a few ketches from new england, but never at one time more than two virginia-owned vessels, and they not more than twenty tons burden. he stated further that the severe act of parliament which excluded the colony from commerce with any other nation, was the reason why "no small or great vessels are built here." but other records of the time contradict berkeley's statement as to the number and size of vessels built in the colony. in addition to those mentioned above, there is found in the records of york county, an itemized cost of building a sloop, the total amount being 4,467 pounds of tobacco. the various materials were furnished by the owners: richard meakins, 950 feet of plank; mr. newell, the rigging; captain sheppard, the sail; and mr. williams, the rudder iron. about four months were required to complete the vessel, charges for food running that length of time, during which a cask of cider was consumed. some sloops were made large enough to hold as many as fifty hogsheads of tobacco, and could sail outside the coast. the sloop _amy_, with fourteen hogsheads of tobacco, sailed from virginia to london in 1690. dr. lyon g. tyler in _the cradle of the republic_ wrote that as early as 1690, ships of 300 tons were built in virginia, and trade in the west indies was conducted in small sloops. lieutenant john west of the eastern shore, stating that he had built a vessel of forty-five tons, decked and fitted for sea, petitioned the court for a certificate to the assembly as encouragement for so doing. two other shipwrights, thomas fookes and robert norton, testified as to the weight of the vessel. west was evidently seeking the subsidy of fifty pounds of tobacco for building a vessel "above twenty and under fifty tons," under the law of 1662. john west was evidently considered an excellent boatwright and carpenter, for in an indenture of the year 1697, made between him and robert glendall, late of elizabeth city county, west is enjoined by the court to do his utmost to instruct glendall in sloop and boat building, and in such other carpenter's work as he was "knowing in." in his testimony before the board of trade on september 1, 1697, as to the manufactures in virginia, major wilson stated that very good ships were built in virginia of 300 tons and upwards; but cordage, iron, and smith's work were "brought thither." during that year, a group of merchants in bristol, england, had a number of ships constructed in virginia. they were influenced by the fine quality of timber and the small cost of the work, as compared with the cost of similar work in england. also, a matter of no small importance, a cargo of tobacco was ready for each completed ship. the wills of deceased persons sometimes revealed ownership of vessels. of particular interest is the will of nathaniel bacon, senior, in which he left to his wife and his nephew, lewis burwell, "all ships or parts of ships ... to me belonging in any part of the world." these were to be disposed of by abigail, his wife, and the nephew as they saw fit. an inventory of the estate of one thomas lloyd of richmond county, on october 27, 1699, lists one decked sloop on the stocks, unfinished, of about thirty tons; one small open sloop newly launched, not finished, of twenty-five tons; one new flat, one old ditto; one old barge; one parcel of handsaws, etc. sir edmund andros, governor of virginia, in answering the inquiries of the council of trade and plantations, the clearing house for colonial affairs, in the year 1698, stated that there were 70,000 inhabitants in virginia, and the number of vessels reported by the owners were four ships, two barks, four brigantines, and seventeen sloops. his report for the previous year had named eight ships, eleven brigantines, and fifteen sloops that had been built for which carpenters, iron work, rigging, and sails had been brought from england. eighteenth century shipbuilding the building of ships, barkentines and sloops in virginia, during the early years of the eighteenth century, had so increased that the master shipbuilders of the river thames addressed a petition to the king in 1724, stating that by the great number of ships and other vessels lately built, then building, and likely to be built in the colonies, the trade of the petitioners was very much decayed, and great numbers of them for want of work to maintain their families, had of necessity left their native country and gone to america. they felt that not only british trade and navigation had suffered thereby, but danger existed in fitting out the royal navy in any extraordinary emergency. this petition applied to the northern colonies particularly, as they were far ahead of virginia in shipbuilding, but the southern colonies were included. as we have seen, many shipwrights came to virginia and acquired large tracts of land and became planters. in the narrative of his travels in virginia, with some companions early in the eighteenth century, francis louis michel of berne, switzerland, related that when he was within fifty miles of the coast, he saw two ships, the larger, one of the most beautiful merchantmen he had ever seen. because it was built in virginia, it was named _indian king_ or _wild king_, he did not remember which. three years before, it had fallen into the hands of pirates, so the narrative related, but had been rescued by the british warship _shoreham_, and sixty pirates of all nations taken prisoners, all of whom were hanged in england. how many vessels were built or repaired at the point comfort shipyard is not known. at a meeting of the council of virginia in may, 1702, a letter from captain moodie stated that he had fitted up a very convenient place at point comfort for careening her majesty's ships of war, or any other ships that came to the colony; and he proposed that some care be taken and some person appointed to have charge of the situation. this arrangement was confirmed by a letter from lieutenant governor alexander spotswood to the british admiralty on october 24, 1710, in which he wrote that for the convenience of careening, there is a place at point comfort which, with a small charge, could be fitted up for that purpose; h.m.s. _southampton_ had careened there, and there may be served the largest ships of war, which her majesty will have occasion to send to virginia as cruisers or convoys. this careening site at point comfort provided long-needed facilities for careening vessels for repairs and scraping bottoms. as early as 1633, david pietersz de vries from holland, arrived at jamestown with a leaky ship, but found no facilities in the colony for careening vessels. he found it necessary to sail to new netherlands for such repairs. as late as 1700, when the _shoreham_, a fifth rate frigate, was the chesapeake bay guardship, captain passenger, her commander, wrote to governor nicholson: "i have only to offer (may your excellency think convenient) about the latter end of september to careen the _shoreham_. she is at present very foul, and the rudder is loose, which i fear before the next summer, may be of dangerous consequences which cannot be removed, without careening or lying ashore, which i presume there is no place in virginia, that will admit of." it is thought, however, that there must have been careening places in the colony for the smaller vessels, or how else could the pinnaces and sloops have been kept in repair. sloops became popular in the eighteenth century, and a number of them were built in virginia to be disposed of in the west indies. after the sloop was finished, she received a cargo of tobacco, and vessel and tobacco were sold together. because of the danger from pirates and spanish interference, the sloops for the west indies trade were designed especially for speed and maneuverability. the pilot boat evolved in the colony quite early. an advertisement appeared in the _virginia gazette_, on july 22, 1737, for a pilot boat stolen or gone adrift from york river. the boat was twenty-four feet keel, nine feet beam, with two masts and sails, and was painted red. another advertisement in september, 1739, concerning a boat stolen from newport news, on the james river, by one james hobbs, a carpenter. the boat was about fifteen feet keel, had two masts, and was payed with pitch. it had a new arch thort of black walnut, and a tarpaulin upon the forecastle. norfolk became one of the busiest ports in virginia, both in shipbuilding and ship repair work. a shipyard had been established on the elizabeth river in 1621 by john wood and work had been almost continuous, though at times very slow, throughout the seventeenth century. an inventory in 1723, listed one brigantine, three sloops, and three flats owned by robert tucker. one of the sloops was forty feet in length and valued at 230 pounds sterling. captain samuel tatum owned the ship _caesar_, which was said to be worth 625 pounds sterling, and the sloop _indian creek_ valued at twenty-five pounds. william byrd in his _history of the dividing line_, states that he saw at norfolk, in 1728, twenty sloops and brigantines. some of them were quite evidently of english origin. in 1736, the sloop _industry_, "lately built in norfolk," was loaded with tobacco in the james river to take to london. captain goodrich, master of the ship _betty_ of liverpool, which was built on the elizabeth river for the maryland trade, was permitted by the council of virginia, to sail to liverpool without the payment of the usual port duties. the firm of john glasford and company contracted with smith sparrows in 1761, for a ship built at norfolk, sixty feet in length, sixteen feet in the lower hold, and four feet between decks, the price being fifty shillings per ton. many of the shipwrights, who came to virginia and became land owners, settled in norfolk. that port was especially known for this kind of citizen, ranking next to the merchant in wealth and influence. among house owners were some ship-carpenters who carried on their trade, receiving for a day's work four shillings and a pint of rum, more wages than the salary of some clergymen. several shipwrights listed in lower norfolk were large property owners. abraham elliott owned land both in virginia and england. one john ealfridge owned one-half interest in a mill, and acquired a plantation for each of his two sons in addition to his own. to secure a large sum of money due robert cary of london, theophilus pugh of nansemond county mortgaged his lands, slaves, and vessels with all their boats. the vessels were listed as follows: ships, _william and betty_, _prosperous esther_; sloops, _little molly_, _little betty_; schooners, _nansemond frigate_, _pugh_. if the average planter had owned the equivalent of two ships, two sloops and two schooners, the total number of vessels in virginia in the middle of the eighteenth century would have far exceeded any inventory reported. the frame of a snow, which was to have been built by thomas rawlings, a ship-carpenter, for mr. john hood, merchant of prince george county, was advertised for sale in 1745. the snow was to have been sixty feet keel; twenty-three feet, eight inches beam; ten feet hold; and four feet between decks. also advertised for sale about the same time was a schooner, trimmed and well-fitted with sails and rigging to carry fifty hogsheads of tobacco. in march, 1746, the sloop _little betty_, burden fifty tons, was offered for sale with her sails, anchors, furniture, and tackle. the advertisements of virginia-built vessels in the 1750's, and in the 1760's, show a steady increase in the size of sloops and ships. the following are mentioned: a brig of eighty tons; several snows, one to carry 250 hogsheads of tobacco; and several schooners. schooner rigged boats appeared in the colony early in the eighteenth century, and gradually increased in size and importance. during the second half of the eighteenth century, the schooner displaced the sloop as the principal coastwise vessel, and emerged during the revolution as a distinctive american type. "the most spectacular event in the history of naval architecture in the eighteenth century was the emergence of the chesapeake bay clipper-schooner," says arthur pierce middleton. in april, 1767, john hatley norton came from london to be his father's agent with headquarters in yorktown. he wrote home that his cousins, the walker brothers, had a shipyard at hampton, and were building ships of new white oak, well calculated for the west indies trade. a letter from john m. jordon & company, london, in 1770, reads in part as follows: "mr. william acrill desires you will make insurance of his brig, _america_, captain william c. latimer; in case of loss to receive four hundred pounds. she is chartered by a gentleman on the rappahannock; and is now in hampton roads, and will sail tomorrow or next day; and in case she arrives safe, you are to receive her freight, and sell the vessel, provided you can get four hundred pounds for her." occasionally, we find an account of the use of a vessel of some kind or other for pleasure. in fithian's _journal and letters_, the author writes in 1773, that his employer, mr. robert carter of nomini, prepared for a voyage in his schooner _harriot_ (named for his daughter), to the eastern shore of maryland for oysters. the schooner was of forty tons burden, thirty-eight feet in length, fourteen feet beam, six feet in depth of hold, carried 1400 bushels of grain, and was valued at forty pounds sterling. again from the _journal_: "from horn point, we agreed to ride to one mr. camel's, who is comptroller of the customs here. before dinner, we borrowed the comptroller's barge, which is an overgrown canoe, and diverted ourselves in the river which lies fronting his house." [illustration: _susan constant._ replica of the ship that brought the first settlers to jamestown, 1607 photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] [illustration: interior of the _susan constant_ photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] [illustration: the manner of makinge their boates. xii. the manner of makinge their boates in virginia is verye wonderfull. for wheras they want instruments of yron, or other like vnto ours, yet they knowe howe to make them as handsomelye, to saile with whear they liste in their riuers, and to fishe with all, as ours. first they choose some longe, and thicke tree, accordinge to the bignes of the boate which they would frame, and make a fyre on the grownd abowt the roote therof, kindlinge the same by little, and little with drie mosse of trees, and chipps of woode that the flame should not mounte opp to highe, and burne to muche of the lengte of the tree. when yt is almost burnt thorough, and readye to fall they make a new fyre, which they suffer to burne vntill the tree fall of yt owne accord. then burninge of the topp, and bowghs of the tree in suche wyse that the bodie of the same may retayne his iust lengthe, they raise yt vppon potes laid ouer cross wise vppon forked posts, at suche a reasonable heighte as they may handsomlye worke vppó yt. then take they of the barke with certayne shells: thy reserue the innermost parte of the lennke, for the nethermost parte of the boate. on the other side they make a fyre accordinge to the lengthe of the bodye of the tree, sauinge at both the endes. that which they thinke is sufficientlye burned they quenche and scrape away with shells, and makinge a new fyre they burne yt agayne, and soe they continue sometymes burninge and sometymes scrapinge, vntill the boate haue sufficient bothowmes. this god indueth thise sauage people with sufficient reason to make thinges necessarie to serue their turnes. from hariot's _virginia_. indian dugout canoe] [illustration: rose's tobacco boat, 1749] [illustration: rucker's tobacco boat, 1771 from percy's _piedmont apocalypse_.] [illustration: shallop from a sketch by gordon grant.] [illustration: _discovery_. replica of the pinnace that accompanied the _susan constant_, 1607 photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] [illustration: construction of the _discovery_, after seventeenth-century shipbuilding photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] [illustration: an early shipyard from abbot's _american merchant ships_.] [illustration: from ralamb's _skeps byggerij_, 1691. trans. by j. aasland, jr., hampton, va. early shipbuilding tools used in sweden and other countries 1--english broad axe. 2--compass. 3--compass with chalk holder. 4--chalk line on roller. 5--compass. 6--axe for holes. 7--ruler. 8--tongue on ruler 1-1/2 ft. 9--dutch ruler. 10--tongue on ruler for ship layout. 11--swedish cutting axe. 12--trimming hatchet. 13--hook for removing old calking. 14--english adz. 15--adz. 16--swedish or dutch adz. 17--english handsaw. 18--handsaw with handle. 19--mallet. 20--hammer. 21--claw hammer. 22--circle saw. 23--auger. 24--dutch brace auger. 25--english wood chisel. 26--wood chisel. 27--english mallet. 28--gouge. 29--swedish mallet. 30--gouge. 31--gouge. 32--gouge. 33--calking mallet. 34--calking tool. 35--spike iron. 36--calking tool. 37--calking mallet. 38--english gouge. 39--calking iron. 40--lubricating tool, also for removing pitch. 41--hook for removing oakum or old calking. 42--calking iron. 43--calking iron. 44--tool used to clean out seams. 45--calking iron. 46--calking iron. 47--scraper.] [illustration: shipwrights drawing, 1586 from pepysian mss in magdalene college, cambridge, england.] [illustration: h.m.s. _mediator_, a virginia sloop of about 1741, purchased for the royal navy in 1745 drawn by h. i. chapelle from admiralty records.] [illustration: sloops in the york river between yorktown and gloucester point from an original drawing, 1755.] [illustration: chesapeake bay log canoe under construction from brewington's _chesapeake bay log canoes_.] [illustration: a virginia pilot boat with a view of cape henry from _naval chronicle_, 1815.] [illustration: american schooner off coast of virginia, 1794 from a watercolor by g. tobin in the national maritime museum, london.] [illustration: british schooner from a painting of curacao, 1785.] [illustration: seventeenth-century shipyard in england from the science museum, south kensington, london.] [illustration: careening ships in england, 1675 from the science museum, south kensington, london.] [illustration: english ketch, about 1700 from r. c. anderson's _sailing ships_.] [illustration: brigantine, about 1720 from williams' _sailing vessels of the eighteenth century_.] [illustration: brig from williams' _sailing vessels of the eighteenth century_.] [illustration: snow from williams' _sailing vessels of the eighteenth century_.] [illustration: small galley-built vessel, ship-rigged, 1714 from the archives in the custom house, london.] [illustration: ss _united states_, built at the newport news shipbuilding and dry dock company. latest shipbuilding in virginia, to compare with seventeenth-century craft photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] trading towns and ports in the early days of the colony after tobacco had become a commodity for export, ships moored at the wharves of the plantations along the james, york and rappahannock rivers and their estuaries. as trade increased, larger ships were used which anchored in the channels of the rivers, and the tobacco and other exports were carried to them by small boats--shallops, sloops, and barges. the government complained that it was losing revenue by this individualistic and unorganized shipping of the planters, and steps were taken to correct this. in 1633, it was enacted by the general assembly that all goods entering in any vessel--ship, bark or brig, should discharge at jamestown. this act applied to the colonists in their exports as well, but the law was disregarded. in 1680, places were selected in the different counties that had the advantage of accessibility and deep water where ships could gather to receive and discharge their cargoes. the establishment of these trading towns, as they were called, was by an act as follows: the general assembly having taken into consideration the great necessity, usefulness and advantages of cohabitation ... and considering the building of storehouses for the reception of all merchandizes imported, and receiving and laying ready all tobacco for exportation and sale ... that there be in every respective county fifty acres of land purchased by each county and laid out for a town and storehouses.... the price of the fifty acres of land was set at 10,000 pounds of tobacco and casks. lots of one-half acre were to be sold to individuals by a stated time at the price of one hundred pounds of tobacco. twenty places were named in the counties where trading towns were to be established: henrico, at varina. charles city, at flower de hundred opposite swinyards. surry, at smith's fort. james city, at james city. isle of wight, at pate's field, pagan creek. nansemond, at huff's point. warwick, at the mouth of deep creek. elizabeth city, west side of hampton river. lower norfolk, on nicholas wise's land. york, on mr. reed's land. new kent, at the brick house. gloucester, at tindal's point. middlesex, west side of wormley's creek. rappahannock, at hobb's hole. stafford, at peace point. westmoreland, at nomini. accomack, at onancock. northampton, north side of king's creek. lancaster, north side of corotomond creek. northumberland, at chickacone creek. the towns were building up. warehouses, churches, and prisons were erected in many of them, as well as private dwellings. an occasional court house could be found where legal proceedings were enacted. in 1691, however, an act of the general assembly changed many of the trading towns to ports, but was suspended later until the pleasure of the king and queen on the subject should be learned. no definite action was taken until 1705, when queen anne, who ascended the throne in 1702, expressed approval. then an act for ports of entry and clearance was passed to be in use from the 25th of december, 1708. this act provided that naval officers and collectors at the ports should charge virginia owners of vessels no more than half of the fees required for the services of entering and clearing. the sixteen towns to become ports were named as follows: hampton. norfolk. nansemond. james city. powhatan (flower de hundred). yorktown. queensborough, at blackwater. delaware, at west point. queenstown, at corrotoman. urbanna, at middlesex. tappahannock, at hobb's hole. new castle, at wicomico. kingsdale, at yohocomoco. marlborough, at potomac creek. northampton, at king's creek. onancock. the names of some of the trading towns were changed when they became ports, and soon became important and well-known throughout the country. hampton, known first by the indian name kecoughtan (spelled in various ways) was settled in 1610. although the name had been changed to elizabeth city by the company in may, 1620, upon the petition of the colonists, the old indian name was still in use occasionally in the 18th century. in papers relating to the administration of governor nicholson is a list of vessels about to sail from "keccowtan" in july 1705, sixty-seven sail of merchant ships bound for various ports of great britain. the names kecoughtan, elizabeth city, lower james, and even southampton were used interchangeably, and shown on records of the colony, until the act of 1705, named the port hampton. in british colonial records of 1700, we find hampton town, elizabeth city and keccowtan used in the same chapter. f. c. huntley in his _seaborne trade in virginia in mid-eighteenth century_, published in the _virginia magazine of history_, vol. 59, makes the statement that in the 18th century, port hampton handled the largest amount of shipping of all the virginia ports, judging from the total tonnage of vessels entering and clearing as given in the records of the naval officers. he uses 1752, as a normal trade year of which he gives interesting statistics. he states that the tonnages that entered and cleared the port hampton naval office were distributed among five different types of rigging. cleared: 64 sloops, 46 schooners, 16 ships, 20 brigs, 10 snows. entered: 59 sloops, 40 schooners, 40 ships, 18 brigs, 12 snows. of these a goodly portion were built in virginia. after taking part in laying the dividing line between virginia and north carolina, william byrd ii wrote on march 28, 1728: norfolk has most the air of a town of any in virginia. there were more than 20 brigantines and sloops riding at the wharves and ofttimes they have more. it has all the advantages of a situation requisite for trade and navigation. there is a secure harbor for a goodly number of ships of any burthen. the town is so near the sea that a vessel can sail in and out in a few hours. their trade is chiefly to the west indies whither they export abundance of beef, pork, flour and lumber. in the _journal_ of lord adam gordon, colonel of the 66th regiment of foot, stationed at the west indies from 1763 to 1775, is extracted the following: "norfolk hath a depth of water for a 40-gun ship or more, and conveniences of every kind for heaving down and fitting out large vessels; also a very fine ropewalk. there is a passage boat from hampton to norfolk and from york to gloucester." in the third quarter of the 18th century, norfolk became the principal seaport of virginia. yorktown was founded on land patented about 1635 by nicholas martiau, a walloon who had come to virginia in the summer of 1620. his grandson, benjamin read, sold fifty acres to the colony in 1691, and here yorktown as a port built the first custom house, not only in virginia, but in the country. a two-story brick building, erected about 1715, by richard ambler, who occupied the building as collector of customs for yorktown in 1720. it became a port of entry for new york, philadelphia and other northern cities, the importance of which was destroyed by the revolutionary war. york county was one of the eight original shires in 1634, under the name, charles river, changed in 1643 to york. the old custom house is still standing and is used as a museum for colonial and revolutionary relics. the location of alexandria on a large circular bay in the potomac river soon gave that town great importance as a port and shipyard. for generations, tobacco and grain were shipped from there, and imports of many kinds brought in. master shipbuilders turned out vessels manned, owned and operated by alexandrians. from her ropewalk came the rope to hoist the sails made in her sail lofts. on may 19, 1760, george washington went to alexandria to see col. littledale's ship launched. he tells of another launching he attended there on october 6, 1768, when he "stayd up all night to a ball." the two creeks flowing from near williamsburg to york river on one side and the james on the other, played an important part in early colonial history. from york river sloops, schooners, barges and all manner of flat-bottomed craft sailed up queen's creek to queen mary's port with its capitol landing within a mile of williamsburg. the same kind of watercraft sailed from james river up college creek to queen anne's port with its college landing near the city. cargoes of mahogany, lignum vitae, lemons, rum, sugar and ivory were discharged. received in return were tobacco, grain, flour and other commodities. vessels on queen's creek were required to pass through the custom house at yorktown after that office had been established. because of a general complaint by masters of ships that there were neither pilots nor beacons to guide them in virginia waters, the general assembly appointed captain william oewin chief pilot of james river in march, 1661, to be paid five pounds sterling for the pilotage of all ships above eighty tons if he be employed, and if not employed due to the presence of the ship's pilot who guided the vessel, he received forty shillings. the pilot was required to maintain good and sufficient beacons at all necessary places, and toward this expense, the master of every vessel that anchored within point comfort, having or not having a pilot, was required to pay thirty shillings. later the pilot or the company to which he belonged was required to keep one pilot boat of 18 foot keel at least, rigged and provided for use at all times. early ferries in virginia during the first quarter of the seventeenth century, the settler in virginia used any kind of craft he possessed to cross the streams that separated him from his neighbor or for transacting business. canoes, flatboats, scows, even sailing boats were pressed into service. these he propelled himself until he acquired a slave or two. communication was aided by bridges across the smaller streams, and when horses became available, by crossing the rivers at the fords whenever possible. the steady increase of settlers, however, created a demand for public transportation across creeks and rivers at the most travelled points. one of the first public ferries on record was started as a private enterprise in 1636, by adam thoroughgood. a skiff was rowed by slaves across the waters of lower norfolk, between what are now the cities of norfolk and portsmouth. in a few months the demand for transportation became so strong that the ferry was taken over by the county, increased to three hand-powered vessels and supported by a levy of six pounds of tobacco on each taxable person in the county. a second early ferry was that of henry hawley in 1640, when he was granted a patent by the court to keep a ferry at the mouth of the southampton river in kequoton, now hampton, for the use of the inhabitants and other passengers during his natural life, not exacting above one penny for ferriage according to the offer in his petition. "for the more ease of travellers," it was enacted by the general assembly in january 1642, that the country provide and maintain ferries and bridges and the levy for payment to the ferrymen be made by the commissioners where the ferry is kept. this act, establishing ferries at public expense, was repealed later and the court of each county given power to establish a ferry, or ferries in the county where needed at the instance of individuals. the court had authority to appoint and license the ferry keeper, to require of him a bond of twenty pounds sterling payable to his majesty as security for the constant use and well-keeping of the boats. it was the duty of the court to order and direct the boats and hands in use at the ferries. to encourage men to engage in operating ferries, it was enacted in 1702 that all persons attending on ferryboats should be free from public and county levies and from such public services as musters, constables, clearing highways, impressment, etc., and should have their licenses without fee or paying a reward for obtaining them. and if the ferryman desired to maintain an ordinary (public inn) at the ferry, he should be permitted to do so without fee for the license, but should be required to give bond for security. no other person should be permitted to establish an ordinary within five miles of such a ferry keeper. a warning was issued that any person not a ferryman who for reward should set any person over the river where there was a ferry, except for going to church, should pay for every such offense five pounds sterling, one-half to go to the ferryman and one-half to the informer, the full amount to the ferryman should he be the informer. the county court was authorized in 1705 to make an agreement with the keeper of the ferry to set over the county militia on muster days and to raise an allowance for this in the county levy. all public messages and expresses to the government were to be allowed to cross ferry free. the adjutant general with one servant and their horses were exempted in 1738 from any payment on any ferry in the colony. ministers of the church were likewise exempt from paying ferriage. dugout canoes of the indians were among the first ferries used in virginia and when more space was needed, two canoes were lashed together and secured by means of heavy cross pieces. in the _journal_ of thomas chalkley, a traveller in virginia, he tells of a ferry crossing made at yorktown in 1703: "we put our horses into two canoes tied together, and our horses stood with their fore feet in one and their hind feet in the other." later, flatboats, scows, barges, and more carefully planked boats were put into use. rope ferries were necessary wherever the current was swift, but used as little as possible on navigable rivers because of the obstruction to navigation. the number of ferries in the colony increased steadily from year to year. at nearly every session of the general assembly some law was enacted "for the good regulation of ferries." in 1705, the assembly published a list of ferries with corresponding rates of ferriage that crossed the james, york, and rappahannock rivers and their branches. the ferries but not the rates are given herewith as follows: ferries on james river and branches thereof- henrico county at varina. bermuda hundred to city point. charles city county at westover. appomattox river near col. byrd's store. prince george county at coggan's point, and maycocks. powhatan town to the swineherd landing. surry county, hog island to archer's hope. sicamore landing by windmill point to the widow jones's landing at wyanoke. mouth of the upper chipoake's creek over to the row, or martin's brandon. swan's point to james town. crouche's creek to james town. james city county at james town to swan's point. james town to crouche's creek. williamsburg, princess ann port to hog island. chickahominy, at usual place on each side of river. john goddale's to williams's neck, or drummond's neck. nansemond county, coiefield's point to robert peale's near sleepy hole. elizabeth city county at hampton town from town point to brookes's point. hampton town to sewell's point. norfolk town to sawyer's point or lovet's plantation. ferries on york river and branches- new kent county, robert peaseley's to philip williams's. brick house to west point. brick house to graves's. king william county, spencer's over to the usual landing place. thomas cranshaw to the usual landing place. philip williams's to peaseley's point. west point to brick house. abbot's landing over mattaponi river. west point to graves's. york town to tindal's point (gloucester point). this ferry was in continual operation until 1952 when a fine new bridge was opened for travel across the york. the ferriage in 1705 was seven pence half penny for a man, fifteen pence for man and horse. queen mary's port at williamsburg to claybank creek in gloucester county. captain matthews's to capahosack. tindal's point to york town. capahosack to matthews's landing or scimmino creek. bailey's over the peankatank. king and queen county, graves's to west point. graves's to brick house. burford's to old talbot's. captain walker's mill landing. middlesex county, over peankatank at turk's ferry. ferries on the rappahannock river- middlesex county, shelton's to mottrom wright's. brandon to chowning's point. essex county, daniel henry's to william pannell's. bowler's, at the usual place, to sucket's point. tappahannock to webley pavies, or to rappahannock creek. henry long's to the usual place. richmond county, william pannell's over the rappahannock. sucket's point to bowler's. potomac river- stafford county, col., william fitzhugh's landing to maryland. eastern shore- port of northampton to the port of york. port of northampton to the port of hampton. rates on these ferries were fixed by courts and varied according to distance. across the southampton river in hampton the rate was one penny, while from the port of northampton to hampton, the price was fifteen shillings for a man and thirty shillings for a man and horse. in 1740, the ferry from hampton to norfolk was described as follows: "from the town of southampton, across the mouth of the james river, to the borough of norfolk and nansemond town; from the borough of norfolk and nansemond town, across the mouth of the james river, to the town of southampton." the fare for this trip for a man passing singly was seven shillings, six pence; for a man and horse, five shillings each. by february 1743, the ferries across the chesapeake bay had been expanded, and were described as follows: "from york, hampton and norfolk towns, across the bay to the land of littleton eyre on hungar's river in northampton county; from the land of littleton eyre on hungar's river in northampton county, across the bay to york, hampton and norfolk." the rate for a man was twenty shillings, for a man and horse, fifteen shillings each. in 1748, another list of ferries, published in hening's _statutes_, showed that the number had more than doubled since 1705. the potomac river had added fourteen to the number given at that time. two ferries had been established on nottaway: "from thomas drew's land to dr. brown's, and from bolton's ferry to simmons' land." the ferries in addition to those of 1705 are the following: james river and branches- land of henry batte in henrico county, to the glebe land at varina. westover in charles city county, to maycox, or coggins point, and from maycox to westover. kennon's to maye's on appomattox river, and from maye's to kennon's. joseph wilkin's or john hood's land in prince george county, to john minge's land in wyanoke. hog-island, in surry county, to higginson's landing on col. lewis burwell's land. jamestown to swan's point. cowle's to williams's. cowle's to hamner's point. crawford's to powder point. boiling's point in henrico county, over appomattox river. city point to shirley hundred, at the ship landing, and from the said landing to city point. ship landing at shirley to bermuda hundred. bermuda hundred to city point. hemp landing at the falls of james river, to shocoe's, on the land of william byrd, esq. land of stephen woodson, in the county of goochland, to manacon town. henry cary's land, over the river, to the land of the said cary. henry batte's, in the county of henrico, to alexander bollings, in the county of prince george. land of col. richard bland, in the county of prince george, to the land of mrs. anderson, in the county of charles city. land of william pride called the store landing, in the county of henrico, to anthony's landing, in the county of prince george. store landing over persie's stile creek, to the land of peter baugh. warehouse landing at warwick, to the land of thomas moseley. mulberry island point in the county of warwick, to cocket's in isle of wight, and from cocket's to mulberry island. land of richard mosby in goochland county, to the land of tarlton fleming, opposite to mosby's landing. land of tucker woodson, to the land of paul micheaux near the court house. land of bennet goode to the land of col. john fleming. land of james fenly to the land of william cabbell, cross the fluvanna. charles lynch's plantation in albemarle county, on the rivanna, cross the said river, to the land of richard meriwether. land of mr. benjamin cocke, cross the said river, to the land of the said benjamin cocke. land of ashford hughes on the north side of james river, near the mouth of willis creek, cross the river to the land of robert carter, and from the said carter's to the said hughes's. land of lemuel riddick, adjoining the public wharf in suffolk, cross nansemond river, to samuel jordan's land. land of william pride in the county of herrico, on appomattox river, above the narrow falls, to the land of the said pride over the river, in prince george county. land of william cabbell, in albemarle county, at the mouth of swan's creek, over the fluvanna, to the land of samuel spencer; or from the said cabbell's, over tye river, to his land opposite. additional ferries on the york river- chamberlayne's to williams's. brick house to dudley's, or dudley's to brick house. webb's to lyde's, formerly spencer's, in king william county. temple landing, over mattaponi river. west point to dudley's, or dudley's to west point. capahosic to scimino. seaton's over piankatank. frazier's to broach's, and from broach's to frazier's. walker town to waller's, or waller's to walker town. turk's ferry over piankatank. robert king's over pamunkey to blackwell's, or from blackwell's to king's. sweethall to claiborne gooch's, or from claiborne gooch's to sweethall. george dabney's over pamunkey river. taylor's in king william to garland's in hanover. william pulliam's in hanover, to john holliday's in caroline. richard littlepage's to thomas claiborne's land, over pamunkey, and from claiborne's to littlepage's. todd's warehouse landing, in king and queen, to the land of robert armistead bird, in king william. ferries on the rappahannock river- whiting's to gilbert's. land of thomas ley to robinson's, or from robinson's to ley's. byrd's to williams', or williams' to byrd's. tappahannock town to carter's, or to rappahannock creek, on either side thereof. tankersley's over rappahannock river, to the usual place. germanna over the rapid ann. ray's plantation to skinker's. urbanna to chetwood's. urbanna, from the ferry landing to locust point, on the land of ralph wormley, esq. johnston's plantation in spotsylvania, to washington's in king george. taliaferro's plantation of the mount, to the land of joseph berry. philemon cavenaugh's ford. wharf above the mouth of massaponax creek, to the opposite landing upon mr. ball's land. fredericksburg warehouse to the land of anthony strother, or from strother's to fredericksburg. roy's warehouse to gibson's warehouse. william lowry's to the land of benjamin rust, or from rust's to lowry's. falmouth to the land of francis thornton, in spotsylvania. hackley's land in king george to corbin's in caroline. lot of joseph morton, in leeds town, to the lands of mrs. brooke. lower side of parrot's creek to teague's creek, on the land of baldwin. matthews smith, and from that creek to the lower side of parrot's creek. ferries on the potomac river- col. william fitzhugh's land at boyd's hole, over to maryland. hoe's to cedar point. tripplet's land below the mouth of quantico creek, over to brooks's land. robert lovell's in the county of westmoreland, over to maryland. land of william russel on sherendo, cross into the fork, or cross the main river. kersey's landing on col. carter burwell's land, to the land of col. landon carter. gersham key's land, to the land of the honourable william fairfax. williams' gap, from the land of the right honourable the lord fairfax, where john melton now lives, to the land of ralph wormley, esquire. plantation of george mason, opposite to rock creek, over to maryland. plantation of john hereford in [doegs?] neck, over the river, to the lower side of pamunkey in maryland. hunting creek warehouse to frazier's point, or addison's. land of ebenezer floyd to powell's. evan watkin's landing, opposite to canagochego creek, to edmund wade's land in maryland. land of william clifton to the land of thomas wallis. land of hugh west to frazier's, or addison's. the county courts were required to appoint proper boats to be kept at the ferries where needed for the transportation of wheeled vehicles--carts, chaises, coaches and wagons. the rates for these vehicles were based upon the rates for horses. for every coach, chariot or wagon, the price was the same as for the ferriage of six horses; for every cart or four-wheeled chaise, the price was the same as for four horses; and for every two-wheeled chaise or chair, the same as for two horses. for every hogshead of tobacco, the rate of one horse was charged. for ferrying animals, every head of neat cattle rated as one horse; every sheep, lamb or goat, one-fifth part of the rate for a horse; for every hog, one-fourth of the ferriage of a horse. should the ferryman exceed the legal rates, he was penalized by having to pay to the party aggrieved, the ferriage demanded and ten shillings. in february 1752, a free ferry for any persons and their commodities was established from the town of port royal over the rappahannock river to the land of john moore in king george county. in 1757, there were five ferries from norfolk over her various bodies of water, one of which was established as a free ferry supported by the county to enable the poor people of the community to have free passage to market. in the _virginia gazette_ for march 31, 1768, the following advertisement appeared: "i have boats for the use of my ferry equal to any in the government, and can give ferry dispatch greater than any other ferry keeper on the potomac river." in the late seventeenth century, the henrico county ferry was run by a woman. the county levy for that year was the sum of 2,000 pounds of tobacco to be paid to mrs. sarah woodson for keeping the ferry for one year. the county courts continued to establish new ferries and to discontinue others through the revolution and after. now and then bridges would take the place of ferries across the smaller streams. an interesting instance of such a change is told in the _richmond times-dispatch_ for august 20, 1939. "for a century from 1650, ferries were maintained across the two branches of pagan river at smithfield in isle of wight county. in 1750, these ferries were abandoned for toll bridges." from year to year, ferries gradually gave way to bridges and now, when we have passed the middle of the twentieth century, there are few ferries left in virginia. these are large, fine steamboats capable of carrying hundreds of passengers, but are no more necessary to the welfare of the people than were the little dugouts in the early days of the colony. shipbuilding in the period of the revolution at a convention of delegates and representatives of the counties and corporations of the colony of virginia on july 17, 1775, there was established a committee of safety consisting of ten prominent men for putting into execution the ordinances and resolutions of the convention. that committee was authorized to provide as many armed vessels as they judged necessary for the protection of the colony in the war that seemed to threaten. advertisements for ship-carpenters and other operatives were made, and every inducement held out to them in order that the building of vessels might immediately commence. between december, 1775, and july, 1776, the committee established a small navy by purchase of several armed, schooner-rigged vessels from the owners of the merchant fleet; and contracts were made for a number of galleys to be constructed on the different rivers of the colony. the potomac was to be protected by the construction of two row-galleys and the purchase of three boats. george minter was elected master of a row-galley to be built on the james river under the direction of colonel cary. he was requested to recommend proper persons to be mate, two midshipmen, gunner, and to enlist forty seamen. john herbert, a master shipbuilder, was employed to engage any number of ship-carpenters that he could procure upon reasonable terms, and to examine such places upon the james river or its branches as he thought proper and convenient for erecting shipyards, and to report to the committee. caleb herbert was retained as the master builder of a shipyard on the rappahannock river, and reuben herbert for such a yard on york river. each of them was desired as soon as possible to engage a proper number of workmen for building two row-galleys to be employed in the two rivers to transport troops. it was recommended that a committee at norfolk engage a proper person to take direction and employ a number of ship-carpenters for at least a year, to build vessels for the colony. george mason, in a letter to george washington on april 12, 1776, mentioned that he had under his charge two row-galleys of 40 or 50 tons burden, each to mount light guns, three and four pounders; and the sloop, _american congress_, a fine stout vessel of 110 tons burden, mounting fourteen carriage guns, four and six pounders, and was considering mounting two 9-pounders upon her main boom. on june 6, 1776, the committee of safety appointed christopher calvert to superintend the building of two row-galleys for the protection of virginia and north carolina, to engage a master workman and as many men as he should need to work expeditiously. the two vessels, _caswell_ and _washington_, were built at the south quay shipyard on the blackwater river near the north carolina line. a north carolina sloop had been seized in ocracoke inlet in april, 1776. sometime later, a warrant for £100 was issued to argyle herbert for the use of captain calvert upon account to pay the carpenters employed on his galley. at the convention of delegates held at the capitol in williamsburg on may 6, 1776, resolutions were passed dissolving the government from great britain, establishing virginia as a commonwealth or state. a board of navy commissioners composed of five members was appointed to superintend and direct all matters relating to the navy. their peculiar duties were defined as follows: to superintend and direct the building and repairing of all vessels; provide the necessary outfits, ordnance, provisions and naval stores; control the public rope walks; erect dockyards; contract for and provide all timber necessary for building purposes; and supervise the shipyards. on september 12, 1776, this commission was requested to engage the proper persons for building "in the most expeditious manner", 30 boats for the transportation of troops on the rivers, each boat to be the proper size for carrying a complete company of 68 men with their arms and baggage. those were small boats without masts but broad and strong enough to transport troops across rivers and to carry from point to point large quantities of ammunition and provisions as they were required. the small boats had been found indispensable in retreats, in rapid marches, and in concentrating land forces. the commissioners were authorized in october to provide the necessary plank and timber for the building of four large galleys fit for river and sea service, and to be mounted with proper guns. and for manning these galleys and others being built, the commissioners were requested to raise the number of men needed, not to exceed 1300 to serve three years. the continental congress directed that two frigates of 36 guns and of 500 tons burthen be built in virginia, and the navy board ordered the work done at gosport shipyard in norfolk county. the following excerpts from a letter of richard henry lee of the united states congress to james maxwell, chief superintendent of construction on december 1, 1776, give directions for building the frigates: the congress has resolved upon building two ships-of-war of 36 guns each.... you, sir, have been recommended as a person of great fitness for this business.... i do, in the name of the committee, request you will ... determine a most fit place to put these ships upon the stocks at. safety against the enemy is a very necessary object, proper water for launching, and convenience for getting timber you will consider.... a master builder with four or six workmen will soon go hence to virginia for this business, and i have no doubt other workmen will be had in that state to carry on the work briskly.... the builder desires that trees be felled immediately whilst the sap is down, that a quantity of locust trunnels be split one and one-half inches and from 18 to 30 inches in length; that sawyers be employed to get out white oak plank of 3-1/2 inches. these things and whatever else may be immediately necessary for this business you will take care to have done.... the builder tells me that cedar, locust, pitch pine, or wild cherry will be the proper timber for the upper works. on wednesday, december 18, 1776, it was resolved by the general assembly that the governor be desired to write to the maryland council of safety to inform them that four galleys of eighty odd feet keel, intended for the protection of chesapeake bay and adjacent capes and coasts, were then building in virginia and in great forwardness, and that the general assembly have directed four more galleys, much larger, be immediately built and equipped for the same purpose. the hope was expressed that the sister state, equally interested in mutual defence, would supply a proper quota of galleys to act in concert with those of virginia. chesapeake bay was the chief theatre of action by the enemy because of the principal tories residing near its waters. to watch their movements and prevent intercourse with the enemy became the duty of these galleys. two galleys, the _accomack_ and _diligence_, were built in 1777 on muddy creek near guilford in accomack county, and stationed on the eastern shore. these large galleys were about 90 feet in length and each carried two 18-pounders, four 9-pounders, and several swivels, in all ten guns. the state built and operated in 1777, a ropewalk at warwick in chesterfield county about five miles below richmond, where ducking, sail-cloth, and rope were manufactured under the charge of captain charles thomas. several important warehouses had been established there. the place was totally destroyed in the british raid of april, 1781. there were numerous places in virginia where shipbuilding was carried on during 1776 and 1779. vessels were built and equipped on the eastern shore, the potomac, the rappahannock, chickahominy and james rivers; at hampton, gosport in norfolk county, south quay on the blackwater near the carolina line, frazier's ferry on the mattaponi, and cumberland on the pamunkey. this last shipyard was discontinued at the suggestion of thomas jefferson in 1779 because of the enormous expense attending its support. there was also a shipyard in gloucester county owned by john hudgens. construction was carried on chiefly at the chickahominy and gosport yards. the shipyard on the chickahominy was located about twelve miles from its mouth and chosen partly because of its sheltered location and the fine timber that grew near by. the navy board had purchased 119 acres of land for the sum of £595 in april, 1777, and it became one of the busiest shipyards in the state. the ship _thetis_, and the armed brig _jefferson_, and many others were built in this yard. this establishment suffered the same fate as the warwick ropewalk during arnold's raid in 1781. a few posts are still standing in the water to mark the spot. just before the breaking out of the revolution, the british government had established a marine yard at portsmouth, virginia, for the use of its navy, and named it for the dockyard gosport near portsmouth, england. this yard was confiscated by virginia when the war began, and enlarged in 1801, by the purchase of 16 acres of the estate of andrew sproule, the british navy agent, for $12,000. the ship _virginia_ was built here and the two frigates laid on the stocks, with a number of other vessels. early in may, 1779, a british fleet with a large force of frigates and transports passed through the capes and on into hampton roads, under the command of sir george collier. unable to meet such a formidable enemy, the virginians withdrew their small fleet up the river for safety. the following extract is said to be from the _journal_ of h.m.s. _rainbow_, commanded by sir george collier: when the troops under general matthews took possession of portsmouth, norfolk and gosport navy yard had been abandoned. before leaving, the virginians had set fire to a ship-of-war of 28 guns ready for launching, belonging to congress, and two french merchant ships loaded with bales of goods and tobacco.... the quantities of naval stores found in their arsenals were astonishing. many vessels of war were on the stocks in different stages of forwardness; one of 36 guns, one of 18, three of 16, and three of 14, beside many merchantmen. the whole number taken, burnt, and destroyed while the king's ships were in the river amounted to _one hundred and thirty-seven_ sail of vessels.... [evidently, james maxwell's two frigates were included in this group.] five thousand loads of fine seasoned oak knees for shipbuilding and an infinite quantity of plank, masts, cordage, and numbers of beautiful ships-of-war on the stocks were at one time in a blaze and totally consumed, not a vestige remaining but the iron work.... quantities of tar were found in the warehouses, and in suffolk, 8,000 barrels of pitch, tar, and turpentine were seized. much was carried away but great quantities were set on fire and left behind. early in 1780, it was learned that the enemy intended another invasion of the coast of virginia, and the general assembly took measures for defense. in addition to land forces, the navy was ordered to assemble a small fleet consisting of the ships _thetis_, _tempest_, and _dragon_, the brig _jefferson_ and the galley _henry_ for the purpose of defending hampton roads and adjacent waters. in october, the situation seemed much more critical and acts were passed to build two more galleys of the same construction as built by congress in 1776, carrying two 32-pounders in the bow, a like number in the stern, with 6-pounders at the sides. the rigging, sails, guns, and other materials to be provided while the galleys were on the stocks that no time be lost in preparing them for the cruise. captain james maxwell addressed a letter to governor jefferson on december 7, 1780, informing him that the lieutenant of the _jefferson_ thinks it will take £14,000 [in continental money] to pay her up to the present time. there was also due the workmen of the gosport shipyard on the last of october, £18,679-14_s._-6_d._ clothing was wanting for 26 men--52 shirts, 26 jackets, and breeches, stockings, shoes and hats or caps. governor jefferson wrote to james maxwell on january 16, 1781, as follows: "i enclose you a plan for building portable boats, recommended by general washington, and shall be glad that you will take measures for having about twenty of them made without delay. we have doubts that they will suit our waters, and will be glad to confer with you on any suggested improvement." general lafayette having arrived at york on march 13, 1781, governor jefferson wrote him that there would be ready for him at the chickahominy shipyard four boats well-fitted to his purpose, and others were collecting in the rivers to rendezvous at hood's. these were for lookout boats placed in the rappahannock, piankatank, and york rivers. hood's was a battery on the james in prince george county, opposite weyanoke, now called fort powhatan. later, maxwell notified the governor that he was building a few boats at the chickahominy shipyard. the governor had requested that a good bateau builder be sent there to superintend some carpenters in building bateaux for the river above the falls, and the rest of the carpenters be set to building boats for navigating the lower parts of the river, boats so light and of such form they could be moved on wheels. on april 21, 1781, the traitor arnold and phillips made their raid up the james river, penetrating as far as richmond. a detachment under lieut. col. ambercrombie destroyed the shipyard at chickahominy including a large number of naval craft, among them an unfinished ship of 200 tons, and important warehouses. on april 27, the virginia fleet composed of six ships, eight brigs, five sloops, two schooners and several smaller craft, met the british fleet in battle a few miles below richmond, but had to give way. a number of vessels were scuttled or set on fire, but the enemy captured the rest, and the fleet was practically wiped out. only one armed vessel remained, the brig _liberty_. after the surrender of cornwallis, the general assembly met on may, 1782, and appointed three commissioners to superintend the work of protecting the bay. the ship _cormorant_ and the brig _liberty_ were prepared, and plans made for building two galleys and two barges or whale boats. the commissioners managed to keep a small naval force together during 1782 and 1783, until the war came to an end. when peace was declared in 1783, the commissioners had in different stages of construction the schooners _harrison_ and _patriot_, the barges _york_ and _richmond_, and the pilot boat _fly_. virginia dispensed with all her fleet except the _liberty_ and _patriot_ which were retained, with the approval of congress, as revenue cutters. among the various types of vessels mentioned here, galleys are generally thought of as having been rather insignificant. on the contrary, they were among the important vessels constructed for the virginia navy. while they were so built that they could easily retire up the creeks out of range of british guns, they were capable also of sailing out in the broad waters of the bay. they were broad in proportion to their length which varied from 60 to 90 feet, and not drawing much water could support immense weight upon their decks, as in transporting troops with their horses and baggage, and in carrying guns of the largest size. generally they had two masts and were rigged as schooners, but an occasional galley carried three masts as in the case of the _gloucester_. some were without masts and were called row-galleys. these were only half decked, were provided with high and strong bulwarks for the better protection from marksmen, and were propelled by oars only. the armaments of these galleys were much more formidable in proportion to their tonnage than were those of any other vessels. in november, 1776, two large galleys for river and sea service were ordered to be built to carry four 24-pounders, and fourteen 9-pounders each. also, in october, 1780, two more large ones were ordered to carry two 30-pounders in the bow, the same in the stern, with 6-pounders at the sides, for the protection of the chesapeake bay. the _gloucester_ was one of the largest galleys built. judging from the order sent to captain charles thomas on april 30, 1777, for rope and cables from the ropewalk at warwick, the galley had a foremast, a mainmast, a mizzen and a bowsprit. all the rigging was to have a rogue's yarn in it, that it might be distinguished from merchant rope. a rogue's yarn was a single thread of red or blue which was twisted in the rope at the manufactory, and served to distinguish it from all others. the _gloucester_ was used as a prison ship. two accounts of the development of the schooner in use by virginia during the revolution are worth recording: (a) it is from this time perhaps that we may date that new era in the art of shipbuilding which now produced the firstlings of that brood of fast-sailing clippers that afterwards were to astonish and charm the naval world with their brilliant performance. the americans were the originators of this improved naval architecture. it was developed by that spirit of invention and love of adventure so characteristic of a young and vigorous people, urged by necessity.... the far-famed baltimore clipper soon established the reputation of that long, low, rakish-looking craft, which has ever since been the cynosure of the seaman's eye. (b) the most spectacular event in the history of naval architecture in the 18th century was the emergence of the clipper-schooner which became famous during the revolution. this was a trim, rakish craft known as the virginia-built schooner, an exclusively chesapeake type prior to the revolution. the war created a demand for this fast-sailing vessel and builders all along the coast constructed vessels on the clipper lines thereby converting it to a national type. the war made the clipper-schooner internationally known, however, and before the end of the century, the french, dutch, and british built schooners on the clipper lines. the pilot boat used in the virginia navy was a small fast-sailing craft used as "lookouts", only two of which, the _molly_ and the _fly_, were armed. their duties were attended with many hardships and extreme peril. they were obliged to hover along a dangerous coast in all weathers to give notice of the approach of every sail whether friend or foe. they acted as a flying sentry at the gates of the chesapeake, but constantly exposed to the broad atlantic outside. although the war virtually eliminated virginia's trading fleet as well as her navy, her shipbuilding capacity was at its best. her many shipyards, abundant supplies of available shipbuilding timber, and her skilled craftsmen soon put her trading fleet in operation and it became an integral part of the american merchant marine. early virginia watercraft (as defined by authorities) _shallop_--a nondescript type of small boat, from the french "chaloupe," open or half-decked, sometimes with one or two masts for use if needed. it was the most popular boat used in the colony for collecting corn from the indians, fishing, oystering, and exploring. _pinnace_--"an old name in english marine nomenclature." a light sailing vessel from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, decked and having one or more masts, from twenty to thirty tons burden. the pinnaces _virginia_, _discovery_, and the two built at bermuda, _deliverance_ and _patience_ were sea-going vessels. _barge_--"a term applied to numerous types of vessels throughout the ages." in virginia it meant a ship's boat, or a flat bottom freight boat used on inland waterways and for loading and unloading ships. _bateau_--the chesapeake bay bateau in colonial times was a double-ended boat having a v-bottomed hull, built in lengths to forty or fifty feet, and was primarily a rowing or poling boat used for rivers and creeks. _scow_--a large flat-bottomed vessel having broad, square ends and straight sides, sometimes flat-decked. probably from the dutch term "schouw." _flat_--an old form of boat, simple to build, with flat bottom, ends boarded over, used for heavy freight and ferrying, sometimes having a mast. _skiff_--a light swift open boat, generally double-ended for rowing, but sometimes equipped for sailing. _frigate_--originally a light vessel propelled by both sails and oars with flush decks. a "frigott" was constructed at cape comfort by captain argall in 1613. later the term was applied only to a type of warship. _punt_--a small flat-bottomed, open boat, usually with a seat in the middle, and a well or seat at one, or each end for use in shallow waters, propelled by oars or poles. _yawl_--a small sailing vessel rigged like a sloop with a small additional mast in the stern. _canoe_--the evolution of the chesapeake bay canoe and the chesapeake bay bugeye from the indian dugout canoe, is one of the most interesting developments in the history of shipbuilding in america. _piragua_ or _periagua_--a large dugout canoe fitted with sails. _tobacco boat_--the double dugout canoe generally referred to as the tobacco boat, was "invented" by the reverend robert rose, rector of st. ann's parish in albemarle. the boats were from fifty to sixty feet in length, from four to five feet in width, clamped together with cross beams and pins, two pieces running lengthwise over these, with a capacity of from five to ten hogsheads of tobacco. the first mention of this boat was in rose's diary for march 14, 1749. (2) the james river bateau or tobacco boat was invented by anthony j. rucker in 1771, and is mentioned in jefferson's _notes on virginia_. the bateaux were made of boards from forty to sixty feet long and flat-bottomed. they were constructed so that either end could be poled against the river bank and the hogshead rolled aboard. each craft required a crew of three, one to steer and one each for the sideboards, the full length of the gunwales. _sloop_--a craft with a single mast and fore-and-aft rig, in its simplest form a mainsail and jib. it is said to have appeared in the colony from england before 1630, and became the most common colonial rig. it was the fast-sailing craft for coastwise and west indies trade. it became very popular as a pleasure boat. _schooner_--a two or more masted vessel, fore-and-aft rigged. the essentials of the schooner are two fore-and-aft sails and a headsail (jib), any other sails being incidental. this type of rig was not known until the last quarter of the seventeenth century, appearing in america by 1700, or shortly after. during the second half of the eighteenth century, the schooner displaced the sloop as the principal colonial coasting vessel, and during the revolution emerged as the most distinctly american type. _pilot boat_--in 1661, the general assembly passed an act creating the office of chief pilot of the james river. a specific type of vessel evolved for use as pilot boats--fast, weatherly boats, somewhat on the mold of the already developing clipper schooner, about 1745. this boat soon acquired schooner rig and all the characteristics of a clipper schooner. this trim craft, distinguished for speed and sea worthiness, proved ideal for yachting. almost all schooner yachts until about 1870, were built on the lines of pilot boats. the best known example was the victory of the yacht _america_ in 1851. _brig_--a seagoing vessel having two masts and square rigged. _brigantine_--a seagoing vessel having two masts, one square rigged, the other fore-and-aft. _snow_--a seagoing vessel having two masts similar to a brig, and an additional mast abaft the mainmast which carried a spanker or driver (a gaff-headed trysail). _ship_--a sailing vessel having three or more masts, square rigged, the largest seagoing vessel of the period. a term frequently applied to any vessel. _bark_ or _barque_--a sailing vessel having three or more masts, square rigged, the after mast, fore-and-aft rigged. a term frequently applied to any vessel. _barkentine_--a sailing vessel with three or more masts, the fore mast square rigged, the other masts being fore-and-aft. _galley_--a long, single or partially decked vessel of light draft, fitted for rowing and having one or two masts to raise for use when needed. they ranged in size from forty to seventy-five feet in length, and were used as warships by virginia during the revolution when they carried from one to twelve guns. the planters and shipbuilders of virginia had a wide choice in the selection of timber for building their boats and ships: virginia yielding to no known place in the known world for timbers of all sorts, commodious for strength, pleasant for sweetness, specious for colors, spacious for largeness, useful for land and sea, for housing and shipping. for timber, we have the oak, ash, poplar, black walnut, pines and gum trees. frequently several kinds of wood were used in the construction of a boat, and the color combinations of the natural woods, with the use of turpentine and pitch, was pleasing enough to some shipbuilders. for others, however, the vessels were painted in bright colors, often a combination of several colors. the larger vessels were usually built of white oak, but due to the rapid growth of the tree, virginia oak was not as good or lasting as the oak grown in england. ships built from the american live oak, helped much to improve the reputation of colonial vessels. as a general rule, vessels built in the colony were without ornamentation of any kind, utility being the watchword, and speed important. it has been reported, however, that a few billet heads and figureheads were placed on ships, and carved figureheads imported from boston by a planter appeared on his vessels. bibliography abbot, w. j. _american merchant ships and sailors._ new york, 1902. ames, s. m. _studies of the virginia eastern shore in the seventeenth century._ richmond, 1940. andrews, c. m. _the colonial period of american history._ new haven, yale university press, 1934-1938. 4 vols. beverley, robert. _the history and present state of virginia._ london, 1705. reprinted for _the institute of early american history and culture_ by the university of north carolina, 1947. bishop, j. l. _the history of american manufacturers from 1608 to 1860._ philadelphia, 1861-1864. 2 vols. bloomster, e. l. _sailing and small craft down the ages._ united states naval institute, 1940. bolton, h. e. _the spanish borderlands._ new haven, 1921. brewington, 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fassett, j. f. g. _the shipbuilding business in the united states._ new york, _society of naval architects and marine engineers_, 1948. fithian, p. v. _journal and letters._ williamsburg, 1943. flippen, p. s. _the royal government in virginia, 1624-1776._ new york, 1919. fry and jefferson's _map of virginia_. 1775. grahame, james. _history of the united states of america from the plantations of the british colonies until their assumption of national independence._ philadelphia, pa., 1845. 4 vols. gwathmey, j. h. _historical register of virginians in the revolution, 1775-1783._ richmond, 1938. "vessels of the united states navy," p. 861. hakluyt, richard. _principal navigations, voyages, and discoveries of the english nation._ glasgow, 1905. 12 vols. hariot, thomas. _a brief and true report of the new found land of virginia._ frankfort, de bry, 1590. also, a facsimile reprint of the first edition, 1588. new york, 1903. hening, w. w., ed. _statutes at large._ richmond, va., 1809-1823. 13 vols. herrera, antonio de. _general history of the vast continent and islands of america._ london, 1726. 6 vols. huntley, f. c. _the seaborne trade in virginia in mid-eighteenth century._ in _virginia magazine of history and biography_, vol. 59. johnson, e. r., and collaborators. _history of domestic and foreign commerce of the united states._ washington, 1915. johnson, robert. _nova britannia._ 1609. (in _force's tracts_, vol. 1) kelly, roy, and f. j. allen. _the shipbuilding industry._ boston, 1918. latane, j. h. _early relations of maryland and virginia._ baltimore, 1895. (_johns hopkins university studies._ 13th ser., iii-iv). lefroy, j. h. _memorials of bermuda._ london, 1877. 2 vols. lull, e. p. _history of the united states navy yard at gosport, virginia._ washington, 1851. mackintosh, j. _the discovery of america and the origin of the north american indians._ toronto, 1836. mason, f. n., ed. _john norton and sons, merchants of london and virginia._ richmond, 1937. mason, p. c. _records of colonial gloucester county._ newport news, va., 1946-1948. 2 vols. mereness, n. d., ed. _travels in the american colonies._ new york, 1916. middleton, a. p. _tobacco coast, a maritime history of the chesapeake bay in the colonial era_, edited by george c. mason. newport news, 1953. ---_new light on the evolution of the chesapeake clipper schooner._ (in _the american neptune_, vol. 9) moore, g. m. _a seaport in virginia._ richmond, 1949. morris, e. p. _the fore and aft rig in america._ new haven, yale university press, 1927. morriss, m. s. _the colonial trade of maryland, 1689-1715._ (_johns hopkins university studies in history and political science._ series 32.) neill, e. d. _history of the virginia company._ albany, n.y., 1869. _norfolk county deed book_, vol. f. manuscript. palmer, w. p. _the virginia navy of the revolution._ (in the _southern literary messenger_, january-april, 1857.) paullin, c. o. _the navy of the american revolution._ cleveland, 1906. "the virginia navy," pp. 396-417. percy, alfred. _piedmont apocalypse._ madison heights, va., 1949. purchas, samuel. _purchas his pilgrimes._ glasgow, 1905-1907. 20 vols. quinn, d. b. _the roanoke voyages, 1584-1590._ london, hakluyt society, 1952. 2 vols. ralamb, ake classon. _skeps byggerij eller adelig ofnings._ stockholm, 1691. reprinted at malmo, 1943. robinson, conway. _account of discoveries in the west until 1519, and of voyages to and along the atlantic coast of north america from 1520 to 1573._ richmond, 1849. smith, john. _works, 1608-1631._ arber edition. birmingham, 1884. ---same, with introduction by a. g. bradley. edinburgh, 1910. 2 vols. spotswood, alexander. _official letters._ richmond, 1882. 2 vols. stewart, r. a. _the history of virginia's navy of the revolution._ richmond, va., 1933. swem, e. g. _virginia historical index._ roanoke, va., 1934-1936, 2 vols. the trades increase. london, 1615. tyler, l. g. _the cradle of the republic._ richmond, 1906. virginia (colony). _minutes of the council and general court of colonial virginia, 1622-1632._ richmond, 1924. _virginia gazette._ williamsburg, 1736-1780. virginia company of london. records, edited by s. m. kingsbury. washington, 1906-1935. 4 vols. virginia. governor. _official letters of the governors of the state of virginia._ vol. i: patrick henry, july, 1776-june, 1779. vol. ii: thomas jefferson, june, 1779-june, 1781. richmond, 1926-1928. _virginia historical register._ richmond, va., 1848-1851. 4 vols. _virginia magazine of history and biography._ richmond, 1893-, vol. 1. wertenbaker, t. j. _norfolk; historic southern port._ durham, n.c., 1931. _william and mary college quarterly._ williamsburg, 1892-1943. series 1, vols. 1-27; series 2, vols. 1-23. williams, m. r. _sailing vessels of the eighteenth century._ (in _united states naval institute proceedings_, vol. 62, january, 1936.) winsor, justin. _narrative and critical history of america_. boston, 1886. 8 vols. wise, j. c. _ye kingdom of accomack_, or _the eastern shore of virginia in the seventeenth century_. richmond, va., 1911. wissler, clark. _indians of the united states._ garden city, 1946. appendix i the following advertisements of vessels to be sold were selected from the _virginia gazette_ as showing types and sizes of watercraft in use. 1739, may 4. ... a small shallop about five years old in yorktown, will carry between 400 and 500 bushels of corn. william rogers. 1745, ... by the executors of mr. thomas rawlings, a ship carpenter, lately deceased, the frame of a snow which was to have been built by the said rawlings on account of mr. john hood, merchant, of prince george county, of the following dimensions: 60 feet keel, 23 feet 8 in. beam, molded, 10 feet hold, 4 feet between decks. to be sold at the plantation of the deceased near flower de hundred. also, a sizable, useful boat and a vessel called a schaw. 1745, june 18. ... to the highest bidder, schooner belonging to the estate of the rev. adam duckie, deceased, trimmed and well-fitted with sails and rigging, some parts new, close docked, carries 50 hogsheads of tobacco ... also, a 12 hogsheads flat lying at hobb's hole. 1746, march 27. ... the sloop _little betty_ lying at suffolk town in nansemond county, burthen 50 tons, with her sails, anchors, furniture, tackle, will be sold on wednesday, 9th of april. 1751, september 26. ... by the subscriber living in norfolk county, a new schooner, now on the stocks and will be launched by the last day of november next, or sooner if required; the dimensions, 49 feet keel, 21 feet beam, 9 feet 6 inches hold. she is a well built vessel, her plank being well seasoned and sufficiently secured with iron work, being to be finished to a cleat, at 50 shillings per ton. william ashley. 1754, june 20. ... the brig _lucy and john_, burthen 80 tons together with guns, rigging, tackle, apparel and furniture, at york town, friday, the 26th instant, to the highest bidder. thomas dickinson. 1755, may --. ... at public auction may 22, at the landing of mr. thomas scott in the borough of norfolk, a new ship on the stocks, dimensions: 62 feet keel, 23 feet beam, 11 feet hold, and 4 feet 6 inches 'tween decks. joshua corprew. 1766, june 27. ... at norfolk, a ship on the stocks, dimensions: 63 feet keel, 23 feet beam, 9 feet 8 inches hold, 4 feet 4 inches between decks, together with the rigging, sails, cables, anchors, etc., provided for her. she will be completely furnished and ready to launch by the 20th of next month. for terms apply to thomas mccullock. 1766, september 19. ... on the 16th day of october next at public auction to the highest bidder ... a new ship about 170 tons burthen, well calculated for european or west indies trade, and built with the best white oak complete and ready for launching with the full stock and rigging complete. apply to administrators in norfolk for william irving. 1766, september 26. ... to be let on charter for europe the snow _nancy_, john ardis master, now lying at norfolk, a new vessel, burthen about 270 hogsheads. apply to john greenwood. 1766, november 6. ... a new ship, 180 tons, built of white oak, for the west indies or tobacco trade. apply to joseph calvert, or to george walker at hampton. 1767, may 7. ... a new ship now lying at suffolk wharf, burthen about 350 hogsheads of tobacco, well built with best white oak timber and plank. the purchaser may have long credit for part of the money. any person inclinable to purchase may be shown the vessel by applying to subscriber, living in kingston parish, gloucester county. thomas smith. 1767, may 11. ... a new ship of about 236 tons, well calculated for the tobacco trade, built of the best seasonal plank and timber, and can be launched in a little time, if desired. two month's credit will be allowed for two-thirds or three-fourths the value. any person inclinable to purchase may be shown the vessel by applying to subscriber, living in kingston parish, gloucester county. thomas smith. 1768, march 15. ... a well built snow, carpenter's and outside work finished, dimensions: 51 feet keel, 21 feet beam, 9 feet clear lower hold, 3 feet 6 inches between decks. norfolk, executors of joshua nicholson. 1768, june 9. ... a new schooner that will be launched in august next or sooner if required; burthen 71 tons, and will carry about 3000 bushels of grain; built of the best white oak plank and timber. also, for sale, a sloop, 25 tons, one year old, together with her sails, anchors, etc. apply to edward hughes, living on the head of east river in gloucester county. 1768, june 16. ... at rocket's landing, one-third, one-half or the whole of a schooner to be launched in a fortnight. samuel du val. 1768, august 4. ... a sea schooner, 80 tons, two years old. also a sloop, 50 tons, now on the stocks, launched in three weeks. kingston parish, gloucester county. robert billings. 1768, august 28. ... a new vessel on the stocks, double decked, about 300 tons, might be launched in 24 days. john greenwood, norfolk. 1768, september 29. ... a new vessel now on the stocks, of about 176 tons, tobacco or west indies trade, built of the best seasoned plank, and can be launched in a few weeks. she may be made a ship, a snow, or a brig as may best suit the purchaser. apply in norfolk. edward h. moseley. 1768, october 20. ... a double decked vessel on the stocks, 110 tons, will carry a great burden and is esteemed a very fine vessel. benjamin harrison. 1770, march 7. ... the brig _little benjamin_ about 110 tons burthen, double decked, has made but two voyages, is extremely well built and completely fitted. credit will be given until the 10th of december next on giving bond with a good security to ben: harrison. 1770, march 11. ... anytime between this and the 10th of april next, the brigantine _fair virginian_, only one year old, just sheathed and now ready for to take a cargo on board, burthen about 100 tons. any person inclinable to purchase such a vessel may know the terms by applying to the subscriber in charles city and be shown the said vessel now lying near sandy point on james river. cash or bills of exchange any time in the april general court, will be accepted for payment. robert mckittrick, william acrill. 1770, april 13. ... ready to launch being completely finished, a schooner, 41 feet keel, 18 feet 4 inches beam, and 8 feet hold; her beams, carlings, and top timber of cedar, and built by a compleat workman. any person in want of such a vessel may be supplied by the subscriber on paying one-half the purchase money on delivery of said vessel, and the other half in october next. also, a sloop, burthen of about 4000 bushels, will be ready by the first of may, and wants a freight for any part of the west indies. any person in want of such a vessel is desired to make it known to carter tarrant. 1776, september --. ... the sloop _industry_, now lying at fredericksburg, with her sails, rigging, etc. she will carry upwards of 4000 bushels of grain. j. watson and r. dickinson are authorized to sell her. although the following contracts for building vessels were made when virginia was no longer a colony but had become a state, they are included here because of the descriptions of the vessels and the interesting contracts: (1) contract between the owner and builder of a vessel in gloucester county on july 31, 1777: it is this day agreed on between mathias james of the one part and john fowler of the other part ... that the said mathias james for and in consideration of the sum of 35 pounds to him in hand paid, the receipt whereof he hereby acknowledgeth, doth oblige himself to begin, finish, and complete all the joiner's work properly belonging to the sloop he is now building, in a neat, convenient and workmanlike manner. the steerage must be sealed that the whole shall be finished as soon as possible. in witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals, the day and year above written. n.b.--there is to be no state room in the above cabin. matthew james, john fowler. witness, william lilly. (2) contract between the owner and builder of a vessel on november 20, 1779: i, joseph billups, sr., of gloucester county, kingston parish, do agree to build a boat 34 feet keel, with proper width of beam and hold, for john avery.... i do hereby oblige him first to pay me, the said billups, 120 gallons of good west india rum, and 300 pounds of lawful money.... the said avery to oblige himself to pay the said billups 100 pounds per ton, to supply the said billups with suitable iron at ten shillings per pound.... to furnish him with money if wanting to carry on the said boat.... joseph billings, john avery. teste, joseph billups, jr. various statistics were given by different writers for the number of virginia owned vessels in the period just before the outbreak of the revolutionary war. in _shipyard statistics_ by h. c. smith and l. c. brown, one of the articles that comprises _the shipbuilding business in the united states of america_, edited by f. g. fassett, jr., and published in 1948 by the society of naval architecture and marine engineers, there are given lists of vessels owned by the several provinces in the years 1769, 1770, and 1771. virginia is listed as having in 1769, 6 ships, 21 sloops and schooners--27 vessels of 1269 tonnage; for 1770, there were 6 ships, 15 sloops and schooners, 1105 tons; and for 1771, 10 ships, 9 sloops and schooners, 1678 tons. we notice that the report of 27 vessels for 1769, is the same number reported by governor andros in 1698, which is rather surprising, and shows how inadequate the statistics were, and how careful a writer must be in using them. appendix ii the items on shipping given below were selected from the _virginia gazette_ to show some details of virginia shipping in the eighteenth century: the home ports, the ports entered and cleared, the types of vessels and various kinds of cargo. sailings are given from september 3, 1736, when a virginia owned vessel was first mentioned in the _gazette_, to june 28, 1768, and is by no means a complete list, even in the copies of issues now extant; it is well to recall that copies of many issues have never been found. later sailings in the _gazette_ have frequently omitted the type of vessel. a large number of vessels here named were virginia owned and many of them virginia built. 1736, september 3. ship _priscilla_ of virginia, richard williams, entered at the port of york river from barbadoes. 1736, november 9. ship _john and mary_ of virginia, richard tillidge, entered the port of york river from barbadoes. 1737, february 9. the brigantine belonging to col. benjamin harrison, arrived in james river last week from london, but last from salt islands loaded with salt. 1737, february 9. cleared out of york river the schooner _grampus_, john briggs, for madeira with 870 bu. wheat, 1451 bu. white pease, 1914 bu. red pease, 40 bu. beans, 1 hhd. beeswax, and 600 staves. cleared out of york district the following vessels: 1737, march 2. sloop _medford_ of new england, james hathaway, for new england with 1000 bu. com, 100 bu. pease, and 600 ft. of walnut plank. march 3. ship _hanover_ of bristol, roger rumney, for bristol with 294 hhd. tobacco, 50 tons iron, and 5280 staves. 1737, march 3. schooner _swallow_ of new england, john atwood, for boston with 1500 bu. corn, 100 bu. pease, 20 bu. wheat, and 60 ft. of plank. 1737, march 14. sloop _francis_ of bermuda, william mallory, for bermuda, with 2000 bu. corn, and 30 bu. pease. 1737, march 18. sloop _mary_ of bermuda, samuel nelms, for bermuda, with 5000 bu. corn, 56 bu. pease, 1 mast, and other pieces of timber. 1737, march 19. ship _micajah and philip_ of london, james bradley, for london, with 734 hhd. tobacco, 7500 staves, and a parcel of plank. 1737, march 31. brig _abington_ of virginia, john upcott, for madeira, with 1170 bu. pease, 1617 bu. corn, 162 bu. wheat, beeswax and hemp. entered in the york district, with sundry european goods: 1737, march 4. ship _catherine_ of london, william taylor, from london. 1737, march 9. ship _haswell_ of london, john booch, from london. 1737, march 18. sloop _southampton_ of london, robert angus, from london. 1737, march 23. sloop _betty_ of virginia, thomas hamlin, from jamaica. 1737, april 22. the ship _johnston_ of liverpool, james gillart, is lately arrived at york from angola, with 490 choice young slaves. the sale of them began on tuesday the 12th instant, and continues at york river. thomas nelson. 1737, may 2. entered york river schooner _lark_ of virginia, john thompson, from jamaica with 31 casks molasses, 6 puncheons rum, 3 bags cocoa, and 200 pounds [sterling] in cash. 1737, may 12. entered york river, the sloop _molly_ of virginia, simon handcock, from barbadoes, with 32 hhd. 64 tierces and 70 bbl. rum, 61 bbl. sugar, and 1 bag ginger. cleared from upper district of james river: 1737, june 16. sloop _betty_ of virginia, george cabanis, for bermuda, with 764 bu. corn, 60 bbl. pork, 10 bbl. beef, 7 bbl. tallow, and 3 bbl. lard. 1737, june 17. sloop _phoenix_ of virginia, lemuel portlock, for barbadoes, with 696 bu. corn, 144 bu. pork, and 7000 staves. 1737, june 18. sloop _molly_ of virginia, john thompson, for barbadoes, with 2534 bu. corn, 182 bu. pease, 38 bbl. pork, 1000 headings, and 4000 shingles. 1737, july 1. entered york district, the brig _priscilla_ of virginia, richard williams, from london and madeira with 23 pipes and 1 hhd. madeira wine. 1737, july 18. entered york district the sloop _industry_ of virginia, john white, from maryland; cleared for maryland with 400 bbl. salt and 7 doz. bottles madeira wine. 1737, july 29. cleared from york river the brig _mary_ of virginia, stephen swaddle, for london with 105 hhd. tobacco, 1000 staves, a parcel of sassafras, 13 pipes madeira wine, 16 lbs. beaver skins and 6 doe skins. 1737, september 17. cleared out of york river, the brigantine _priscilla_ of virginia, john langland, for bristol with 126 hhd. tobacco, 7 bbl. turpentine, 18 tons iron, 47 walnut planks, 49 gum planks, 7350 staves, and 1 bag wool. 1737, october 28. entered york river, the sloop _john and mary_ of virginia, j. briggs, from st. christophers with 5 tierces, 1 hhd. molasses, 600 bu. salt, and 102 pounds [sterling] in cash. 1737, december 9. the brigantine _john and mary_, richard tillidge, now lies at mr. littlepage's wharf on pamunkey river ready to take in tobacco on freight at the usual rate for bristol. it is intended to sail in march. orders sent to captain john perrin, owner, of gloucester or captain tillidge. 1737, december 16. the ship _industry_, john brown, now lying at bull hill in james river, will sail shortly for cadiz, and is to call at madeira in his return thither for wine and freight if sufficient encouragement is shown. send orders to captain john hutchins of norfolk, the owner of the ship, or to the master. 1738, may 1. entered york river, the sloop _molly_ of virginia, john thompson, from jamaica, having on board 45 casks molasses, 200 gal. rum, 1 hhd. sugar, 1 bag ginger, and 100 pounds in cash. she belongs to captain francis willis. 1738, may 1. entered york river, the sloop _coan_ of virginia, john kerr, from dublin, having on board 1 chest linens, provisions, and 53 passengers. she is in the employ of colonel martin, who arrived in her. 1738, june 7. cleared from upper james, the snow _phoenix_ of virginia, william spry, for london with 200 hhd. tobacco, 5 hhd. skins, 4 hhd. ipecacuane, 1 box sundry goods returned, 6000 staves, and 1 hhd. sassafras. 1738, june 12. entered york river, the brig _abingdon_ of virginia, thomas southwick, from barbadoes with 6 hhd., 80 tierces and 116 bbl. rum, 42 bbl. sugar, 16 hhd. and 1 tierce molasses, and 2 bbl. ginger. 1738, june 30. the schooner _fanny_ lying at mill creek near hampton, will soon be higher up the james. persons apply for freight to mr. jacob walker or to messrs. cherrington and whitten near the falls of james river. 1738, june 30. goods on board the ship _harrison_ at swinyards in james river, thomas boiling, owner of goods unknown. any person sending for them with bills of lading may have them. 1738, july 27. entered in york river the sloop _molly_ of virginia, john thompson, from barbadoes with 45 hhd., 8 tierces, and 9 bbl. rum, 69 bbl. sugar, 1 bag cotton, and 3 negroes. 1738, july 28. a ship belonging to mr. theophilus pugh of nansemond is lately arrived in nansemond, 13 weeks from bristol. 1738, august 7. entered upper district of james river, the brigantine _little molly_ of virginia, thomas hamlin, from jamaica with 7 hhd. sugar, 8 puncheons rum, 4 bags and 3 casks of cocoa. 1738, august 17. cleared at york the schooner _grampus_ of virginia, john briggs, for boston with 900 bu. pease, 600 bu. corn, 180 bu. wheat, 400 ft. walnut plank, 300 pipe staves, and 1 hhd. madeira wine. 1738, october 4. cleared from york the ship _harrison_, captain bolling, for london. 1738, october 26. arrived in york river the schooner _grampus_ of virginia belonging to colonel lewis of gloucester, john briggs, from boston with 6 bbl. cider, 5 bbl. train oil, 6 bbl. codfish and mackerel, 1 cwt. iron, 4 bbl. cranberries, 30 bu. apples, 1 tierce molasses, 5 hhd. and 6 bbl. rum, a negro slave and 250 lb. cheese. 1738, october 26. the snow _catherine and lenora_, james mccullock, belonging to messrs. spaulding and lidderdale, loaded with tobacco and bound for london, will sail from james river in 3 or 4 days. 1738, october 27. arrived in york river last monday the snow _john and mary_ belonging to captain john perrin, richard tillidge, from bristol. 1738, october 28. cleared from upper district of james river, the sloop _nancy_ of virginia, james griffin, for boston with 1307 bu. wheat, and 153 deer skins. 1738, november 6. cleared from upper district of james river, the snow _kitty and nora_ of virginia, james mccullock, for london with 223 hhd. tobacco, 16 casks skins, 1 parcel beaver skins, 4200 staves, and 400 ft. oak plank. 1738, november 13. cleared out of rappahannock district the ship _brothers_, robert hall, for london with 471 hhd. tobacco, 40 tons pig iron, and 7000 staves. 1738, november 23. cleared out of york district, the ship _molly_ of virginia, thomas wilson, for madeira with 1014 bu. wheat, 130 bu. corn, 107 bu. bonnevelts, 2 hhd. and 2 bbl. beeswax, 4 bbl. flour, and 100 hhd. staves. 1738, november 23. cleared out of upper district of james river, the sloop _charming anne_ of virginia, thomas goodman, for lisbon with 3765 bu. wheat. 1738, december 6. entered in the upper district of james river, the snow _john and mary_ of virginia, richard tillidge, from york river in ballast. 1738, december 9. cleared from york river the schooner _grampus_ of virginia, john briggs, for madeira with 2300 bu. of wheat, 1200 pipe staves and 143 lb. beeswax. 1739, january 1. cleared from york river the brig _abingdon_ of virginia, thomas southwick, for madeira with 2709 bu. wheat, 152 bu. pease, 112 bu. corn, and 2000 lb. bread. 1739, january 26. cleared out of upper district of james river, the brig _little molly_ of virginia, thomas hamlin, for georgia with 2551 bu. corn, 269 bu. pease, 33 casks pork, 8 casks beef, 2 casks lard, 8,314 shingles, 1 negro, and 30 sheep. 1739, january 29. entered the upper district of james river, the brigantine _robert and john_ of virginia, john cooke, from the lower district in ballast. 1739, january 30. cleared out of upper district the snow _john and mary_ of virginia, richard tillidge, for york river with 4977 bu. wheat. 1739, february 4. cleared out of york river the snow _john and mary_, richard tillidge, bound for madeira, having on board 4977 bu. wheat, 144 bu. pease, and 2000 lb. bread. 1739, february 5. entered in the upper district of james river, the sloop _nancy_ of virginia, james griffin, from rhode island with 6 bbl. train oil, 545 lb. cheese, 9 hhd., 8 tierce rum, 4 hhd., 4 tierce molasses, and a bundle of european goods. 1739, march 8. cleared out of james river, the brig _robert and john_ of virginia, john cooke, for madeira with 5400 bu. wheat. 1739, march 9. cleared out of james river the sloop _robert_ of virginia, samuel rogers, for barbadoes, with 47 bbl. pork, 800 bu. corn, and 53 bu. pease. 1739, march 23. last friday, the brig, _pretty betsy_ belonging to colonel lewis of gloucester county, james robinson, bound for london with 202 hhd. tobacco, sailed out of severn river and on the same day met with disaster on the middle ground between the capes. 1739, may 3. entered in york river the brig _pretty betsy_, anthony mosely, for london with 202 hhd. tobacco, 5000 staves, 1 pipe madeira wine, and 22 tons iron. 1739, may 21. entered upper district james river, the snow _kitty and nora_ of virginia, james mccullock, from london via madeira with sundry european goods and 12 pipes, 1 hhd. madeira wine. 1739, may 21. entered in york river, the brig _abingdon_ of virginia, thomas southwick, from madeira and barbadoes with 10 pipes wine, 15 hhd., 50 tierces and 63 bbl. rum, 37 bbl. sugar, and 9 pounds 8 shillings in cash. 1739, june 1. cleared from york river the schooner _grampus_ of virginia. john briggs, for madeira with 2460 bu. corn, 80 bu. pease, 1200 pipe staves, and 150 pounds beeswax. 1739, june 4. entered the upper district of james river, the ship _william and betty_ of virginia, john turner, from the lower district with 323 hhd. tobacco. 1739, june 14. entered in york river, the snow _john and mary_ of virginia, richard tillidge, from madeira and barbadoes with 98 hhd., 21 tierces and 20 bbl. rum, 86 bbl. muscavado sugar, and 12 pipes madeira wine. 1739, june 16. entered york river the snow _mary_ of virginia, james hume, from james river with 64 bbl. pork, 5600 shingles, 4200 pipe staves, and 4200 ft. 1-inch plank. 1739, june 22. the snow _john and mary_, richard tillidge, belonging to captain perrin, now lying at mr. littlepage's on pamunkey river, is ready to take on freight for bristol. 1739, july 6. cleared from upper district the snow _kitty and nora_ of virginia, james mccullock, for london with 228 hhd. tobacco, 9 hhd. skins, 182 deer skins, 149 beaver skins, 56 walnut planks, and 4200 staves. 1739, august 11. entered york river the brig _little molly_ of virginia, james cox, from james river with part of her lading for the west indies. 1739, september 8. cleared york river, the brig _abingdon_ of virginia, thomas southwick, for madeira with 1861 bu. wheat, 1096 bu. corn, 118 pounds beeswax, and 1 case cloths. 1739, november 30. last saturday arrived in james river the sloop _charming anne_ belonging to colonel benjamin harrison, captain taylor, from jamaica. left james river for jamaica on june 25, with 4000 staves, 487 bbl. pork, 37 bbl. beef, 2 bbl. tongue, 15 bbl. lard, 58 bbl. flour, 250 bbl. pease, and 70 bu. corn. 1745, april 12. cleared at hampton, the snow _john and mary_, thomas bradley, for liverpool with 106 hhd. tobacco, 500 bbl. tar, 60 walnut stocks, and 5600 staves. 1745, april 19. entered at hampton, the sloop _little molly_, crawford conner, from philadelphia. 1745, may 17. entered hampton, may 3 to 17, 7 vessels. 1745, december 4. cleared upper district from september 20 to december 4, 14 vessels. 1745, december 27. entered upper district from september 20 to december 27, 20 vessels. 1746, july 31. entered york river the snow _two brothers_, with upwards of 200 fine healthy slaves, the sale of which will begin at west point on monday, 4th of august. the said ship is not two years old, well-fitted and manned, and will take in tobacco for bristol at 14 pounds per ton. such gentlemen as are inclined to ship to thos. chamberlayne & co., from york or james river, are requested to send their orders on board to john lidderdale. 1746, july 31. arrived from gambia, the ship _gildart_ with 250 choice gambia slaves, the sale whereof will begin at hobb's hole on the rappahannock, on tuesday, wednesday, thursday, the 5th, 6th, 7th of august; and in brown's church the monday following, where the sale will continue until completed. the said ship is a new vessel mounted with 20 guns, navigated with 45 men, and will take on tobacco for liverpool at 14 pounds per ton. apply to john lidderdale, harmer & king. 1751, january 1. entered in york river the snow _london_ of virginia, alex leslie master. 1751, january 14. cleared from york the sloop _merry fellows_, thomas perrin, for barbadoes. 1751, january 18. cleared from york the snow _london_ of virginia, alex leslie master. 1751, january 24. cleared from york the snow _john and mary_, of virginia, anthony allen. 1752, september 21. cleared from the upper district of james river: (1) the ship _bobby of virginia_, john cook, for london with 322 hhd. tobacco, 20 tons pig iron, and 7500 staves. (2) the snow _phoenix_ of virginia, samuel kelly, for london, with 238 hhd. tobacco, 22 elephant's teeth, 1400 staves, 3200 heading, 50 pine planks, 100 hand spikes, and 14 oars. 1752, november 4. cleared from the port of south potomac, the _caple_ of virginia, samuel curle, for hampton, with 300 bu. indian corn, 30 casks molasses, 17 bbl. and 6 tierce sugar, and 5 hhd. rum. entered at the port of accomack the following vessels: 1768, may 13. schooner _anne_, william wainhouse, from new york with 2 boxes chocolate, 800 wt. ham, 6 bbl. cordial, 3 cases and 2 half-bbl. rum, 6 cases and 1 bbl. loaf sugar, 1 quarter box glass, 6 hhd., 3 tierces, and 1 bbl. molasses. 1768, may 17. sloop _nancy_, johannes watson, from philadelphia. 1768, may 18. sloop _endeavor_, edmund joyne, from maryland. 1768, may 31. schooner _betsey and esther_, stephen sampson, from barbadoes with 24 hhd. rum, and 13 bbl. muscavado sugar. 1768, june 6. sloop _nancy_, johannes watson, from philadelphia with 200 bu. salt, and a parcel of earthen ware. 1768, june 10. schooner _little betsy_, zephaniah brown, from rhode island, with one-half ton hollow iron ware, 2 hhd. rum, 20 bu. salt, a parcel of earthen ware, 2 riding chairs, 2 desks, 2 saddles, half-doz. house chairs, 2 trunks european goods, and 1 hhd. molasses. 1768, june 11. sloop _john and betsey_, w. b. hunting, from philadelphia, with 1 box loaf sugar, 250 bu. salt, 2000 wt. cordage, 3 bbl. limes, 3 boxes european goods, 1 cask nails, 1 quarter-cask gun powder, 8 bolts duck, and a parcel of earthen ware. 1768, june 13. schooner _jeany and sally_, reubin joyne, from nevis and st. eustatia, with 7 hhd. rum, 1 hhd. molasses, 3 bbl. sugar, 3 hhd. foreign brown sugar. 1768, june 20. schooner _old plantation_, laban pettit, from philadelphia, with 6 boxes chocolate, 2 boxes soap, 2 crates earthen ware, 4 saddles, 4 anchors, 3 doz. scythes, 1 bbl. loaf sugar, 2 tierces and 16 pieces of english duck, 1 trunk of european goods, 1 chest sweet oil, 1 cask nails, 3 kegs pipes, 1 tierce empty bottles, 1 box looking glasses, 2 bolts oznabrigs, and 1 piece sheeting. cleared at the port of accomack: 1768, may 24. sloop _nancy_, johannes watson, for philadelphia, with 1300 bu. corn, 5 bags feathers. 1768, may 28. schooner _friendship_, daniel sturgis, for halifax with 3000 bu. corn. 1768, may 28. sloop _endeavour_, edmund joyne, for boston, with 1600 bu. corn, and 200 bu. oats. 1768, may 28. sloop _john and betsy_, w. b. bunting, for philadelphia, with 1000 bu. corn, 20 bu. wheat, 60 bu. oats, 400 wt. feathers. 1768, june 1. schooner _leah_, john bradford, for barbadoes, with 2000 bu. corn. 1768, june 4. sloop _polly_, thomas alberton, for philadelphia, with 900 bu. corn, 5 bbl. pork. 1768, june 9. sloop _nancy_, johannes watson, for philadelphia, with 1350 bu. corn, and 20 bu. oats. 1768, june 9. schooner _skipton_, william patron, for maryland, with 700 bu. corn, 1000 wt. bacon, 2 cwt. feathers, 10,000 shingles. 1768, june 27. schooner _old plantation_, laban pettit, for philadelphia, with 1200 bu. oats. 1768, june 28. schooner _little betsey_, zephaniah brown, for rhode island, with 1650 bu. corn, 12 bu. wheat, 10 bu. pease, 10 bu. rye, 4 bags feathers, and 1 bag cotton. an analysis of these items shows that the vessels entered and cleared at the york river, lower james river, hampton, upper district of james river, rappahannock, pamunkey, nansemond, and severn river. at least half of the entries and clearances were made in the york river. it will be noted that the same vessel made a number of entries and clearances. in the list are brigs, brigantines, sloops, schooners, snows, and ships, most of them virginia owned, and we like to think they were virginia built as well. only six ships are listed as virginia owned, yet the names of some of the others are so strictly virginia names--_braxton_, _harrison_, _virginia planter_--that is seems highly probable that they too were virginia owned. the names of only ten owners are given. the information received by the _gazette_ was not always accurate. occasionally a vessel is listed as two vessels of different rigs, but having the same name and the same master was evidence enough that they were one and the same. the _john and mary_, richard tillidge master, is listed as a brigantine for two trips, a snow for eight trips, and a sloop, john briggs master, for one entry. the _robert and john_, john cooke master, is listed both as a brig and a brigantine. sometimes the name of a vessel was changed after its first appearance as in the case of the _katherine and lenora_ which appeared on three trips thereafter as the _kitty and nora_, james mccullock master. the cargoes of vessels clearing for europe and the west indies contained for the most part tobacco, corn, wheat, beans, pease, beeswax and staves. the cargoes from vessels entering from europe would contain goods of various kinds; vessels from the west indies would bring rum, molasses, sugar, ginger, salt, and occasionally a slave. in 1746, two ship loads of slaves were brought to the colony and sold, a part of the sale being conducted in a church. transcriber's note: research indicates the copyright of this book was not renewed. minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed. words printed in italics are marked with underlines: _italics_. the iron boys on the ore boats or roughing it on the great lakes by james r. mears author of the iron boys in the mines, the iron boys as foremen, the iron boys in the steel mills, etc. illustrated philadelphia henry altemus company copyright, 1913, by howard e. altemus illustration: both boys were hurled forward contents chapter page i. to the inland seas 7 ii. the iron boys as cargo 20 iii. a surprised skipper 31 iv. the boys stand the test 42 v. trouble in the stoke hole 54 vi. the first step upward 63 vii. the iron boys on deck 70 viii. the crash in the fog 82 ix. a tragedy of the lakes 93 x. tossed up by the waves 104 xi. by pluck alone 113 xii. on the road to conneaut 122 xiii. in the grip of a giant shell 129 xiv. steve saves the captain 135 xv. at the wheel 151 xvi. through the rocky cut 163 xvii. the blow in the dark 172 xviii. visitors on the "richmond" 181 xix. in the grip of the waves 190 xx. an exciting rescue 202 xxi. a new hand at the wheel 210 xxii. leading a lively chase 219 xxiii. the wireless message 223 xxiv. conclusion 245 the iron boys on the ore boats chapter i to the inland seas "what are we to do?" "the first duty of an inspector is to inspect, i should say," answered steve rush, with a soft laugh, in answer to his companion's question. bob jarvis made a wry face. "you think you are very smart this morning, seeing that you have been complimented by the president of the mining company," grumbled jarvis. "i don't know whether i like this new job or not. we were making pretty good money in the mines and we were bosses at that. are we going to do any bossing when we get on the lakes?" "i think not. we shall be ordinary seamen. somebody else will do the bossing in this instance and we shall be the victims. mr. carrhart will tell us all about it in a minute. he is arranging for our work now. it will be a great change, and while we shall be working pretty hard we shall be adding to our store of knowledge, bob. we are lucky to possess so fully the confidence of our superiors. let's try to show that we are worthy of their confidence in our new places." "when do we start?" "i don't know. mr. carrhart is looking that matter up now." the lads were sitting in the private office of the president of the mining company, whither they had been summoned from their work at the mines. mr. carrhart, the president, stepped briskly into the office at that juncture. "well, lads, i have arranged for your transportation." "may i ask on what ship we are to sail, sir?" questioned steve. "the 'wanderer.' she is not one of our newest ships, but she is a staunch old vessel with about as many conveniences as are to be found on the newer and more modern boats. i sometimes think we are getting further away from what a ship should be--but then, i am not a sailor. i am not supposed to know anything about ships," laughed the president. "when do we sail?" "some time to-night. the 'wanderer' is not yet in. she passed the soo nearly forty hours ago and should dock some time this afternoon. she is coming up light this time, for a change." "how long does it take to load the ship with ore?" asked steve, his active mind already in search of knowledge along the line of their new calling. "eight hours or so." "that is quick time," nodded jarvis. "it strikes me as being a long time," remarked rush. "that is the point exactly," agreed mr. carrhart. "if you boys can find a way to shorten the loading time you will have served your purpose well. that is exactly why we are sending you out on this inspecting tour--that is, it is one of the reasons. we want to know where we can save money and time in the shipment of ores to the furnaces." "but, sir, we know nothing about this branch of the business," protested steve. "are there not others better qualified than ourselves?" "they think they are," answered the president reflectively. "we have tried them out. most of them are wedded to old methods. what we want is new methods as well as new blood. besides, you lads have expressed yourselves as being anxious to learn everything about the mining and steel business. i am taking you at your word. you are thoroughly posted on the mining end. i do not believe you could be much more so were you to spend three years more underground. the shipment of the ore is the next step. you have followed the ore down from the mines to the shipping point, here in duluth. now i am going to have you spend a few months on the great lakes." "that will be a fine experience, sir." "i think so." "is the purpose of our going to sea on the lakes known, or is it not to be known to any one outside of ourselves?" "certainly not. the mission might fail of its purposes were such to be the case. to all intents and appearances, you two boys will be plain, everyday sailors. you will find many hardships in the life of a great lakes sailor, but then, if i know you, i do not believe you will mind these very much," added mr. carrhart, with an indulgent smile. "we certainly shall not," answered rush, with emphasis. "the harder the work the better it seems to agree with me." "but not with me," retorted jarvis. the president laughed. "that doesn't agree with what the reports show. for industry and attention to duty you are a close second to your friend rush. i presume, rush, that we shall be losing you one of these days?" "what do you mean, sir?" "you will wish to go on to the mills, eh?" steve thought briefly. "yes, sir; that is our ambition." "i thought so. you may depend upon me to use my influence to further your ambition, though i shall very much dislike to lose you." "you are very kind, sir." "what i hoped you would do was to remain with the mining end of our business, where one of these days you would rise to the grade of general superintendent. perhaps after you have had your experiences at the other end of the line, you will decide to come back. if i am still president of the mining company you will be well taken care of, should you return." "thank you, sir; perhaps we shall be back sooner than you think." "and now for the subject at issue. here is a letter to the master of the 'wanderer,' captain simms, stating that you are to be taken on board his ship as seamen. he does not know that it is your first cruise, but i have an idea that he will learn the truth soon enough." there was a grim smile on the face of the president. "you will find captain simms a gruff old seadog. he is one of our oldest and most trustworthy masters, and after you come to know him i am sure you will like him very much. you have a fairly clear idea of what is expected of you by the company. you boys are both keen and resourceful and i expect a great deal from you. i know that you will see all there is to be seen, and no doubt will see some things that have been overlooked by older heads than yours." "have you any further directions to give before we leave you, sir?" inquired steve. "none whatever. i wish you success, which i am sure you will have. you need not go to the ore docks until this evening, unless you wish to, as you probably will have some things to do in town." after bidding the president good-bye, the boys took their leave. it seemed only a few weeks since steve rush had first entered the office of the president of the mining company looking for a job. the same office boy with whom he had had trouble at the start of his career was on guard at the door, but steve had grown away from him. steve, who with his companion, bob jarvis, will be recognized at once as one of the iron boys, was tall for his age and muscular. his manner of life had done much for his physical well-being, and he was not the same boy who had fought his way into the president's office, the account of which is set forth in "the iron boys in the mines." it was there that steve rush and bob jarvis first became friends, after they had met and fought a battle in a lonely drift in the cousin jack iron mine; it was there that both lads proved their heroism by saving the president and several other officials of the company, when the entire company was threatened with death from a burning bag of dynamite. it was in the cousin jack mine that steve and his newly found friend saw the need of and invented a new tram railroad system, by which the mining company was saved many thousands of dollars a year. again in "the iron boys as foremen," was told how the lads proved themselves by saving the powder magazine from blowing up while the mine was burning and the flames were creeping toward the deadly explosives. it will be recalled that it was mainly through the heroic efforts of the iron boys that the red rock mine was saved from almost total destruction, and that through their further efforts many lives were undoubtedly saved. from then on they continued to distinguish themselves, playing a conspicuous part in the great strike, in the end exposing and unmasking a wicked and unscrupulous man who was leading the miners on to commit deeds of violence. they were the same boys who were now starting out on a new career for the same company. in this instance the lads were to become sailors on the inland seas, known as the great lakes. the lads were taking up this new calling for the twofold purpose of learning still another branch of the great corporation's business and they fondly hoped their work would prove of importance to their employers. the office of the president was located in duluth, many miles from the iron range where the boys had been working for the last two years. their first act after leaving the offices was to make their way down to the water front to the ship canal, leading from the harbor out to lake superior. steve pointed out the äerial bridge to his companion. this was a car carried through the air suspended from a giant truss over the river, by which passengers were transferred across to superior on the other side. bob had never seen this wonder before and was deeply interested in it. to steve rush it was of particular interest, for he had acquired no slight knowledge of engineering during his experience in the mines up on the range. boats were moving in and out, huge lake freighters, ore boats and passenger ships, for the lake traffic was in full cry now. after strolling about for a time, steve took his companion home with him, and the rest of the afternoon was spent with steve's mother. supper finished, the lads decided that they would get down to the ore docks, as the ship would likely be in by that time. darkness had set in when they reached the docks. these docks, as those who have had the misfortune to have to make their way over them are aware, consist of tiers upon tiers of trestle. over the tops, high in the air, ore trains rumble in by day and by night, discharging their cargoes of red ore into huge hoppers, from which the ore is loaded into the boats, or great lakes ore carriers, as they are called. neither boy had ever been out on one of these trestles before, and the task looked to be rather formidable. "how are we going to do it?" demanded bob, surveying the great structure apprehensively. "i guess the only way will be to keep going until we get somewhere or fall off. i don't see the ship, but we shall see it when we get to the top of the trestle." both boys narrowly missed being run down by an ore train as it was shunted out on the trestle. the lads were in a dangerous place, but they did not feel at all disturbed about it. men were flitting about in the dim light of half a dozen electric globes distributed along the top of the trestle that loomed all of seventy-five feet above the water. "there's a ship down there," cried steve. "yes, and there's one on the other side," answered bob. "why, there are ships at all of the docks along here. are you sure we have hit the right dock?" "i am not sure of anything, except that we are likely to break our necks if we don't look sharp," answered rush, with a laugh. "we will ask the first man we meet where the 'wanderer' is. there comes some one now." rush hailed the man, a foreigner. the latter neither answered nor paid the slightest attention to the question put to him. "thank you," murmured rush. "mighty sociable lot of men up here," jeered bob. "but then i suppose they have to keep their minds on their work or fall off the trestle. i prefer to work underground. in the mines, there's no danger of falling down." ore was being shot down through the chutes into boats on each side of the great trestle. there was the roar as of a great cataract as the red dirt went hurtling down into the hold of the ships many feet below. "let's get down on one of the other levels, steve. then we'll drift over to the heading at the other end." "anybody'd think you were down in a mine. these aren't levels; they are tiers. you remind me of one of our miners who came down here to duluth. he went to a hotel, and in telling some of the boys about it, he said: 'we got in a swell cage with looking glasses all around the inside. the cage tender jerked us up to the sixteenth level. we went along this till we came to a crosscut; then they led us into a swell drift an' we struck the heading and sat down.' what do you think of that?" "that sounds like a lumber-jack more than it does a miner. he must have had a sky parlor. i wonder what hotel he got into." suddenly a great shouting was set up far below where the boys were standing, and further on toward the end of the trestle. "now what's the matter?" wondered steve. two long blasts of a steamship's whistle sounded. "there goes a ship. they're pulling out. i'll bet that's the 'wanderer,'" shouted bob. "if if is, she will pull out without us. no, it can't be the 'wanderer,' for she did not come in until after sundown and it is not possible that the ship could be loaded by this time. we'll simply have to find our way down through the trestle somewhere and locate our ship. if we knew which side the boat lay it would be easier for us. can you see which boat is leaving, bob?" "i think it is a boat from one of the other piers. i don't see anything going away near us." "suppose we move out toward the end. then we shall be able to see where we are and what we are doing." "and fall off?" "certainly not. we will walk along by the side of the track. there is a railing here. no danger at all of falling." the boys had their suit cases in their hands. they carried little baggage, having been informed that there was no room on board for trunks or luggage. besides, the lads needed few clothes outside of several suits of underwear. as they stepped along, walking side by side, steve pointed up at a bright star. "i wonder if we had better lay our course by that one----grab me, bob--i'm falling!" suddenly cried steve rush. jarvis stretched out a quick hand, fastening upon steve's collar. but the movement threw jarvis off his balance. he, too, toppled forward. rush had stepped into an open chute through which the red ore was roaring down into the hold of the ship seventy-five feet below them. steve struggled valiantly to prevent himself from going in, and bob tried his best to keep from going in after. "let go, bob; you'll go in, too!" the warning came too late. steve shot out of sight, leaving a fragment of his coat collar in the hand of his companion. then bob went in, head first. neither lad uttered a cry. they were not of the crying kind, and even had they uttered a shout their voices would have been drowned in the roar of the ore thundering into the hold of the big ship awaiting it down in the slip. chapter ii the iron boys as cargo through some fortunate twist of his body, jarvis righted himself while going through the big hopper into which the ore was shooting. he landed feet first at the bottom of the hopper. in the meantime steve rush, with a few seconds' start of his companion, had gone on down through the hopper. he hit the long wooden ore chutes that led down into the ship; he struck the chute with a heavy bump and then went on at a speed that took his breath away. steve was in a sitting posture. jarvis followed him at the same rate of speed, lying flat on his back. there was ore on all sides of them; in fact, they were riding on the swift-moving ore; all about them was darkness, and even had there been lights it is doubtful if the iron boys would have seen them, because of the speed at which they were traveling. steve's mind was working with its usual rapidity. had he known exactly what awaited them below he might have been able to plan with more certainty. he did reason, however, that they would probably have to pass through a small opening when they reached the bottom of the chute. in this he was wrong, though right across the chute where it entered the ship was a heavy iron brace dividing the chute in half, which was placed there to give the ship more rigidity. "lie flat!" shouted rush, with quick instinct, himself dropping on his back. he did not know whether bob were following him or not. jarvis was, but he was in no need of the admonition to lie flat. he was as flat as it was possible for him to be and he could not have straightened up had it been to save his life. jarvis was close enough, however, to hear the warning cry. he opened his mouth to answer, getting it full of red ore as a result. the ore got down in his throat, sending him into a paroxysm of choking, sneezing and growling that was lost in the noise about him. suddenly steve felt himself shooting through space. he realized, in that instant, that he had left the chute. a few seconds more and he struck heavily on his feet, bounded into the air, then plunged forward head first. the lad landed on his stomach, slipped down a conical pile of ore to the bottom, his head striking the side of the ship, doubling him up and leaving him stunned and unconscious. jarvis, who was not far behind him, went through very much the same experience, save that he turned a somersault when he left the chute, landing flat on his back on the pile of ore. his feet drove against the side of the ship with the force of a battering-ram, backed by the full weight of the lad's body. the effect was nearly the same as it had been in the case of rush. bob was stunned. he, too, lay still, after curling up against the vessel's side. "hey, what's that?" a voice had shouted as the boys disappeared through the hatches. "what's what?" "i thought i saw something besides ore go through the chute in number seven hatch." "you're seeing things!" "maybe i am." "close number seven hatch!" shouted the second mate, and the two deck hands, after the chute had been hoisted a little above the deck, slid the heavy hatch cover into place. all the ore that was needed had gone in through that hatch. the ship was nearly loaded. all that was now required was a few car-loads at the ends to trim the ship properly, after which she would be ready to sail. within the next ten minutes the rest of the ore had been shipped. with loud crashings, interspersed with hoarse shouts, harshly-uttered commands and an occasional toot of warning from the ship's whistle, the hatch-covers were put in place and the ship made ready for her journey down the great lakes. there followed a moment of inactivity; then came a blast of the whistle fully a minute in duration. it was the signal that the ship was about to back out of her slip, warning all other craft to keep clear. the propeller began to churn the waters of the harbor and the ore carrier, with its cargo of ten thousand tons of iron ore, backed slowly out into the stream. bob jarvis rolled over until he was practically standing on his head and shoulders. he toppled over on his back with a jolt that woke him up. the lad gave a kick and some one grunted. "hey, there, take your foot out of my stomach, whoever you are. is that you, bob?" "i--i don't know. hello, steve, that you?" "i guess it's both of us. ugh! my mouth is so full of ore that i can hard--hardly talk." "i've got a dark red taste in my own mouth. i've swallowed enough ore to make a steel rail. do you know where we are?" "we have fallen into the hold of a ship, and we are lucky that we are not dead." "maybe we are and don't know it," jeered jarvis, pulling himself up. he tried to get to his feet, but the ore slipped from under him, leaving him at the bottom against the side of the vessel again. "quit it!" shouted steve. "are you trying to bury me?" the latter was on his feet too, brushing the dirt from mouth, eyes, nose and ears. bob had sent a quantity of it sliding down the chute. "i can't help it. what's the matter with you? what do you think about this business?" "i don't think, i know. we are in a nice fix." "think so?" "i told you i didn't think," retorted steve in a tone of slight irritation. "glad you admit it." "we have been dumped into the hold of an ore vessel. i don't know whether or not there is any way to get out, and it is sure that the hatches will not be opened again until the vessel reaches her destination." "how long will that be?" "that depends upon where they are going. if they are bound for any of the lake erie ports i should imagine it would take a week or more." bob groaned. "i'm going to yell." "yell, if you can. i've too much ore in my mouth to make much of a noise." jarvis raised his voice in a shout. it did not seem to attract any attention. the lad shouted again and again. by this time the ship was trembling from stem to stern under the jar of the propeller that was beating the water at many hundred revolutions a minute. "nobody on this ship, i guess," muttered bob. "come, suggest something. you've always got something to say," urged jarvis. "i was about to say that you might as well save your breath. no one can hear us through the thick decks; in fact, i presume every one has turned in except those on watch forward, and the engine room crews at the rear end of the ship." "then i am going to lie down and go to sleep," declared jarvis. "don't do anything of the sort. the ore is likely to slide down and bury you. the less disturbance we make here the better it will be for us." "why didn't you think of that before we fell in? i suppose we are pretty deep down in the ship, aren't we?" "about as close to the bottom as we can get without drowning. we will keep as quiet as possible until we can plan some way of helping ourselves out of this predicament." bob grunted unintelligibly. for some time after this the iron boys leaned against the side of the ship, steve trying to plan some way out of the difficulty, bob growling inwardly over the hard luck that had befallen them. all at once the ship gave a quick, sudden lurch. jarvis lost his balance, falling over on his face. the ore came down in a deluge, covering him from head to feet before he had sufficient time to scramble out of the way. steve, bracing himself against the side of the ship, stooped over and helped his companion to his feet. "the old tub's going to tip over," gasped jarvis. "what's the matter with her?" "nothing is wrong. we have gotten out of the ship canal and into the open water of lake superior. there must be considerable sea. don't you hear the waves smashing against the sides of the ship?" "it isn't what i hear, but what i feel," answered bob faintly. "i feel queer. my head's spinning like a top. is yours?" "no; i can't say that it is. are you getting seasick?" "how do i know? i have never been seasick. how does it feel to be that way?" "i have heard that when people are seasick they don't care very much whether they live or die." "then--then--i wish i could die right here, if it would make me forget that awful goneness under my belt. ugh!" bob settled down against the side of the ship, moaning. "don't be a baby. get up and be a man." "i--i don't want to be a man. i--i'd rather be a wooden image, then i wouldn't care what happened. in case the ship went down i could float and----" bob's words were lost in an anguished moan. steve felt far from comfortable, but he set his teeth and made a resolve not to give up. "the sea is coming up, bob," announced rush after a long period of silence. "the--the sea----? it's my opinion that something else will be coming up soon if things don't stop moving around the way--the way they are doing now." steve laughed. "remember, bob, that we are not likely to get anything in our stomachs for some days. be careful." bob groaned. "if i ever get anything solid under my feet i'll take it out of you for that! that's a mean trick to play on a fellow when he's in the shape i'm in at this minute. how long do you suppose the noise outside will keep up?" "i don't know. probably all the way down superior." "and how far is that?" "let me see. i think mr. carrhart said the trip to the--the soo took thirty-six hours." "help!" muttered jarvis faintly. "now, i want you to brace up. come on, get up. if you don't i'll trounce you and make you forget your troubles." "yes, you can talk, but if you felt as badly as i do, you wouldn't spout that way. you; couldn't without--without----" "perhaps i _do_ feel badly, but i may have the will power to fight it out." steve reached down and pulled jarvis up beside him. the latter protested, but it did him no good, for he was apparently unable to offer any resistance. rush threw an arm about his companion and began talking about other subjects in order to divert bob's mind from his sufferings, for his was a real case of seasickness. in the meantime the sea seemed to be rising, though as a matter of fact there was little sea on. the short, sharp waves of the lake were moving the big, flat-bottomed steamer almost as roughly as they would have moved a little row boat, for the ore carriers are proverbial rollers. after a time jarvis began to feel easier, and the lads, lulled by the motion of the ship, grew sleepy. steve did not dare allow himself to go to sleep. he knew, full well, that such a thing would be dangerous. a lurch of the vessel might cover their heads with dirt and smother them to death before they were able to extricate themselves. then again, they might be buried too deeply to dig their way out at all. "lean up against me, bob. no need of our both standing here suffering for sleep. if you get too heavy i'll let you drop; then i guess you will wake up." bob leaned heavily on his companion. he would have done so in a moment more at any rate, for his eyelids seemed to weigh a ton. the lad was asleep almost instantly. after a time steve's eyelids also drooped. he could hold them up no longer. then he went to sleep, braced against the wall of the hull, his companion sleeping soundly in his arms. there could be but one result of this. they had been asleep but a few moments before, in a lurch of the ship, rush toppled over with jarvis on top of him, a ton or more of ore banked up about them. "get up! get up!" shouted steve, as soon as he was able to get his mouth free of the red ore. jarvis muttered, and steve was obliged to push his companion off by sheer force. the lad pinched and pounded himself, to awaken his dulled senses thoroughly, then he began to punch jarvis about with his clenched fists. "leggo! quit that, or i'll----" bob tried to strike steve, but instead, he measured his length on the ore pile. "i'm trying to get you awake, and if you don't want to be roughly handled you'd better pull yourself together," warned steve. "i'll get even with you for this one," growled jarvis. "what's the use in trying to keep awake?" "i've answered that question already. besides, i am going to try to find some way out of this hold." "you'll have a nice time doing it," growled jarvis. "i expect to have. but i know there must be some way. you keep close to me." "what are you going to do?" "feel my way along the side of the ship to see if i can get hold of a ladder or something that we can climb up." "i couldn't climb a step ladder without falling off, the way i feel now," objected jarvis. chapter iii a surprised skipper "no use!" groaned jarvis. "there isn't a ghost of a chance of our getting out of this until the old tub gets to some place or other. we're done for, this time. i wish i had stayed in the mines, where i belong, instead of following along after you. you can get into more trouble than any other fellow i ever knew." "never mind," laughed steve. "we're the iron boys. why shouldn't we travel as part of the iron ore cargo? the only thing that troubles me is that we have lost our ship. the 'wanderer' will sail to-night with two men short, and--but i care more about what mr. carrhart will think when he hears that we missed our boat. he will think us a couple of stupid boys, and he will be justified in so thinking." "i don't care what he thinks," growled bob. "what's bothering me now is my stomach, and the thought of how i'm going to get out of this." steve did not reply. an idea had occurred to him. gathering up a handful of soft ore he tossed it up over his head. some of the stuff showered down over bob jarvis, causing that young man to protest vigorously. a large portion of the stuff, however, did not come down. steve heard it drop on metal, roll a little way then stop. "quit that, now," protested jarvis. "what on earth are you trying to do? i can't appreciate a joke to-night." "this is not a joke," answered steve, gathering up another handful. "i am saving your life." "huh! pleasant way you have of doing the trick." several large chunks of ore were tossed up with the same result. they did not roll back into the hold. "i've got it, bob," exulted the iron boy. "you're wrong there. i got most of it myself." "listen! there is a platform or passageway running along this side of the ship above our heads. i suspected there must be something of the sort, for surely they have to get into the hold occasionally----" "above our heads, you say, eh?" "yes." "precious lot of good that will do us," grunted bob. "that depends upon whether or not you have any spunk left." "i guess i've got as much of that kind of stuff as you have. but i'm sick--i'm a sick man, steve rush!" "forget it, and then you'll be a brave man. at all events i'll tell you what i want you to do." "go ahead. i can't be any worse off than i am." "i am going to brace myself here against the side, and i want you to climb up to my shoulders. you ought not to have any difficulty in standing on them, when once you get up, for you will have the side of the hull to lean against." "can't do it; can't do it at all. why don't you do it yourself, instead of trying to make me do so when you know how sick i am?" "all right, if you want me to stand on your neck. i am offering you the easiest part of the plan." "i guess you won't stand on my neck! all right; i'll be the goat. what am i to do when i get up to where i can stand on _your_ neck?" "reach up for the platform. if you can get it, all you have to do is to pull yourself up. then, after you are once up you can, perhaps, reach over and give me a hand." "fine, fine!" jeered jarvis. "i wish i could talk as easily as you. why, i'd hire out to spout in a political campaign and----" "don't waste breath. i am ready." feeling his way in the darkness, bob finally got hold of his companion. it was not a difficult task for him, strong and athletic as he was, to climb to rush's shoulders. the difficulty was in staying on the shoulders after he once got there. bob didn't stay long. he toppled over backwards with a quick roll of the ship, landing high up on the ore pile, sliding down to the bottom, protesting and growling at the boy who had been the cause of his downfall. "do it yourself!" jarvis shouted after getting to his feet once more. "come on, now! you're all right." after a little urging jarvis succeeded in reaching his chum's shoulders once more. "now, be careful! i will try to hold you," said steve grasping his companion's ankles. "i've got hold of it. i've got the platform. it's only a little above my waist. leggo my legs." steve stepped out from under so suddenly that jarvis was left dangling in the air. the latter was too busy in trying to pull himself up, to enable him to make any retort. he scrambled to the passageway or platform, out of breath and dizzy. for a few moments bob lay flat on the support beneath him, groaning. "don't be a tenderfoot. what's the matter?" called steve. "everything's the matter. i'm all shot to pieces--i'm all falling apart inside----" "take your time. when you feel able give me a hand. is there any railing around the walk?" "yes; how did you know?" "i just guessed it, that's all." "all right; come on." bob leaned as far over as he could, without falling, and tried to reach the upraised hands of his companion. "can't make it. you've got to grow a little first," jarvis jeered. "we are going to make it. i'm going to back up on the ore and take a running jump. you stand by ready to catch me. better twist your legs about a railing post if there is such a thing handy." "i'm waiting for you. i hope you bump your nose until it bleeds." but steve rush did not bump his nose. he took a running jump, nearly losing his foothold in starting. by a lucky chance he landed half way up the side of the hold, right against bob's hands. bob grasped him about the waist. "now, pull me up," commanded rush. "i can't. i'm a sick man, i tell you." "fudge! just hang on and i will do the rest, but for goodness' sake don't let go and fall off." "why should i let go? you don't think i am so anxious to get down there as all that, do you?" steve climbed nimbly up the body of his companion until he found himself able to reach the rail with one hand. it was then but the work of a moment to pull himself up to the platform. "there, now we're all right," exclaimed rush triumphantly. "no, we're all wrong. i tell you i'm a sick man," protested jarvis. "if i hear you say that again, i am likely to throw you off. you make me sick." "hope i do. then you'll know how i feel." "this is better than i had hoped for," said steve, not heeding his friend's ill-natured remark. "they've got to get up early in the morning if they want to down the iron boys, i tell you," he chuckled. "it strikes me that we downed ourselves pretty thoroughly. well, are we going to get out of here to-night?" "we are going to make an effort to do so at once. keep hold of the rail and follow me. look out where you step. we don't want to take any more tumbles, or----" "oh, that's all right. i couldn't feel any worse if i fell off from a house or the top of a mine shaft." the two moved along cautiously, steve feeling his way with feet and hands. they were going toward the stern of the ship, though they were not aware of the fact. the passageway, constructed for the purpose of getting about on the inside of the hull, was narrow, built of metal, but without anything on it to bar their progress. they made their way around the stern, which, inside the ship, was next to the engine room. rush felt the throb of the engines near him and knew then that they were near the stern. they were separated from the engine room by a bulkhead and there was no opening into the engine compartment from the cargo-carrying part of the hull. "we shall have to work our way to the other end," steve said. the boys, with steve in the lead, continued their cautious creeping around the ship until finally they had reached the forward end. steve's hands came in contact with a door. "oh, pshaw, it's locked," he cried. "this is too bad." "kick it in," suggested bob, as the most practical way out of the difficulty. "i can't; it's locked." "and after all the trouble we have been put to!" "at least, bob, we have found a place where we shall be able to lie down and go to sleep in safety. that is surely worth all the trouble we have been put to, as you call it." "that's so. i hadn't thought of it in that light before. and i'm such a sick----" "you know what i told you." jarvis did not complete what he was saying. "good night." bob threw himself down on the hard floor and went to sleep. steve decided that this was the best thing they could do, so he, too, lay down and was sound asleep at once. neither lad awakened for hours. steve finally opened his eyes and yawned. a ray of light that had penetrated between a thin joint between a hatch cover and its frame, hit his left eye squarely. "wake up, bob," he cried. "go 'way! don't bother me. i'm having my beauty sleep." steve sprang up, shaking the other boy roughly. "it's daylight. come on; we've got to make a break to get out of here now, if we do it at all. i just heard some one tramping along the deck overhead." bob sat up rubbing his eyes sleepily. he would much have preferred to sleep longer, but he knew full well that, if he tried it, steve rush would fall upon him and make life miserable for him for the next few minutes. so jarvis got up, grumbling. "where does that door lead to?" he demanded, pointing to a door that steve had not yet seen. a faint light in the hold made it possible to see a short distance away. steve glanced at the door, then sprang toward it. "hurrah, it is unlocked!" "and don't forget that i found it. i can see like an owl, even if i am sick----" steve had jerked the door open, revealing a dark chamber. it proved to be the chain and anchor room where odds and ends of the ship were stored. after a little groping about in this chamber, they came upon a companion-way, up which they hurried. there they met with another door, but this one too was unlocked. rush opened it and stepped into the full light of day. for the moment the light blinded both. the boys stood there, rubbing their eyes, blinking, and breathing in the fresh air of the lake. "great!" exclaimed steve. the ship was rolling gently. they glanced about them, but there was no land in sight. everything was a sea of green, with white-capped combers tracing long lines of white against the deep green. "beautiful, isn't it, old chap?" "it might be, if there were some land in sight. where's everybody?" "i don't know, but we will find out." smoke was rolling from the funnel of the steamer, a ribbon of white steam from the exhaust pipe trailing off astern and losing itself in the black smoke. "this is a beautiful sight, even if we have lost our boat and gone to sea on an unknown craft," exclaimed rush, his eyes glistening. "pshaw!" grunted jarvis. "i guess it is about time we looked up some one and found out whether we are headed for the soo, or----" "or the north pole," added jarvis. "well, who are you?" demanded a gruff voice just behind the lads. the iron boys wheeled sharply. they found themselves facing a thick-set man, whose face, from exposure to wind and sunshine, was almost fiery red. he was surveying the boys from head to foot with a look of stern disapproval. steve and bob, with their torn and soiled clothes, _did_ present a most disreputable appearance. their hair was unkempt and full of red ore, while their linen, white and clean when they left home on the previous day, now also partook of the color of the iron ore in which they had wallowed for several hours. "may i ask who you are, sir?" questioned steve politely. "i am the captain of this ship, and, unless you answer my question pretty lively, i'll have you ironed and thrown into the hold." "we have just come from there, sir," interrupted bob. "that is quite evident from your appearance. you are stowaways, eh?" "no, sir; we got into the ship by accident, last night, and could not get out. we tried to attract attention, but were unable to do so." "what were you doing around the ship?" "we were to ship on the 'wanderer.' we lost our way on the docks and fell into the hold of this ship. we had a hard time getting out, but here we are, hoping to get to our ship as soon as we get to the next stop." it was the captain's turn to look astonished. chapter iv the boys stand the test "you want to get on board the 'wanderer,' eh?" "yes, sir." "what for?" "i have told you we were to ship on her--we were to work on board." "what were you to do on board?" "we were to work at whatever we were set at." "hm-m-m!" mused the red-faced skipper. "had your breakfast?" "no, sir; we have not had anything to eat since we ate luncheon yesterday noon." "hm-m-m-m. come with me." the captain led the way aft over the decks, along a walk at the side of the hatches, which the lads observed were snugly battened down. their conductor passed on by the engine house, clear to the stern of the vessel, where he entered the door of the deck-house. "jake!" he called sharply, poking his head into the room. a white-capped, white-aproned man suddenly made his appearance. "vat iss?" demanded the ship's cook. "give these boys some breakfast." jake surveyed the boys critically before replying. "_ja_," he said, turning back into his kitchen. "sit down at the table. when you have finished eating come forward and i will talk with you." "thank you. where shall we find you, sir?" asked rush. "if i'm not in the wheel house i'll be somewhere else." "i hope you won't take it into your head to meet us in the hold," interjected jarvis. "we have had hold enough to hold us for the rest of our lives." "don't get smart, young man," snapped the master, turning and leaving the room. "i wouldn't get funny with the captain, were i in your place," warned steve. "he evidently doesn't appreciate your jokes. smell that breakfast?" "you bet i do, but smelling won't help much." jake soon brought in a satisfying meal, to which the boys helped themselves liberally. the cook stood about watching them questioningly for a time, but, as the boys seemed too busy to open a conversation with him, he turned back to his galley with a deep grunt of disapproval. after having finished their meal the iron boys went out on deck, where for a time they stood leaning over the rail looking down into the foaming water slipping past the side of the ship. "we had better be going forward, bob," suggested steve. on the way forward they passed several deck hands at work. some were sweeping, others washing down the decks with a hose and a scrub brush. "that's going to be our job, i guess," grinned bob. "then, it's me for the mines, steve rush!" inquiring for the captain, they were told that he was in his cabin just under the pilot-house. they hurried there, and, knocking, were told to enter. the captain's quarters they found, to their surprise, to be luxurious. there was an observation room extending across the ship, with eight windows in front, looking out on the sea ahead of the ship. off from this observation room and to the rear of it were two handsome bedrooms, furnished with brass bedsteads and hung with silk draperies. bob looked around for a mat on which to wipe his feet. the captain, seated at a desk, turned around in his chair, surveying the boys critically. "you certainly are not very handsome to look at," was his comment, uttered in a gruff tone. "no, sir, not very," admitted steve, flushing as he looked down at his soiled clothes. "do we have to dress up on this ship?" demanded jarvis, with some heat. "you will have to do one thing--preserve a respectful attitude toward the commanding officer, and take orders without giving any back talk," replied the master, eyeing the boy sternly. "we aren't working on this ship." "perhaps you think you are not, but you are." "we are working, or going to work, on the 'wanderer,'" answered bob. "that is what i am saying. this is the 'wanderer.'" "the 'wanderer'?" exclaimed the lads. "yes." "then we did fall into luck, after all." "it looks that way, though you may change your minds before you've been aboard long. which of you is which?" "i am steve rush. this is bob jarvis." "glad to meet you, young gentlemen." they could not tell if the captain intended the words to be sarcastic, or whether he meant to be polite to them. they were rather inclined to the former opinion. "when do we go to work?" demanded jarvis. "now; at once. we don't have any lazybones on board this ship. are you men strong?" "yes, sir; i think so," replied steve, smiling. "can you shovel coal?" "we can shovel anything that we are able to lift." "very well, then; i'll put you in the stoke hole." "what kind of a hole is that?" questioned jarvis. "that is the place where the black-faced gang shovel the fuel under the boilers to make the ship move along." "oh, you mean the firemen?" "that's the scientific name. the common name is stoker. i'll send you down to the chief engineer, and he will give you a trick. you'll have to work like sixty, and if you don't you'll get off at the soo and foot it back home," continued the skipper gruffly. if steve were disappointed, or objected to the work that had been assigned to them, he made no comment. jarvis, however, made no secret of his displeasure. he grumbled under his breath, despite the warning looks directed at him by steve rush. captain simms pushed a button, and a few minutes later a short man, clean shaven, red of face like the captain, entered. "this is mr. major, the first mate. he is next in rank to the master. he will take you to the chief engineer for your assignment." "where do we sleep?" asked jarvis. "i had nearly forgotten that. you will show the boys their cabin, mr. major." the first mate nodded. his was a surly face, and the lads did not approve of him at first. however, upon gaining the deck the first mate spoke to them in a tone that was kind and helpful. "this is your first time out, isn't it, boys?" he asked. "yes, sir," replied steve. "well, you'll get along all right. do your work well and you will find that captain simms will take to you all right. you will have enough time off to rest and sleep, though the work is pretty steady on the lakes. you will find this is the case when we are in port, even more than when on the move. the loading and unloading keeps all hands at their stations. you have been in the mines, have you not?" "yes, sir." "we were foremen," interjected bob. the mate glanced at them in surprise. "i should think you would have stayed there, then. the pay is better and the hours more regular." "we wished to learn this end of the business," answered steve somewhat shortly. a few minutes later they were introduced to mr. macrae, the chief engineer, in whose department they were to begin their work on a lake steamer. the chief was a man of few words, these words always to the point. the mate explained to him the disposition captain simms wished made of the boys. "ever fire any?" demanded the chief. steve shook his head. "nothing more than a cook stove," spoke up jarvis, with a twinkle in his eyes, at which the chief's face threatened for a few seconds to relax into a smile. instead, it drew down harshly and his lips set more firmly together. "humph! nice couple to send me, and short-handed in the stoke hole, as it is. well, you'll fire all right, and you'll find it ain't no six-day stove-firing, either." "when do we go on?" asked rush. "i guess now is as good a time as any. where's your jumpers?" steve glanced at his companion quizzically. "did we leave our bags down in the hold, bob?" "i guess that's where we left them, sure enough." the mate sent a deck hand for the bags of the boys, after which they retired to the cabin set aside for them at the stern of the ship, and began preparing for their new work. they went on duty at nine o'clock, being told that they would take a six-hour trick, with a six-hour lay-off, after which they would report for duty again. the chief took the boys below, introduced them to the foreman of the fire room, then stood about while the foreman instructed them in their duties. these consisted in keeping the fire up under two boilers. they were obliged to throw the coal in many feet under the boiler, which required both skill and strength. when the fire doors were closed, the heat was still stifling, but when the doors were thrown open waves of white hot heat leaped out enveloping the stokers. the first time that jarvis essayed the feat he burned his eyebrows off by getting too close to the door and facing it full. bob sprang back with a growl that was half howl. as soon as he could get the door closed he ran to the water barrel, sticking his head clear under. the stoke-room gang howled uproariously. "a lubber, eh?" laughed one of the stokers. "you'll get all the hotness you want before you get out of this hole. how about you, pretty boy?" turning to address steve. "you look out for your own furnaces, old man; i'll attend to mine, and if i get stuck i'll ask somebody who knows." the gang laughed at this, and the fellow whom rush had answered so sharply, glared angrily at the tall, slender lad who was throwing coal into the white-hot mouth of the furnace. he was doing his work almost as methodically as though he was used to it, save that his aim was not quite as sure as in the case of the more experienced men. after having watched the boys at work for a few minutes, mr. macrae nodded to himself, then climbed up the ladders to the deck. he met the master soon after. "get those boys to work?" demanded captain simms. "yes." "any good?" "pretty likely pair. they have the strength of yearling bulls. where did they come from? i didn't see them when we came out." "no, they came out of the hold," grinned captain simms. "out of the hold?" "yes; funny thing about that. they boarded the ship with a load of ore." the captain went on to explain how the boys came to be on board. "doesn't it strike you as peculiar that they are sent down here in this way?" "not at all, mac. they want to learn the business. mr. carrhart sent me a line yesterday explaining the case. said they were a fine pair, and he wanted to see them get along." "then why put them in the hole?" "don't you think that will try them out as quickly as anything else?" said the captain. "i guess that's right," admitted the chief engineer. "and we need them just now, too. i'm glad they are on board, even if they are green hands. but young rush is going to be a winner, and no mistake." "what's the matter with the other one?" "nothing, except that he is a little fresh at times." "so i already have observed. you will take that out of him, mac." "i'll do that all right, or break his back in the trying. the stoke hole isn't any place for weaklings, as you and i know." "keep me posted. i want to know about them. if they make good maybe i'll change them, giving them a berth on deck." "we'd better give them a good try-out first," advised the chief. "certainly." in the meantime the subjects of this discussion were toiling with might and main far down below the water level. the ship seemed much steadier down there, and there was scarcely any roll perceptible. had it not been for the terrific heat the youngsters would not have minded the work so much. however, as the day drew on they began to feel the strain. the gong, announcing the change of watch, sounded loud and startling. they did not give it any heed, but kept right on shoveling. "well, are you fellows going to work right through the next trick?" asked the foreman. "have we finished?" questioned bob innocently. "until nine o'clock to-night." the lads put down their shovels with a sigh of relief. "is there such a thing as a bath room that we can use?" questioned rush. "what? do you fellows ever wash?" demanded the stoker who had had the words with steve earlier in the day. "that depends upon the company we have been in," answered the lad sharply. "did you tell me about the bath room, sir?" the foreman could not repress a grin. he pointed up the companion ladder. "you will find one on the deck above this. first door to the right." "thank you, sir." steve began climbing up the ladder, followed by bob and, a few rungs behind, by the surly stoker who had sought to have fun with the iron boys and had got the worst of the argument in each case. their first trick on board an ore carrier had been gotten through successfully, but it was about the hardest six hours the lads remembered ever having put in. they hurried out into the air before taking a bath. never had fresh air smelled so sweet as it did that day. the lads were black, the coating of soot on their faces being streaked with perspiration, and their clothes could have been no wetter had they just come up from the sea. "this is about the limit!" laughed bob jarvis. "here i am, without any eyebrows and half my beautiful locks burned away, all because you and i have ambitions to get on in the world. honestly, steve, is it worth it?" "you know it is, bob jarvis," answered the iron boy, gazing straight into the inflamed, soot-framed eyes of his companion. chapter v trouble in the stoke hole "i'll put you to sleep one of these fine days, young feller," greeted the stoker with whom steve had had the words. the boys had just turned to go to their bath, bob already having entered the deck house. "are you addressing me?" demanded steve coldly. "i'm talking to you." "forget it," said the lad, brushing past the soot-begrimed stoker and hurrying in to his bath. that was the beginning of it. surely steve had not tried to make an enemy of the man, but he had done so just the same, and an enemy whom he was to hear from ere many days had passed. meeting the first mate later in the day steve asked who the man was. "the name he gave on coming aboard was smith. i don't know anything about him. he has never sailed with us before, but i understand he knows his business--that is, he is a good stoker and has been on ships before. why do you ask?" "i wondered," answered steve evasively. "has he been bothering you?" "oh, no; i am not very much bothered," answered the lad, with a smile. the boys' cabin was on the starboard or right side of the ship. it was a pleasant little room, commanding a view out over the water. there were two berths in the cabin, a little desk and a couple of steamship pictures, the door of the cabin opening out to the deck. they felt very much at home in their new quarters, and after the first good sleep there they were ready for anything that might be required of them. the new stokers took their evening trick, each determined to hold up his end of the work with the rest of the men. and each did. not a man in that hot, fiery pit shoveled more coal on that watch, or shoveled it to better advantage than did the iron boys. the man smith shoveled at the furnace door next to steve rush, and the former lost no opportunity to hurl rough jokes and taunts at the iron boy. these were, in most instances, greeted with howls of delight by the other stokers, who seemed to take the keenest pleasure in seeing the two boys humiliated. steve took it all good-naturedly, but jarvis had to exercise great self-restraint to keep himself in check. he could hardly resist taking it out of the big bully. smith was tall and angular, his small, beady eyes setting more closely together than was good to look upon. in addition to this there was a slight slant to them, giving him almost the appearance of an oriental. steve shrewdly came to the conclusion that smith was a bad man, and furthermore, the boy decided in his own mind that the man had a past, for rush was a keen observer, few things passing him unobserved. all at once, smith's shovel slipped, showering steve with coal from head to foot. the sharp edges of the chunks of coal cut the boy's head and one cheek until the blood came. rush calmly brushed himself off, wiped the blood from his head and face amid the jeers of the stokers. then he turned to the grinning smith. "did you do that on purpose?" demanded the lad coolly. "i reckon it was an accident, kid. what would you do if it wasn't?" "i am not making any threats, but i hope it will not happen again." "he did it on purpose," volunteered bob. "never mind, bob; keep out of this. mr. smith had a dizzy spell and he couldn't see where he was tossing the coal. he isn't wholly responsible for what he is doing." smith uttered a growl. "you making sport of me?" he demanded, in a surly tone. "oh, no; i couldn't think of that, because i don't see anything funny about you. you are the most serious proposition i ever set eyes on." smith was not grinning now. his face had drawn down into harsh, menacing lines, his chin settling close to his chest, his eyes narrowing to mere slits. rush was watching him as the boy carelessly tossed a shovel of coal into the furnace. smith drew a long breath, grabbed up his shovel and began firing once more. the critical stage had been passed for the moment, but rush knew that sooner or later there would be a clash of some sort, and he knew, too, that when it did come the tough stokers would side with their own companion. nothing more of a serious nature occurred in that watch, though the boys kept on the lookout for trouble. it was in the early morning watch, however, when the ship's company was sleeping, all save those who were on watch at the time, that there came a renewal of the trouble--when the threatened disturbance came to a head. the boys had arranged that when the back of either was turned to the stoker the other should keep his eyes open. this arrangement they had carried out faithfully until four o'clock in the morning arrived. day was breaking, but the toilers down in the depths of the stoke hole could not see the coming of the day. they would not have noticed it had they been able to for the reasons that their minds were wholly absorbed with other matters. suddenly a second shower of coal rained over steve rush from the shovel of the man smith. steve turned sharply, fixing his eyes on jarvis. the latter nodded, meaning that smith had thrown the coal deliberately. "that's the time you did it on purpose, mister man," said steve in his usual calm voice. "well, supposing i did? what you going to do about it?" "this!" whack! the iron boy's fist smote the stoker a powerful blow in the face. smith toppled over against the hot boiler. rush saw at once that the fellow would be seriously burned. leaping forward he dragged the man away, dropping him on the coal heap. for the moment the stokers were so amazed at the exhibition of strength and skill on the part of steve rush that they could do no more than gape and gaze. the knocked-out stoker struggled to his feet. his eyes were bloodshot and his face distorted with passion. "i would suggest that we put off our dispute until we have nothing else to do," suggested steve. "you mustn't forget that we are on duty now, and the captain will discipline us if we have trouble here." with a bellow of rage, smith rushed his young antagonist. the blow that he got this time spun the fellow around, landing him on his face on the coal heap. the blow had reached him before his own fists were fairly up in position. steve knew that what was to be done must be done quickly. he loathed such fights, but he was among rough men. he had been among rough men ever since he had started out in the mines, and it was a case of fighting one's battles or going down with serious injuries, or perhaps worse. experience had told him that the quicker such affairs were ended the better for all concerned, and that the man who landed the first effective blow was more than likely to win the fight. steve usually did land first. bob was dancing about with glowing eyes. "please somebody hit _me_!" he begged. "i've got to get into the row. i've got to punch some of you wooden heads, or you'll never be satisfied; neither will i." "give them the coal. bury them!" roared a voice. smith leaped to his feet, and stretching out a hand threw open a furnace door. "i'll give the little fiend a toasting!" he howled. "no, no--the coal!" protested the others. the iron boys saw at once that matters had taken a more serious turn than they had looked for. the lads slowly backed up against a bulk head, their hands resting easily on their shovels. "i would suggest that you men had better get to work," said rush. "the steam will be going down in a minute or so, then you'll hear from the chief engineer." he had hoped to call them back to their duty, and thus avoid what was before them. "the coal, the coal!" with one accord the stokers thrust their shovels into the coal pile. ten shovels of hard coal were hurled at the iron boys with unerring aim and at almost projectile speed. "down!" shouted rush. both lads dropped to the floor of the fire room, the black chunks of coal passing harmlessly over their heads. "let 'em have another! throw low!" the stokers sent the next black volley straight out from their hips, which should have reached the mark had the boys adopted their former tactics. "dodge between!" commanded steve. jarvis obeyed instantly. in fact, in an emergency, he always looked to his companion for orders. when they saw that their second attempt had failed the stokers uttered a yell of rage. "bat them over the head with your shovels!" advised one. but rush had anticipated the suggestion. he was already leaping forward, his shovel cutting the air. he brought its flat side against the side of a stoker's head. the man toppled over, unconscious, and before the men could recover from their surprise two more of their number had fallen victims to the iron boy's shovel. bob had leaped into the fray by this time. he was swinging his own shovel, uttering a shout each time it came in contact with a head. "give ground, bob!" shouted rush. "i'll fix them. just watch out that they don't land on you, or they'll cut your head off with those sharp-edged things." "i'll hold them! come on, you black ruffians!" steve had sprung to one side of the fire room, where he began tugging at a wheel, from which he unrolled a long, dark object. one end of this he quickly connected to a four-inch pipe, turned a shut-off and sprang out into the middle of the fire room, carrying one end of the object in his hands. "quick! back off, bob!" bob did so. he saw at once what rush intended to do. "give it to them!" he shouted. chapter vi the first step upward the iron boy held a three-inch fire hose in his hands. a powerful stream leaped from the nozzle. the first man it hit was bowled over like a nine-pin, the man uttering a choking yell as he went down. another leaped at steve with upraised shovel. he shared the fate of his companion. one after another of them went down under the force of the stream from the fire hose. it was a kind of warfare that none of those tough customers had ever engaged in before. in a moment the men were yelling wildly, now and then bob jarvis's voice raised above the hubbub in a howl of joy. the heat in the fire room quickly turned the water to steam, a dense gray cloud hanging over all, obscuring everything in the room. it was with difficulty that the boy could make out the forms of his enemies. the men were making desperate efforts to break through and escape by the door, to which rush had slowly backed. as soon as a man sprang forward steve would let him have the full force of the stream from the hose squarely in the face. the stoker would be on his back instantly; then rush, would play the stream on the others, swinging the hose from side to side to keep the crew back. all the fight had been taken out of them, but the relentless stream still played on and over them with terrific force. "quit! we've got enough!" howled a voice. "i can't hear," answered steve, playing the hose from one end of the cringing line to the other. "i'm going to turn on the hot water soon, i don't believe this cold water will take all the dirt off." "skin them alive!" jeered jarvis. there came an interruption. the howls of the men, having reached the upper deck, had attracted the attention of the chief engineer. he had come running down the companion ladder, believing something serious had happened in the engine room. he was met by a cloud of steam. "what's going on here? have you blown out a tube?" he shouted. "no; i'm blowing off some rowdies, that's all. bob, shut off the water. the fun's all over." macrae grasped rush by the collar. "what does this mean? i'll discharge you at the end of the cruise." "i am sorry, sir; but those men attacked us and we had to fight them the best way we could. i thought a shower bath would do them more good than anything else, and cool them off quicker." "get to work there, you lazy lubbers. your steam is twenty pounds below the mark. i'll fine the lot of you. rush, come up to the deck, i want to talk with you." "i would suggest, sir, that you hear what the men have to say first." "how did this row start?" demanded the chief engineer. "he turned the hose on us, jest because he got a grouch on against us." "that's a lie!" exclaimed jarvis. mr. macrae motioned for steve to accompany him. the boy followed up to the deck where the chief led the way to his office and cabin. "now, i'll listen to the story. you have done a very serious thing; you have imperiled the safety of the ship and laid yourself liable to arrest and ironing. what have you to say?" "i acted purely in self defense. it was a case of defend yourself or get my head knocked off. i chose the former. i am sorry i was the cause of the steam going down, but we can put on more steam in a few minutes. i couldn't do the same for my head." "tell me exactly what occurred." rush did so, omitting the name of the stoker who had been the real cause of the uprising. mr. macrae listened with grave face until the story of the trouble had been told. "who started it?" "i would rather not say. i do not think he will start anything else very soon. he got about all that was coming to him." "i should say he did. however, this is a matter that will have to be laid before captain simms. go back to the fire room. i will accompany you and see that matters are straightened out." this the chief did. "the next man who starts any disturbance here will be put in irons!" said mr. macrae sternly. "this applies to every one of you. i shall lay the matter before the captain, as it is. he will act as he thinks best, but it is my opinion that the whole gang of you ought to be thrown off the ship at the first stop. you may be, at that." as soon as the captain rose, the chief told him the story of the battle in the stoke hole. "what, those two boys did up the whole crew of ten men down there?" exclaimed the master. "that's about what it amounted to." "most remarkable thing i ever heard of! but i will guarantee they never started the row." "no, i think not. both boys refuse to say who did." "good for them. i knew they had the right kind of stuff in them. pity we haven't got more like them." "what do you think best to do, sir?" captain simms reflected for a moment. "being convinced that the stokers are wholly to blame, i shall fine each of them a day's pay. you may so inform them." "and the two boys also?" "no. why should they be fined? you can't blame them for defending themselves. what time do the boys come off watch?" "nine o'clock." "tell them to report to me after they get fixed up." "very good, sir." captain simms went to his cabin, where he related to the first mate the story of the fire room row. both officers laughed heartily. "i would have given a month's wages to have seen that fuss," laughed the mate. "i guess the black-face gang has come to the conclusion that it has picked up a couple of tartars. evidently it isn't the first time those lads have been called upon to take care of themselves." before the stoke hole watch knocked off the captain made it his business to go below and look over the men. every man save the iron boys wore a sullen, revengeful look on his face. but this was not all. there was blood on several of the faces, and the men's clothes and hair still bore traces of the shower bath that steve rush had given them. neither lad paid any attention to the captain. they went on with their work as steadily as though he were not present, or nothing out of the ordinary had occurred. the captain turned away rather hastily and left the compartment. he felt that, if he remained a second longer, he would have to laugh. that would not do at all. and laugh he did, after he had gotten far enough away from the fire room to make wise such a proceeding. "i'll get even with you for that!" snarled smith in rush's ear, after the departure of the master. steve made no reply. "you'll wake up one of these fine mornings wetter than i was after you turned the hose on me, you whelp!" smith drove his elbow into the iron boy's side with considerable force. rush slowly faced him. "look here, you loafer, i'll knock you down if you do that again. or, if you prefer it, i'll give you another bath. you are trying to pick a fight with me. i am not looking for it, but if you insist i'll give you what you want. fight or stop!" smith glanced uneasily at the door leading from the fire room, muttered something unintelligible to the others and began shoveling coal into his furnace. shortly after that the watch ended. steve hurried through his bath. after putting on his clean clothes he called on the captain. the latter looked over the slim, well set-up young lad quizzically. "i didn't think it of you, rush." steve flushed painfully. "you wish to see me, sir?" "yes. be careful. in this instance let me say very frankly that i am glad you cleaned out that lot. the only trouble is that you ought to have thrown the whole gang overboard. we can't spare them, or i might have done it myself before this. i'm going to take you two boys off the stoke hole watch." "what do you wish us to do, sir?" "i will promote you to the deck." chapter vii the iron boys on deck the lads began their work above decks on the following day. it was a welcome relief to be out in the open air, with the wind blowing over them, the soft odors of the inland seas mingling with the faint perfume of the land drifting out from the unseen shores. the first work of the iron boys was to remove the hatches that the sun might penetrate the hold and dry out the ore, which had been put in very damp. ore in that condition did not handle easily, taking up time and costing considerably more to handle than when dry. steve pondered over this all during his first forenoon's work. here was something that ought to be remedied. his fertile brain was at a loss to solve the problem. he talked the matter over with jarvis after luncheon, that day, and asked his companion's opinion. "that's easy," answered bob promptly. "put a stove in." "where?" "in the ore pockets on the trestles." "that would be fine," grinned steve. "but you have given me an idea. i will think it over. there is a point that it will pay us both to think over very carefully. have you seen anything of our friends from below decks this morning?" "no; i guess they must be sleeping." "look out, bob. we haven't heard the last from smith. he is a vengeful fellow and he will try to get even with us. i hope he doesn't ship with us on the return trip." "i'll punch his head for him if he gets funny with me." "i don't like the man's looks at all. it is my opinion that he is a desperate character." "well, so are we, for that matter," replied jarvis with a mirthless grin. "i am beginning to think so myself, old chap. it seems almost impossible for us to keep out of trouble. i, for one, am going to stop it. next time any rough argument is started i'm going to run." jarvis laughed uproariously. "i think i see you doing it! why, you wouldn't run if you saw a herd of elephants charging you. no, sir--not steve rush!" at about four o'clock in the afternoon the boys were ordered to assist in replacing the hatches to make all snug for the night. the vessel was slipping down lake huron, now, at an eleven-knot gait. there was a gentle roll on the sea, but neither lad minded that. neither would suffer further from seasickness, they felt sure. the hatches having been made secure there was nothing more to be done for the rest of the afternoon. the lads were free to go where they pleased and do as they pleased. they repaired to their cabin, where they remained until supper time. they now ate with the ship's officers, the stokers and oilers having a mess-room by themselves. the officers' mess-room was a roomy apartment at the extreme stern of the ship, and the food served there was excellent. the boys did not remember ever to have had better. mr. major, the first mate, occupied the lower end of the long table, while the captain sat at the head. there was little conversation. the principal business was eating, sailors having a habit of shoveling in their food as fast as possible when it is placed before them. the result was that steve and bob, being accustomed to eat slowly and chew their food well, were not half through when the others rose from the table. "going to eat all night?" demanded the captain, with the suspicion of a smile on his face. "oh, no," laughed rush. "not quite so long as that, i hope." "how about you?" questioned the master, nodding at jarvis. "well," answered bob reflectively, "as nearly as i can figure it i am about amidships between soup and pie. if i don't fall through the centre hatch before i reach the pie end i'll be on deck about seven o'clock." the officers laughed heartily. "do we go on duty this evening, sir?" questioned rush. "certainly," replied the captain. "you take your regular tricks just the same. you two will take the forward watch at nine o'clock." they had never been on watch before, and did not know what their duties were to be. so, after finishing their supper, they hunted up mr. major and asked him to explain their duties to them. he told them that all they had to do would be to watch out for lights ahead and either side of the ship, ring the hours on the ship's bell just forward of the bridge, at the same time glancing back at their own ship's running lights to see if all were burning brightly. the mate told them how to report this, giving them some other suggestions at the same time. "this is fine," glowed bob. "we're going to walk the bridge at midnight, aren't we?" "rush will have the bridge watch," explained mr. major. "you will take the deck just forward of and under the bridge. it is not hard work in good weather, but it gets to be rather lonesome at times. i shall be on duty in the pilot-house during your trick. if you are in doubt at any time be sure to call out to me." both promised that they would. it was with keen anticipation that the lads made their way forward from their cabins a few minutes before nine o'clock. "second watch changed," called the watch who was on the point of retiring. "aye, aye," answered the officer in charge in the pilot-house. all was dark in there so the men could see ahead, the windows of the captain's cabin having the shades pulled tight so that not a single ray of light could shine out ahead to blind the eyes of the lookouts. "all clear ahead. steamer heading up the lake off the starboard bow." "all right," answered steve as he took his place at the rail of the bridge. "i guess she won't run into us." "watch for that steamer's red light off to starboard," warned a business-like voice from the blackness of the pilot-house. "i will," replied steve. "say, 'aye, aye, sir.'" "aye, aye, sir." "that's right. we observe all the forms on board these ships just the same as they do on the high seas." "what's all that talk about up there?" called bob jarvis, from his post in the bow on the deck below. "you are to keep watch of that fellow off to starboard," answered rush. "starboard? let's see--that's the left side, isn't it?" "no, the right." "oh, i guess that's right." "tell the watch below to 'tend to his business," warned the mate in the pilot-house. "forward watch, knock off talking," called steve. "don't get funny up there or i'll come up and straighten you out." "bob," called steve softly, "the officer will be down there in a moment if you don't stop your nonsense. this is business. keep your eyes on the water and call out whenever you see a light. i----" "ship, ho!" sang out jarvis suddenly, interrupting what steve was saying. "lower watch reports a ship, sir," sang out steve. "where away?" demanded the mate. "where away?" repeated steve. "oh, 'bout a mile off the right-hand side," answered the lower watch nonchalantly. "he means the vessel off to starboard, sir," rush informed the officer in charge. "has that wooden-head just discovered the ore carrier over there?" "i guess so, sir." "pshaw! you keep your eyes open." "he will be all right after he gets settled down to it, sir," said steve apologetically. "we're likely to be sent to the bottom before that time, if we wait for him to keep us out of trouble." the ship sailed on. now and then steve's keen eyes would sight a green or red or a white light, and under the instruction of the mate he quickly learned to determine the position of the boat from her lights, enabling him to say instantly which way the other ship was traveling. after a while the captain entered the pilot-house. "who's on the forward watch?" he demanded. "rush on the bridge, jarvis in the forward peak." "keep a sharp lookout. they are new men." "aye, aye, sir. rush is all right. he has eyes like an owl at night. trust him for not letting anything----" "red light dead ahead," called rush. "what do you make of her?" "nothing more, sir." "that's one of the wyckoff coal fleet," announced the captain, leaning from the pilot-house window. "she's headed for shoal island." "how in the name of all that's good does he know all that?" muttered the boy on the bridge. "i can't see a thing but the red light, and that means that her port beam is almost across our bow. i don't see anything else." "i suppose you are wondering how i know that, eh?" chuckled the captain, nodding to the lad pacing the bridge just below him. "well, yes, sir; i was wondering," admitted rush. "do you make out her white lights!" "no, sir." "that's where i have you. there is a bank of fog or mist settling over the lake. if you will raise your eyes a little to the right of the red light you will make out two faint blurs----" "i see them, sir." "those are her masthead lights. i know the set of the masts of the wyckoff boats, that's all. so will you, after you have been at sea long enough. it is all a matter of experience. i have been drilling up and down these lakes for the past thirty years. i ought to know a few things about them and the fellows who are navigating them. it's going to storm." "yes, sir," agreed the lad, but he did not see any signs of rain. the stars were bright overhead and the moon was shining brightly. "i see i have a few things to learn about the weather," he muttered. a few minutes later steve discovered that the moon and the stars had suddenly disappeared. the captain knew they would, for the wind had veered to the southeast and he had seen the fog bank settling down since the first moment he entered the pilot house. the rain started in shortly afterwards in a thin drizzle. "hey, up there, it's getting wet down here!" shouted bob. "hand me down an umbrella or something." "keep a sharp lookout, lads," warned the captain. "remember we've got a load of coal across our bows." "aye, aye, sir," answered steve. "i think i can see quite a way ahead of us." "that is a mistake. you can't see a ship's length ahead. keep your eyes open." "i will, sir." "where is your raincoat?" "i am afraid i have none. i never thought to bring one with me." "tell your friend jarvis to go to my cabin and ask the steward for two coats." steve did so, and a few minutes later the lads were well protected from the storm, which was now upon them in full force. the rain was coming down in blinding sheets by this time, beating into the faces of the iron boys. suddenly steve leaned over the edge of the bridge, shading his eyes with his hand. something that he thought he had observed in bob's position had attracted his attention. he gazed more keenly, then uttered a little gasp. jarvis was standing with his head down, facing away from the storm toward the stern of the ship. he looked very comfortable and contented. "bob!" steve's tone was stern. "bob!" "what do you want?" "turn around and be quick about it!" steve was speaking too low for the officers in the pilot-house to hear. "don't you know that the safety of the ship depends largely on our watchfulness at this minute, and----" "clang, clang, clang, clang, clang clang," interrupted the ship's clock in the pilot-house. steve grasped the cord attached to the clapper of the big bell in front of the bridge, giving it six steady jerks. "six bells, eleven o'clock. all lights are burning brightly, sir," rush called in the singsong voice of the sailor. "aye, aye," answered the deep voice of the mate from the darkness of the pilot-house. "reduce speed to one-half," commanded the captain, in a low voice. he usually gave his commands calmly, no matter how great the stress or emergency. "do you see anything of that coal carrier, rush?" "no, sir; she must be some distance away from us by this time." "she ought to be, but she isn't." "may i ask how you know that, sir?" "i get her smoke." "i don't make it out, sir." "neither do i, by sight, but i see it through my nose. i smell it." "well, doesn't that beat all!" muttered rush. he bent every energy toward piercing the black bank ahead. for the first time steve rush experienced a sense of uneasiness, and for the first time he realized what the perils of the sea meant. before, it had seemed to him that, unless a ship were laboring in a great storm, there could be little danger. once a minute the siren far back in the darkness, near the engine superstructure, would wail out a long, dismal blast which, a moment later, was answered by the ship out there somewhere ahead. the sound of the other boat's siren did not seem to steve rush to be getting any nearer, but to the experienced ears of captain simms quite the contrary was plain. "look steady, down there!" he warned in a sharp tone which told rush there was something that he did not know about was likely to happen. "look sharp!" he repeated to bob jarvis. "i'm looking. i'm----" steve rush's voice cut in quick and sharp, though there was little trace of excitement in it. "sheer off! ship dead ahead!" "hard a-port!" commanded the captain, at the same time sounding a long wailing blast on the siren. a deafening crash followed almost upon the command. chapter viii the crash in the fog steve was thrown flat on his face on the bridge, while bob jarvis doubled up, wedged into the forepeak of the boat on the deck below. "full speed astern!" roared the captain. the chains of the pilot-house telegraph rattled ominously and the propeller, nearly six hundred feet aft of the bridge, began whirling the other way at tremendous speed. "hey! what--what--what's happened?" shouted bob jarvis. "have we hit the shore?" "close the water-tight bulkheads!" commanded captain simms. the mate threw over the electric switch that gave the signal for the closing of all water-tight doors and bulkheads. "sound the general alarm!" gongs began to ring all over the ship. "order the engine and stoke room crews to stand by their tricks. i'll give them warning in time in case we have been badly hit." the mate obeyed quickly and without a single lost motion. by this time steve had leaped to his feet. ahead of him, it seemed almost on top of them, loomed a great black hull. lights shone dimly through the heavy pall of fog. he understood without having to be told what had happened. the "wanderer" had come into collision with another ship, presumably the same one whose lights the bridge watch had been watching off to starboard earlier in the evening. even in the excitement of the moment rush did not understand how this thing could have happened, if the other boat had held to the courses she was on when he last saw the other boat. "make ready the lifeboats!" commanded the captain of the "wanderer." then, raising his megaphone to his lips, the master bellowed through it: "are you hard hit?" "we have a hole punched in our side big enough for you to go through. stand by until we can find out whether we'll float or not." "aye, aye, we'll stand by. we want to find out how much of a smash _we_ have got. mr. major, get down there and examine the nose of our boat, and see how much of a bang we got. it's lucky for us that we hit the other craft in the position we did." the mate hurried down to where bob was still on watch. even after the crash had come, and he had picked himself up, jarvis stuck to his post, though he believed the ship to be sinking. and, besides, bob being right at the point of the collision, so close in fact that woodwork from the other boat showered over him in a perfect rain, got the full force of it. he was bruised and battered, he had lost his hat and he was greatly shaken up by the terrific impact. the "wanderer" had backed away to a safe distance, and the first mate was now making an examination of her wound. "we've broken our nose off," he called up to the bridge. "is she taking in any water?" "yes, sir; but i think the bulkhead will hold it so we won't go down." "good! ahoy, coal carrier there." "aye, aye," came the reply from the deck of the stranger. "who are you?" "the 'james macomber,' coal laden, bound for shoal island." "well, i must say you are doing some fine steering. what are you doing over here?" "we got out of position in the fog." "i should say you did. how are you?" "listing badly to port and settling by the stern." "better get your boats over while you have the time. shall we put over a boat?" "no; we can manage to get away if she goes." "i tell you, you're going down! get away while you've got the time." "all right; stand by." "can i do anything, sir?" asked steve. "yes; go aft and take two men with you. take the boat and cast off. lay well away from the ship and give me a hail, so i'll know where you are. stand by and, mind you, don't drift away and get lost. we'll never pick you up in this fog if you do. understand?" "yes, sir." "order jarvis up to the bridge." "bob, come up here. the captain orders you to take the bridge." steve ran down the ladder to the forward deck, then on down to the main deck, where all hands not otherwise engaged had assembled. they were leaning over the side peering into the darkness to see what had happened. steve was beset by questions. he explained briefly what had happened, repeating the captain's orders for himself and two men to man the life-boat and put off to pick up any one needing assistance. the second mate, then in charge of the deck, assigned two strong oarsmen to go with rush. the latter was to be in charge of the boat, so the captain had said, though steve was dubious about his ability to fill that office. of course he was interested in boats, but he was much more familiar with drifts and levels than he was with navigation of the lakes. "man the boat," ordered the second mate. the men took their places in the life-boat, which already had been hauled up ready for launching, the iron boy taking his place in the stern by the tiller. "are you ready?" "all ready." "cast off!" came the hoarse command from the second mate. steve instinctively grasped the gunwales of the life-boat as the craft dropped toward the water. he thought the boat had broken loose from the davits and was falling into the sea, so swift was its descent. yet he might have known from the sound of the groaning, creaking block and tackle that he and his companions were still safe. the life-boat struck the water with a loud splash, rocking perilously as steve, still gripping the sides, stood in a crouching position ready to jump should the boat tip over. then the little craft righted itself, though it lay rising and falling, rolling and tossing perilously on the long lake swell. rush had no idea that the water was so turbulent. "cast off!" the two oarsmen quickly unhooked the blocks from the rings at the extreme ends of the small boat. "are you ready?" they asked. "yes," said steve, though he was not certain whether he was ready or not. his mind worked with its usual quickness, however. he knew that he was expected to get off somewhere near the steamer "macomber." "give way!" he commanded. the sailors pushed the life-boat away from the side of the ship with their oars; then, placing the oars in the locks, fell to pulling steadily. steve turned the tiller the wrong way the first thing. the nose of the life boat hit the hull of the "wanderer" with such force as to throw the three men to the bottom of their boat. "lubbers!" bellowed the second mate from the deck of the ship. "what are you trying to do--run us down?" steve's face was burning with mortification. fortunately the night was too dark for any one to see this. "what's the matter with you?" demanded one of the oarsmen. "i turned the tiller the wrong way," answered rush truthfully. "pull away." the men growled as they fell to their oars once more. a few swift strokes and they were clear of their ship, rush this time handling his tiller with more skill than before. he tried the rudder cautiously and found that it responded readily to the least movement of the tiller. "now i'm all right," he muttered. "that is if i don't run something else down." swinging out in a wide circle the lad steered around the bow of the "wanderer," heading for the spot where he thought the distressed ship lay. "lifeboat there!" bellowed the captain through his megaphone. "aye, aye, sir." "where you heading?" "for the other ship." "no you're not. you're heading for the shore. pull to port a little more. there, that's better. look where you are going, now." the captain's tone was stern and commanding. steve leaned well forward, peering into the thick fog ahead. he could not make out the other ship as yet, though he could hear the shouting and the hoarsely uttered commands on her deck. it was a scene such as he had never imagined before, and it thrilled steve rush through and through. he felt that he was ready for deeds of valor if he should only get the chance to perform them. "steady, men," the boy warned. "we must be near the other ship now. i can hear their voices more plainly. it is curious we can't see their lights, though." "that's because of the fog, cap'n," volunteered one of the sailors at the oars. "they're----" "look out! we're under the stern of the ship now!" cried rush, throwing his tiller hard to port. the life boat hit the stern of the ship, far down under her counter, with a resounding crash. there followed the sound of breaking woodwork, as the gunwale of the lifeboat crashed in. the little craft shipped a heavy sea, drenching all hands. the sailors had dropped their oars and were preparing to jump. "sit down!" commanded the young skipper. "we're sinking!" "well, if we are, let's get in a better place to do it. we don't want to be floundering in the water under the stern of this sinking ship, do we? get to your oars and pull away!" the iron boy's voice had assumed a tone of command. the men, recognizing that he was not alarmed, bent themselves to their oars and pulled quickly from their present dangerous position. "have we anything in the boat with which to bail it out?" "no." "then we will sit in the water. i guess we can't be much wetter than we are." the men grumbled. "lay to, till i find out how badly we are injured." a brief examination of the side of the boat that had come in contact with the ship, showed that the gunwale had been smashed in, but the gash did not extend far enough down to place the little boat in great danger unless perhaps the sea rose high enough to wash over the side. as yet the lake was rolling lazily as is usually the case in a fog, for a breeze would quickly dispel the heaviest bank of fog and drive it away. "we're all right," decided the young coxswain. "pull around slowly." standing up in the stern of the life-boat with the tiller between his legs, steve hailed the disabled ship. "ahoy, there!" he called. "ahoy! who are you?" "life-boat from the 'wanderer.' if you want any help, sing out." "we'll need it all right." "are you sinking?" "we don't know. we're settling some." "got much water aboard?" "more'n we need to drink. come in closer, so we can get you if we need to." "how about your own boats?" "life boat smashed in the collision. ship's raft is safe. that'll carry most of us, perhaps all of us, if necessary." "better get it ready, then, in case anything happens," advised the lad, who was rapidly becoming a seasoned sailor. "pull in a little closer, boys, but look sharp because we may have to get out in a hurry, in case anything happens over there." the boat drifted slowly in toward the injured ship. this time the little craft had worked around abeam of the coaler, the latter's lights showing dimly in the thick fog. "keep your siren going to warn off other ships, why don't you?" shouted rush. the suggestion was a good one. it was instantly acted upon by the master of the "macomber." then the "wanderer" started her siren going, the hoarse voices of the whistles sounding dull and unreal through the fog. steve grinned appreciatively. "at least i have made one good suggestion," he muttered. "there will be no excuse for any other ship hereabouts running into us. that would be a nice mess." suddenly there arose a commotion on board the damaged coaler. the shouts grew louder. the crash of a steel hatch falling into place could be heard here and there. a loud splash sounded between the life-boat and the ship. "somebody's overboard!" cried steve. "pull in!" "life-boat there!" "aye, aye!" "we're sinking by the stern!" "pull in quick, lads!" commanded steve rush. chapter ix a tragedy of the lakes there followed a sound as though the wind were suddenly rising. the sound grew to the roar of a gale. rush did not understand the meaning of it. he did understand, however, that there was a man in the water near by, and that there was a human life to save. "where are you?" he called. "here! be quick!" rush had the fellow by the collar, in short order, and with some difficulty, hauled the man into the life-boat. "the ship's going down. get out of here!" cried the rescued sailor. "pull out, boys!" commanded rush, grasping the tiller and swinging the bow of his boat about. "there she goes!" shouted the sailor from the "macomber." the huge coaler's lights suddenly went out as the sea flooded her dynamo room. the hatches began blowing off with loud explosions as the water was forced up under them. "what is it?" cried steve. "the hatches." boom! "there goes the main bulkhead. it's all up with her now." yells and cries rent the air. men were leaping into the sea from the doomed ship, and though the men in the life-boat could not see, they could hear. "i can't stand this!" gritted the iron boy, jamming the tiller hard over. "what are you going to do?" demanded one of the sailors. "i'm going in there after those men," answered steve rush. "it's sure death!" "we'll go, just the same." "no we won't; we'll pull out of here like lightning." steve grabbed up a boat hook. "pull, i tell you; pull for all you two are worth, or i'll knock your heads off with this hook. now--go!" the oarsmen pulled. they were used to obeying orders, and they realized that the young coxswain of their craft was no weakling. he meant exactly what he had said. besides the men, after all, were as anxious to save those of their own calling, now struggling in the water, as steve could possibly be. the bow of the life-boat sent the water spurting into the air as the craft cut through the sea. another man was hauled aboard. "where's the rest of them?" demanded rush. "the water's full of them," gasped the rescued sailor. "ahoy, there, men--swim this way if you can. we're waiting for you. we'll----" with a sickening roar that steve rush would never forget as long as he lived, the "macomber" dived stern first under the surface of the water. her engine and boiler rooms, being at the stern, were flooded instantly. then came a report as if the universe had been suddenly rent in twain, an explosion that seemed to rend the air, the earth and the sea. "the ship's blowing up!" cried one of the men in the boat. he knew what the sound meant. steve did not, but he caught his breath sharply when he heard the words. "pull out!" instead, the life-boat was lifted out. it seemed to rise right up into the air, and when the iron boy at the helm sought to throw the rudder over there was not water to push against--only thin air. "hang on! we're going over!" shouted the boy. cries for help were heard on all sides of the life-boat now. but steve was powerless to aid the drowning ones. he was concerned with saving himself and those with him just at this time. the boat continued to go into the air; then, suddenly, it swung bottom side up, spilling its human freight into the lake. as the men of the life-boat fell into the water they were caught by the suction of the sinking ship and borne struggling about in the great eddy that swirled with the speed of a mill-race. steve fought valiantly to save himself by trying to swim out of the whirlpool, but even his great strength was not equal to the task. he was tossed to the centre of the eddy; then he felt himself being drawn downward by some invisible force. even then the iron boy did not lose his presence of mind. he caught and held his breath as the waters were closing over him. down and down shot the body of steve rush until he believed he must be near the bottom of lake huron. hours seemed to have been occupied in the descent, whereas it had been a matter of seconds only. he had made no resistance, calmly deciding to save his strength until action would count for something. steve had no thought of giving up. while his heart was filled with a great dread he was not excited, because he would not permit himself to be. "i'll die game, if i do die," he kept repeating to himself. at last the pull from beneath seemed to be lessening a little. there was not the same terrific force tugging at his feet. steve kicked out and the effort, he thought, raised him a little. thus encouraged he began kicking with all his strength, treading water and working his hands as fast as he could. there could be no doubt about it now. he was shooting toward the top at a good speed. suddenly he gave a great gasp as he felt the warm, damp air strike his face. his lungs were almost at the bursting point, and he felt that he could not have held his breath a second longer. steve lay over on the water, on his back, moving his hands listlessly to help keep him afloat. thus far he had had no thought of the ship to which he belonged. he was too much exhausted to do more than lie still, which he did, drawing in long, deep breaths of the fresh air. nothing had ever tasted so sweet to steve rush and he felt an overpowering desire to go to sleep. all at once he threw himself over on his stomach as the long, shrill blast of a steamer's whistle smote his ears. "it's the 'wanderer'!" he cried. "and they must be miles away." the ship was not very far away. it was the blanket of fog that had smothered the sound of the whistle and made it seem many miles off to port of him. rush raised his voice and shouted. his voice, of course, carried for a very short distance, for the same reason that had made the ship's whistle sound a long way off. again and again did he shout, but not a response did he get, save the long wail of the siren. not a light was to be seen anywhere, nor were there any signs of the other men who had been in the life-boat with him at the time it was lifted from the water and turned bottom side up. a great feeling of lonesomeness came over the iron boy when he realized that he was far out in the lake alone. he, of course, did not know how far they were from shore, but he believed it to be at least twenty miles. he reasoned that his ship would not sail away without him unless the captain were reasonably certain that steve had been drowned. the lad decided to swim in the direction from which the whistle sound had come. he had taken but a few strokes when he became entangled in a mass of wreckage. at first he thought he was going to drown before he could extricate himself, then he discovered that he could not if he tried. illustration: steve clung to the door. pieces of floating wood were all about him, some of them the lad recognized as part of a deck house. he fastened to a door that had been split in half, probably by the explosion, and stretching out full length upon it, lay still to rest. he was reasonably safe now, though, of course, unless he were rescued very soon he would become chilled and slip off into the sea. the wind began to stir up out of the southwest a little. steve took courage from this. "it will blow me toward the ship," he exclaimed. "that is, if the ship is where i think it is." he began paddling with might and main, steering with his feet as well as he could, shifting his weight this side and that from time to time as a swell threatened to upset him. the siren blew several long blasts. "that's queer," muttered steve. "she seems to be getting farther and farther away from me all the time." the reason for this was that rush was getting farther and farther away from the ship. he was propelling himself along in the wrong direction. as the fog began to race on ahead of him he took a look over the waters that now showed white ridges as far as the eye could penetrate. not a light could he see, save one bright light dead ahead of him. the light winked, went out, then suddenly appeared after a few seconds interval. "there's the ship!" he cried. "but, oh, how far off it seems to be." what steve could not understand, was that he did not see more than one light. both masthead lights, at least, should have shown. he decided that the side light, the red and the green, were too low down for him to catch a glance at over the tops of the rising waves. "i'll swim for it anyway," he decided, settling to his work with all the strength that was in him. it would be useless to waste breath in calling, because those on the ship could not hear him at that great distance. suddenly the wind abated, the fog rolled back over the lake, again enveloping the swimmer in a dense black mantle. the sea was still running with him, however, and would continue to do so for some time to come, thus helping him along. after a couple hours of paddling and drifting, during which rush made considerable headway, the lad realized that he was getting tired. further than this he was cold and chilled. the chills extended from his head to his feet. "this won't do," steve cried, confusedly. "if i get much colder i shall fall off my ship and drown." he began paddling with renewed vigor, but, work as he would he seemed unable to throw off the chill. he realized, too, that his body was getting numb. the iron boy fought desperately, but the more he fought the more drowsy did he become. his efforts grew less and less and his progress slower. steve wrapped both arms about the door and with cheek pressed close to it, resigned himself to what he thought would be a few minutes' rest. his heavy eyelids closed slowly; his breathing grew regular, but faint and his legs stretched out full length, being in the water up to his knees. steve had given way to the languor that was creeping over him. he was adrift and alone far out on the treacherous water of the great lake. chapter x tossed up by the waves the light that steve rush had seen, the winking, twinkling light came from the lighthouse on north point. the north point light was a revolving affair, which accounted for its vanishing and then reappearing at stated intervals. a few hours passed, though they were as seconds to the unconscious boy on the slender raft. at last he began to feel a glow spreading over his benumbed body. he moved a little, took a long breath then settled back into his former stupor. but the warmth continued to spread. steve felt a sense of being on fire. after a while he realized that the support under him was no longer moving, though he could hear the roar of the waves in his ears. he found himself dimly wondering why they did not break over him and drench him and chill him to the marrow. steve tried to raise one hand to his head, but the hand was pinioned so that he could not move it. his curiosity was becoming aroused. rush opened his eyes. before him and above him was a rocky, precipitous coast. then in a rush of understanding he realized that he was lying on the rocky shore of the lake coast. both hands were still under the door, which accounted for his inability to raise one of them a few minutes since. the sun was beating down hotly, warming the iron boy's blood, sending it more rapidly through his veins. with a cry of thankfulness steve rush got unsteadily to his feet. he was so stiff that he could hardly stand, though the numbness of a few hours since was fast passing away. "i have been carried to the shore and i'm saved!" he shouted. "this is the most wonderful thing that ever has happened to me. but i wonder where i am." it was early in the morning, that was certain. he judged the hour must be about seven o'clock. his watch had stopped at midnight. turning quickly the lad glanced out over the green waters of the lake that sparkled in the morning sunlight, a gentle ripple ruffling the surface. here and there a huge ore carrier was observed, working its way up or down the lake. far in the offing thin ribbons of gray smoke told where other vessels were steaming along. "i wonder if any of those ships is the 'wanderer'?" mused the iron boy. "and i wonder something else, too--i wonder whether i am going to get any breakfast or not. it is useless for me to try to signal a ship in here. they probably would not come in even if they saw me, as i imagine this is shoal water all around here. there must be some one living about here somewhere. i'll start on a little exploring tour for breakfast." steve turned away and began climbing up the rocks. this being his first passage over the lakes, he was not at all familiar with the coast and consequently had no idea where he was. in the meantime the ship had sailed away. the "wanderer" had lain to until the first gray dawn of the morning. a few of the men had been saved, including two of the sailors in the boat steve had set out in. all the others in that craft had been lost, as were the greater part of the crew of the lost steamer. the men rescued from the life-boat were of the opinion that steve rush had gone down with the others. bob jarvis said not a word. his face was pale and drawn. he went about his duties methodically, speaking to no one, but listening to every word that was said about the tragedy. after cutting wide circles for a full two hours the "wanderer" was put about on her interrupted course. "south south-west one half," announced the skipper in a low tone. the words meant to all who heard them, that he had abandoned the search--that the missing men had been given up for lost. their names would be added to the list of fifty thousand souls who have lost their lives on the great lakes during the last fifty years. captain simms' face was grave. he had taken a great liking to steve rush. he had lost, as he thought, three men, the first loss of life on a ship commanded by him since he had been in the service of the company as a sailing master. "mr. major, you will report the accident and the loss of the men as soon as we reach the st. clair river," he said. "aye, aye, sir." captain simms left the pilot-house, from which point of vantage he had been sweeping the waters of the lake with his glasses, and went down to his own cabin to turn in for a few hours' sleep. * * * * * in the meantime the object of the thoughts of nearly every man on board, steve rush, was climbing to the top of the rocks that lined the coast. reaching there he sought the highest point attainable and looked about him. "i am on an island!" he exclaimed. "from the looks of things i am the only person here. well, this _is_ cheerful, but it is much better than being out yonder," he added with a gesture toward the rippling waters of lake huron. rush decided to investigate his island the next thing he did. so he climbed down to the beach again and began following the coast line. as he went on he found traces indicating that some one had been there. there were chicken bones and the charred embers of a recent fire in one spot. steve came to the conclusion that fishermen had been on the island not long since. if this were so there were hopes that they or some of their kind would visit the place again. steve walked the greater part of the day. on one side of the island he saw a large bay. across a point of what he judged to be the mainland, he could see another bay and beyond that a cloud in the sky that looked like smoke. "there must be a large town or a city over yonder, but i don't know what it is. i do not even know whether i am in the united states or canada." all day long the lad tramped. when night came he was hungry, stiff and weak. had it not been for his splendid constitution and great endurance he would have given up long before that. just before dark he caught sight of a small sailboat slipping easily along, headed, he thought, for the larger bay on beyond the narrow point of land. steve hailed the craft. one man in the stern of the boat stood up and gazed shoreward through a glass. rush swung his arms and shouted that he wanted to be taken off the island. the man in the stern calmly closed his glasses and sat down, while the boat held steadily to her course. steve sat down, too. he was not so much discouraged as he was angry and disgusted. "why couldn't he have sailed somewhere so i wouldn't have seen him, instead of drifting by so tantalizingly near me?" he cried. there being no answer to the question, rush began looking about for a place to sleep. the best he could do was a spot just under a ledge of rock. the boy went down to the beach and brought back his life raft, the piece of a deck house door on which he had floated ashore. this he carried up to his bedroom under the ledge and stood it against the rocks. "that will do very well, in the absence of something better," he decided grinning as broadly as the drawn muscles of his face would permit him to do. then steve crawled under this rude shelter, drawing his coat as closely about him as possible and went sound asleep. steve was exhausted bodily and mentally, and it was not to be wondered at considering what he had gone through in the last twelve hours. besides this he had had nothing to eat since supper on the previous day. the following morning rush did not awaken until the sunlight warmed his bedroom. he crawled out, rubbed his eyes and looked about him. "well, if it isn't morning! but maybe it's the next morning; maybe i slept a day and a night." he had now lost all track of time. steve sat down to think matters over calmly. his position was a serious one and he understood that full well. "if i remain here another day i shall be unable to get away," he mused. "then i shall in all probability starve to death. that won't do. i don't propose to give up as long as i have any strength left in me, and i guess i have a little, even after what i have passed through." rush sat studying the narrow stretch of water separating him from the slender neck of land that he had observed the day before. "it can't be more than three miles across there. if i had had a good meal this morning i believe i could swim across to the other shore. that looks to me like the mainland. there is surely something on beyond there several miles away. i wonder if i dare try to swim it?" a little reflection convinced the lad that such an attempt could end but one way--he would drown before he reached the neck of land. his eyes roved about, after a while resting reflectively on the piece of deck-house door that had served his purpose so well after the sinking of the steamer. a look of new-found intelligence gradually grew in his eyes. "the very thing! hurrah!" he cried, springing up and dancing about, forgetful for the moment, that he needed all the strength he had left. "i swam on the door all night. surely i can stand a few hours more on it in the bright sunlight. why didn't i think of it before?" rush lost no time in acting upon the suggestion that had come to him. he grabbed up the cabin door and began staggering down the rocks with it. the door was heavy and he was weak. once he stumbled and fell. the door went clattering down over the rocks, steve bringing up in a heap some distance above it. "there, i'll bet it's broken. if it is i'm done for." but the door was not broken. it was tough enough to stand the hard usage to which it had been subjected. steve was after it with a shout as soon as he saw that it had not been split. after that he proceeded more carefully; within a few minutes he reached the beach with his burden. there the lad paused to think over the best way to go about his own rescue. he took off his coat slowly, folded and placed it on the door, then removing his suspenders he tied the coat fast to his raft. "there, i think that's all i had better take off or i shall get chilled again." after a final, sweeping glance at the sea, the lad shoved the raft, or rather one end of it, into the water and sat down on the beach to rest and gather courage for the great undertaking before him. "it beats all what a man will do for the sake of a meal," he grinned. "i might stay on this island all summer, and have a pretty good time, were it possible for me to get along without food. but, no; i've got to eat or i'll die. well, here goes." he shoved the door out into the water, pushing it along ahead of him until the water was up to his shoulders. rush then slid his body up on the raft and began paddling with his hands and kicking his feet, pushing himself along, heading around a curve of the island, for the extreme narrow point of land jutting out into the lake. chapter xi by pluck alone after half an hour of steady paddling, rush shoved his coat up for a pillow and lay flat on the slender raft to rest himself. he was breathing hard from his exertions; in fact, he was well nigh exhausted. but the iron boy's pluck was of the same quality as ever. nothing could weaken that, no matter how dire his predicament. "i could make better time swimming," he mused, raising his head a little and gazing longingly at the shore that now seemed farther off than before, "if i only dared. i don't mean that; i do dare, but it would not be prudent. i want to get to the mainland, and i think my present method is the best one to get me there. well, i must start the engines going again," decided the lad, grinning at his own humor. had any one chanced to be looking in his direction from the shore, that person probably would have thought he was gazing upon some strange creature from the deep, for steve was making the water foam all about him. his head and the end of the board were all that were visible above the surface. once he paddled so fast as to cause him to lose his balance. his raft turned turtle, landing rush on his back in the water. laughing almost gleefully at his own misfortune, the lad, in a few swift strokes, regained the door. "that was just so much effort wasted," he remarked. "i must remember that i am not running a race. i ought to be in pretty good trim for one, though; if i get through with this one i shall be fit for most any kind of an old race that i come across." for the rest of the journey steve made no attempt to spurt. he paddled along steadily, making slow but sure progress toward the goal on which his eyes were continually fixed. the sun was at its zenith when, slipping from the board, he found solid rock under his feet. steve tried to shout, but he was too worn to raise his voice. he clung to the door until it grounded with a grating sound on the beach. steve lay there for a few minutes. then he staggered to his feet, making his way up the beach a few feet from the water, there to throw himself on the ground exhausted. for nearly two hours he lay resting, having fallen into a deep sleep. then he awakened, sat up, resting his head in his hands for one last little wink, the wink that was to give the lad the strength and courage to take up his journey. "hello, what's the matter?" rush started up suddenly. he saw before him a boy somewhat younger than himself, dressed in rough clothes. the boy was carrying part of a fish net. "say, i'm glad to see you, and don't you forget it," exclaimed the iron boy, striding forward and grasping the hand of the other lad, much to the latter's astonishment. "who are you?" "i'm billy trimmer. i am a fisherman--me and my father." "do you live near here?" asked steve eagerly, with visions of a meal before him. "nope. we live over yonder," pointing to the cloud of smoke that was now much more plainly in evidence than before. "is that a town over there?" "yes." "what is the name of the town?" "alpena." "oh! and what do you call that little island over yonder?" "that one with the stones sticking up all over it like a porcupine's back?" "that describes it. some of them are sticking into me yet." "that's little gull island." "how far is it to alpena?" questioned rush. "'bout ten miles." steve uttered a long, low whistle. "what's the easiest way to get there?" "hoof it. ain't no other way." "that's too bad. is there a house anywhere near here where i could buy something to eat?" "nary a house. but you kin git all you want over to alpena." "thank you very much. i think i will be going." "say, where'd you come from?" "from the lake--out of the lake. i was drowned out there last night, or pretty nearly drowned. a steamer went down and i was carried under----" "a steamer?" "yes." "which one?" "the 'macomber,' i think it was. coal laden and----" "i must tell pa," and the fisher boy was off on the run. steve gazed after the lad reflectively. "i'd give a ten-dollar bill to anybody who would tell me how to run like that now. poor bob, i'll bet he's eating his big heart out for sorrow over my disappearance." steve paused. "they think i'm drowned, of course, they do, and i ought to be. it must have been intended that i should be, but somehow i didn't arrive on schedule time." chuckling to himself, the lad started on toward the city, ten miles away. he tried to make himself forget his weariness by whistling and singing. coming to some willow bushes, he cut the stiffest small branch he could find, from which he trimmed the nubs, then started on, whipping his legs with it. this seemed to start the circulation, and at the same time to take his mind from his own weariness. after a time the wet, swollen shoes began to chafe his heels, and it was not very long before the skin had been worn from both heels. then a blister suddenly bobbed up on the ball of the right foot. the boy took off his shoes and tried to doctor the sore spots, but there was nothing he could do save tear up his handkerchief and bind up the affected parts. "a boil on my nose, now, would just about complete my misfortune," rush grinned. "i'm going to carry my shoes in my hands." this did not work very well, for steve's feet were sore and the rocks over which he was walking made his feet more tender than ever, so he put the shoes on again. they had shrunk, of course, and the putting on was attended with a great deal of pain. steve rush did not even grunt. he drew them on almost roughly, stamped in them and jumped up and down. "there, i guess that'll fix that blister, anyway. i wish i could jump on the sore spots on my heels and cure them as easily." he started, and kept on without another stop until three o'clock in the afternoon, when rush halted for a drink of water at a little creek that crossed his trail. it was a sore and very much dilapidated young man who crawled into the town just before supper time that evening. realizing that his appearance was far from prepossessing, rush sought the back streets, following them in so far as possible, keeping an eye out for a hotel that he thought might be respectable. he found such a place after some searching about, during which the policemen he passed had eyed him suspiciously. steve entered the place, which proved to be a farmers' hotel, and asked if he could get supper and lodging there. the man behind the desk eyed the lad narrowly. "you've made a mistake young fellow," said the clerk. "how so?" inquired steve innocently. "you should go out and see the hostler. maybe he'll put you up. we don't keep your kind in here." several bystanders laughed at the boy's expense. but rush never flinched. "oh, i beg your pardon, sir; i thought i was in the stable. this must be where you herd the other lower animals. i see they are all here." before any one could recover his wits sufficiently to make a retort, steve had stepped out of the place. next the boy tried a restaurant. he got no further than the desk when he was held up by the proprietor. "hold on; where are you going?" "i wish something to eat," answered the boy politely. "you're in the wrong place, and----" "no, i am not. that's what the fellow told me the last place i called at. they can't both be the wrong place, so this must be the right one." the proprietor of the place stepped out from behind his desk, laying a firm hand on steve rush's shoulder. a peculiar glint shot into the eyes of the iron boy, but he stood still. "we can't serve you here. this is a gentlemen's restaurant. perhaps you will find something that will suit you down on the south side." "i have money, sir. i am willing to pay for what i get. i have been in a shipwreck and am not very presentable----" "i can't help it; you'll have to get out." "see here, sir, i shall not get out until i have had my supper. i have had nothing to eat in twenty-four hours, and i'm hungry." "go on, go on; don't raise any disturbance here." steve walked over and laid a five-dollar bill on the desk. "there's your money in advance. give me the change after i have finished my supper----" "i said i couldn't serve you here. i----" "oh, yes you can, and what's more you're going to." "i'll call a policeman and have you put out." "look here, mister man, unless i get some supper here quickly, i'll have the law on you. you are keeping a public house, and you have no right to turn me out." steve didn't know whether he were right or not, but he took a long chance. he saw at once that he had made a good point, so he pressed it further. "i am going to sit down at that table over there, and i shall expect to be served at once." the proprietor's hand fell from the iron boy's shoulder as the latter strode to the nearest table and seated himself. a waiter stepped up to him asking what he would have, at the same time thrusting a bill of fare on the table in front of the boy. "i think i'll take about five dollars' worth of ham and eggs," answered rush without a trace of a smile on his face. chapter xii on the road to conneaut steve had no further difficulty at the restaurant, though he noticed that the proprietor of the place was watching him and scowling at him all through the meal. "i usually get what i go after," thought the boy. "in this case it is food." after paying his bill he hunted up a clothing store, where he fitted himself out with a new suit, shirt, necktie, straw hat and a suit of underwear, for everything that steve had on was practically ruined. this, with a pair of shoes purchased at another store, made him look quite like his usual self. arrayed in his new suit steve had no difficulty in getting into one of the best hotels in the city. he left a call for six o'clock that he might catch a train to detroit, where he hoped to catch the "wanderer." he nearly missed the train next morning, because of his longing for a cat nap. arriving at detroit he visited a newspaper office and inquired if the ship had been sighted. "passed down during the night," was the discouraging answer. "where for?" questioned the boy, as the ships usually got their destination orders when they passed detroit. "conneaut. see here, you are not one of the men who were on that ship are you?" questioned the newspaper man. "thank you, sir. i will be going. can you tell me what time i can get a train for conneaut?" answered rush, avoiding the question. steve felt that he would be called upon to make a report of his share in the disaster, and his good judgment told him that he should not make a first statement to any one outside the company. the next train out did not leave until late in the afternoon, so rush employed the time in going about the city. he visited all the places of interest, getting his luncheon at a large hotel on the hill. the hotel was named after a famous indian chief, but the prices asked for the luncheon made steve gasp. "my wages would keep me here about three days," he muttered. later the lad boarded a train and hurried toward his destination. he did not know whether he should find his ship in port or not, reasoning that the craft would have to proceed under reduced speed the rest of the way down on account of the smashed-in bow. shortly after dark the boy arrived. inquiring his way to the ore docks, he hurried down toward the inlet. this was a narrow canal, leading up into the lower part of the town for some distance. ships were packed in the inlet, side to side, like sardines in a box. most of them were lying with anchor lights up; others with their running lights still lighted, showing that they had just arrived in port. on either side of the inlet loomed the dark trestles, from some of which the rattle and roar of unloading machinery arose in a deafening chorus. "this is about all a man's life is worth to face," decided steve, as he dodged a swiftly moving car that towered above him loaded with ore. then he narrowly missed being ground under a traveling crane that was in operation unloading a ship. "can you tell me, sir, if the 'wanderer' has arrived?" asked the boy of a yard policeman who approached the lad to find out what he was doing there. "she's outside the harbor now. i heard her whistling for a tug a few minutes ago. but we don't allow strangers in the yards here. it is too dangerous." "i belong on the 'wanderer,'" explained steve. "oh, you do, eh?" "yes." "then what are you doing here?" "waiting for her." "when did you leave her?" questioned the officer suspiciously. "a couple of days ago, somewhere about the middle of lake huron. i went down when the wreck occurred." the story of the wreck and the sinking of the coaler had by this time been spread all over the country. the policeman gazed at the boy with wondering eyes. "you don't say?" "yes, sir." "tell me about it." "i am sorry, but i think i had better say nothing until i have talked with captain simms. do you know where the 'wanderer' is going to berth?" "see that pig there, just shifting her position?" referring to a whaleback, the latter style of boats being known to sailors on the lakes as "pigs," because of their pig-like bow. "yes." "the ship you want is coming into that berth. see, there's a crowd of reporters waiting around there now to interview the captain." "i guess i'll keep out of their sight, then," laughed the lad. steve paced up and down the dock keeping well in the shadow, watching the channel with eager eyes. he could hardly wait until the ship got in, so anxious was he to relieve the anxiety of his companion, bob jarvis. "there she comes," announced the policeman. steve shaded his eyes and gazed intently. yes, sure enough it was the "wanderer." he could make out her broken nose now and the peculiar set of her sticks. the lad had never before realized the size of the ship. she seemed to loom up in the air higher than any of the buildings on the opposite side of the inlet. all was dark on board her, no light save her running lights showing; but up there in the darkened pilot-house steve knew, keen, cautious eyes were watching out for the safety of the boat as well as for the safety of others in the harbor. rush heard the rasping sound of the bridge telegraph as the signal was given to reverse. the spring-rope came whirling through the air and a moment later the big hawser struck the water with a splash, being quickly drawn to the dock by the dock hands. all this was very interesting to steve rush, for it will be remembered that he had never watched the docking of an ore boat before. the figure of mr. major, the first mate, was faintly outlined at the rail, looking down and giving orders to the men on the dock in a sharp, business-like tone. "put out the ladder!" the mate commanded. the ladder came over the side, and was let down carefully until it rested on the dock. before any of those on board had an opportunity to go over the side steve had sprung to the ladder, up which he ran nimbly, swinging over the rail to the deck of the "wanderer." "see here, young fellow, what do you want?" demanded the mate. then he leaned forward, gazing keenly at the newcomer. "wha--what----" "steve!" screamed jarvis, rushing across the ship and throwing his arms about young rush. jarvis was so overcome with emotion that for the moment he found himself unable to utter another sound. "rush!" cried the mate, fairly pulling the boy away from his companion and wringing both steve's hands. "why, why, we thought you went down with the coaler." "i did. i guess i'm too tough to die. i surely have had plenty of opportunity to do so." "wait till i get through docking the ship, and then tell me all about it." "i must see the captain first. is he up in the house?" "no; i think he just went down to his cabin." "were any of our men lost?" "two of them. jarvis here leaped overboard and saved four men from the other ship, who were drowning while trying to swim out to us." "good boy, bob," said steve as he patted his companion affectionately. "you must tell me all about it when we get to our cabin, by and by. i have had some experiences, too, some that will make you laugh." others of the crew were pressing forward to shake the hand of the plucky iron boy, for both boys were popular with all hands save the stoke-hole crew. "i must see the captain, bob. i'll be back in a few minutes." steve hurried up to the forward deck, rapped on the door and was bidden to enter. captain simms looked, then blinked rapidly as his eyes fixed themselves on the boy framed in the cabin doorway. "hello, is that you, rush?" "yes, sir." "i thought there wasn't water enough in huron to drown your kind." "no, sir." "come in and sit down. i want to talk to you." chapter xiii in the grip of a giant shell before captain simms would permit the lad to leave him, he had to hear the story of steve's experiences. the story was frequently interrupted by grunts of approval on the part of the skipper. the latter was not an emotional man, as was evidenced by his greeting of rush after the boy had, as it were, risen from the lake. rush's story finished, he asked the captain to tell him all about what had occurred after the accident. "it isn't what did occur so much as what's going to happen," answered the master gloomily. "what do you mean, sir?" "i shall lose my license." "what, and you not to blame? impossible." "yes, but how am i going to prove that i am blameless?" "the authorities will believe what you say, will they not?" "they have just as good a right to believe the captain of the other boat. he will say it was my fault, and perhaps i shall say it was his fault, and there you are. both of us will lose out in the end. the other skipper was saved and i am glad of it. it seems too bad that, after all these years on the lakes without a blemish on my record, i have to be knocked out at this time. my wife and little girl will be heart-broken." "perhaps it will not be so bad as you think, sir. of course, we are all deeply grieved over the loss of life. that cannot now be helped. it is our business to find out where the blame is and fix it there, no matter whom it hits. i know one whom i am pretty sure it will not hit." captain simms squinted at the lad. "who?" "yourself." "rush, you're a fine fellow. i like you," announced the skipper, with something approaching enthusiasm in his voice as he stepped forward and grasped the hands of his deck man in a grip of iron. steve thought he had a pretty good grip himself, but his own was as nothing compared with that of the captain of the "wanderer." "i reported the accident from detroit, and was ordered to proceed to destination if able. i haven't heard anything from headquarters yet. i shall hear something in the morning, as soon as our arrival here is reported." "when do we unload?" "they begin in about an hour." "then i must get into some old clothes and get ready for work." "you need not go on duty to-night, unless you wish to." "i prefer it. you see, i have been idle for a couple of days and i shall get out of practice," replied the boy, with a good-natured laugh. "idle! humph! after swimming half way across lake huron, being drowned into the bargain, walking almost across the state of michigan, going without food for twenty-four hours, not to speak of a few other little things--then to talk about being idle. go back and tell the cook to set up the best on the ship. after you have had a good meal you may go to work, if you wish. i suppose you'll not be satisfied unless you do. go on with you. tell the first mate i want to see him." an hour later found steve in his working clothes. the cranes for unloading were just being moved into place when he reached the deck. these were huge affairs, each provided with a giant scoop that gulped a little mouthful of some fifty tons of ore every time its iron jaws were opened. there was a rattle and a bang as the hatch covers were being ripped off and cast to the far side of the deck; men on the trestles were shouting, whistles were blowing in the harbor, gasoline launches conveying ship's officers to and from the other side of the inlet, were exhausting with vicious explosions. steve thought he had never seen such confusion before, yet he knew full well that there was in reality no confusion about it. everything was being worked out in keeping with a perfectly arranged system. "rush, you get down in the hold and take charge of the unloading," ordered the mate. steve hurried below. the hold was dimly lighted by an electric light at either end. he did not know exactly what he was expected to do. the great scoop dived down, swallowed a mouthful of ore and was out with it like some huge monster, almost before rush realized what was going on. "whew! that's going some!" he exclaimed. "there comes the thing again. hello, up there!" cried the boy, with hands to mouth. "hadn't you better take out some from the other end so as to unload the boat evenly?" "yes, that's what we've got you down there for, to watch things," shouted a voice from the deck. "you're all right. keep it up!" "i don't know whether i am, or not," muttered the boy making his way over the ore to the stern of the hold. "this strikes me as being a dangerous sort of spot." he watched the huge steel lips of the scoop as it felt about like the lips of a horse gathering the oats from its manger, quickly grabbing up its fifty tons of ore then leaping for the trestle some fifty feet above, where it dropped its burden into cars waiting to transfer the ore to the furnaces. load after load was scooped up. the rattle and the bang of the unloader was deafening. it made the iron boy's ears ache. "according to the speed at which we are unloading, now, we should be finished in about four hours," he said. "this is the most wonderful mechanism i ever saw!" there came a lull, during which the ship was moved further astern, in order that the unloader might pick up ore from the forward part of the hold. by the time this had been done, and the huge crane shifted to its new position, nearly an hour had been lost. the boy pondered over this for some time. it seemed to him like an unnecessary loss of time. "why, so long as they have one crane at an unloading point, should they not have more?" he reflected. "this is worth looking into." he thought he saw where a great improvement could be made, and he decided to think it over when he had more time. perhaps he could suggest something to the officials that would be of use to them after all. steve and his companion, while working as ordinary seamen, were drawing the same fine salaries that they had received in the mines. therefore the boys felt it was their duty to earn the money being paid to them by doing something worth while. they were getting three times as much as was paid to the other men doing similar work. as rush was thinking all these things over the lights in the hold suddenly went out, leaving the place in absolute darkness. "lights out!" he shouted. a rush of air fanned his cheek. he raised a hand to brush away some object that seemed to be hovering over him. it was as if invisible hands were groping in the dark, feeling for the iron boy's face to caress it. steve instinctively crouched down as low as he could on the ore. there was little of it beneath him, the greater part having been removed by the giant shell of the unloader. suddenly with a groan and many creakings the object whose presence he had dimly felt now closed over him. "the unloader!" cried steve. "it's caught me! it's caught me!" chapter xiv steve saves the captain fortunately for steve rush the load scooped up by the unloader, chanced to be a light one, only a few tons being in the scoop itself. that left him head room so that he was not crushed against the upper side of the giant shell. still, his quarters were cramped and the sensation was, if anything, more trying than had been that when he found himself alone in the waters of lake huron. "i'm done for this time, i guess. hello, there! stop the machine! i'm caught!" he shouted. in the groaning and creaking of the great crane his cries for help were unheard. steve felt himself being borne swiftly through the air. up, up swung the great shell, swaying dizzily from side to side after it left the deck of the ship. as it passed out of the hold steve uttered a shout louder than the others. he was not frightened, but, as was quite natural under the circumstances, he wanted to get out of his unpleasant predicament. bob jarvis, who was at the rail, heard the cry. he divined the truth instantly. springing to an open hatch he leaned over, bellowing out the name of his companion into the hold. there was no response. bob did not believe there would be. "stop it! stop it!" he shouted. it is doubtful if the crane man heard, and if he did he failed to understand, for the big shell kept on mounting to the top of the trestle. "what's the matter!" demanded the mate. "you're enough to raise the dead." jarvis did not stop to answer. he sprang for the side of the ship, leaped over the rail, and, catching the sides of the ladder, shot down to the pier without touching a single rung of the ladder. the instant his feet touched the pier the lad darted off to the trestle. a cleat ladder extended up the side of the trestle to the top. bob ran up it like a real sailor and rushed over the ties to the place where the train was being loaded for the furnaces. in the meantime, steve rush had been hoisted to the top. he knew what was coming. the lad braced his feet and shoulders against opposite sides of the scoop, hoping thereby to hold himself in place. he had forgotten that the shell would open up at the proper moment in order to discharge its load--would open up so wide that not even a fragment of anything would be left within it. suddenly the great jaws of the shell opened with a crash and a bang. there followed the roar of rushing iron ore as it dropped into the waiting ore car on the track. rush dropped like a stone. he landed in the railroad car, half buried under the ore, dazed and bleeding from the sharp pieces of ore that had hit him on the head during his descent. "hey there, stop it, stop it!" shouted jarvis, running toward the spot as the crane was swinging the scoop off toward the ship for another load. "stop what?" demanded the foreman of loading. "you've dumped a man from that scoop! which car was it?" the foreman laughed easily. "i guess you must be crazy." "which car is it, i say? answer me quick. he may be killed, or----" "that's the car right there, the last one filled and----" but bob was bounding toward the place with desperate haste. "steve! steve!" "ye-yes, i'm it again," answered a muffled voice, dragging himself from the ore, shaking the dirt from him. "look out for the shell! it'll be on you again before you know it," warned jarvis. he had heard the creaking and groaning of the machinery, sounds, which told him the big scoop was on its way upward again with still another load of the red ore. rush staggered to the edge of the car. "jump!" commanded bob. steve did so, not knowing where he would land, but with perfect confidence in his companion's presence of mind. no sooner had the lad cleared the car than a load of ore was dumped on the spot where he had been standing but a few seconds before. bob grunted as the heavy body of steve rush landed full in his arms, causing the former to sit down heavily on the trestle with the dirt from the dumping shell, showering over them. "good for you, bob! you saved my life. let's get out of this place." "i am perfectly agreeable to that. how do we get down?" "there are two ways. one is to jump off and the other is to go down the ladder. the latter is the way i'm going. perhaps you prefer the other, judging from your past performances as the horsemen would say. you have made some pretty good records as it is." bob made for the ladder, followed by steve. when the two boys climbed over the rail to the deck of the ship, the first mate gazed at them in astonishment. "i thought you were down in the hold, rush." "so i was," laughed the boy. "what did you come out for?" "i couldn't help myself. i went up in the scoop, which caught me when the lights went out down there. something is the matter with your electric arrangements down there, i guess." mr. major gasped. "you don't mean you went up in that thing?" "i guess i do." "he got dumped on an ore car," added jarvis by way of explanation. "and he lives to tell the tale." "get down in the hold. the ship is listing to port. they are taking too much out on that side. jarvis, you run back and tell the engineer to have his electrician find out what is the matter with the lights in the hold. look out for yourself, rush, this time. i am beginning to think you are a hoodoo." "and i am beginning to hold the same opinion," answered the iron boy. "if you keep on we won't be able to get a sailor to ship on the same craft with you." "i don't know that i should blame them much for feeling that way. trouble is tied to my heels, but somehow i manage to get through on a pinch," laughed the boy, hurrying for the stairway that led down into the entrance to the ore hold. the ship was fully unloaded at midnight. all hands were dirty, dusty and tired when they started aft to wash up and get ready for bed. "where's that soogy barrel?" yelled one of the deck hands, meaning the receptacle holding hot water, well soaped, from which the men filled their basins for washing. "it's down in the engine room being steamed out. there's another one down in the lazaret. we'll fetch it up and have it filled before those lubbers down below get the old one ready." "we'll help," cried steve. "come along, fellows. i guess the whole crew ought to be able to get the barrel up without calling any of the dock hands to help us." they started away, laughing, and the barrel was hoisted from the lazaret or storeroom near the stern of the vessel, quickly filled from a hot-water pipe and a good portion of the contents distributed among the men. in another hour all hands save the anchor watch were sound asleep, the captain with the stoicism of the sailor, sleeping as soundly as the rest, notwithstanding the fact that he might wake up in the morning shorn of his command, a disgraced man. instead, on the following morning the "wanderer's" master received a message from duluth ordering him to report immediately for a hearing. he was instructed to bring with him certain men of his crew. there was no time to be lost. without waiting for breakfast the captain ordered mr. major, the first mate, the iron boys and the wheelman on duty at the time of the collision to make ready to accompany him to duluth at once. the message further stated that the ship would be taken to duluth for survey and repairs by a master who was then on the way to conneaut. the party got away within a few minutes, the second mate being left in charge, and thirty minutes later they were on their way to the north. the examination took place that evening immediately after the arrival of the officers and men from the "wanderer." the examination was to be a strictly company examination, but the government officers in charge of the licensing of pilots on the great lakes were on hand to listen to the testimony and to decide whether further investigations were necessary. mr. carrhart and the superintendent of the line of steamships belonging to the company were present to take an active part in the investigation. captain simms was the first witness called. he gave his version of the accident, explaining the position of the ship, the course it was sailing on at the time and all other facts in his possession. the fact that he was on duty at the time, and that the ship was sailing under reduced speed, was a point in his favor, though it did not by any means serve to relieve him of the responsibility for the accident. "who was on the bridge at the time of the accident?" asked mr. carrhart. "stephen rush. jarvis was on watch in the forepeak." "we will hear rush next," said mr. carrhart. the iron boy was called in from an adjoining room, where the witnesses had been placed. when a witness finished his testimony he was permitted to sit down in the room and listen to the proceedings. this captain simms did. steve took his place in the witness chair. "you were on the bridge watch on the night that the 'wanderer' collided with the 'macomber,' were you not?" asked the superintendent, who was conducting the examination. "yes, sir." "state what occurred." steve, in a clear, firm voice that carried conviction with it, related briefly and tersely all that he knew of the collision. he omitted his experience in drifting ashore, but a few questions from mr. carrhart served to draw out that most interesting recital. all hands listened attentively. each face, as the narrative proceeded, expressed silent admiration for the wonderful pluck and endurance of the iron boy. but his hearers did not feel surprised at what he had accomplished after they had studied the firm set of the lips, the square-cut jaw and the clear, steady eyes. "you had sighted the side lights of the 'macomber' some time before the collision, had you not?" "yes, sir; about half an hour before the crash came, i should say, roughly speaking." "what was the position of the two ships?" "i don't know that i can explain it so that you would understand. i can draw a diagram of it if you wish." "do so." rush quickly outlined the position of the two ships on a pad of paper and handed it to his questioner. "do you know what the course of your ship was?" "not so that i could name it. i would know if i had a compass--i mean i could point it out." the superintendent called for a compass card, which a clerk brought from his office. steve studied it a moment, turning the card around until he had placed it in the desired position. "this is where we were, up to the time the fog came down and we couldn't see anything more," he said, placing a finger on a point on the card. "but you were on the bridge. how could you know this?" demanded the questioner. "i was watching the bridge compass, trying to learn something about it. you see, this is my first experience on a ship and i was anxious to learn all i could." "then your course was south-south-west-one-half?" "i don't know, sir. the little mark on the compass rim was on the point that i have indicated, previous to the time the fog settled." thus far the lad's testimony had corroborated all that the captain had said. "have you had any talk with captain simms as to what you should testify to?" interrupted one of the government representatives. "certainly not, sir," answered the boy flushing. "captain simms is not that kind of man. he expects me to tell the truth, and that is what i am trying to do." "we understand that, rush," interposed mr. carrhart, soothingly. "you are giving us some valuable information. the gentlemen merely wish to get at all of the facts." "now, mr. rush, let me understand this clearly. you say that the course was south-south-west-one-half just before the fog settled?" "yes, sir, if that is the course indicated by that point," again placing his finger on the compass card. "am i to infer then that the course was changed after the fog came down?" "yes, sir." "ah!" the spectators straightened up at this. their faces were grave. an important piece of evidence had been brought out. it might be against captain simms, or it might be in his favor. all depended upon the boy's further testimony. "what was the course after the change?" steve again pointed to the card. "we swung over to this point." the superintendent and the government representatives examined the point indicated by steve very carefully. "south-south-west flat?" "if that is it, yes sir." "captain, you may answer where you are. did you change your course as indicated by rush?" "i did. the boy is right. he hasn't eyes in his head for nothing. he sees more than any one else on my ship does." "did you think what the reason for that change of course was?" demanded the superintendent, again turning to steve. "i thought it was to make sure that we should clear the other ship." "yes; according to the position of both vessels, the 'macomber' had the right of way," interjected the captain. "i changed the course to clear them, and i should have done so. i don't understand, yet, why i did not." "why did you not tell us of this in your testimony?" "i did not think of it." "even though it was in your favor?" the captain nodded. the captain of the lost "macomber" was called in. "what course was your ship steering when the collision occurred?" he was asked. "i supposed it was the course as indicated on the report made by me." "you were in your cabin asleep?" "yes, sir." "who was on duty in the pilot-house?" "the mate and the wheelman." "they were lost?" "they were." "you know of no reason why they should have changed their course so as to throw your ship squarely in front of the 'wanderer'?" "no earthly reason." "they were thoroughly capable and experienced men?" "yes, so far as my observation went." "you admit that the course of your ship was changed, do you not?" "if what the young man and captain simms say is true, our course must have been changed. i cannot but think the mate must have lost his head, or else failed to note the position of the compass while he was busy peering ahead. that is probably the explanation, the wheelman forgetting himself in looking ahead also. he knew there was a ship under their bows; both knew it and they were naturally anxious." "you would not have mentioned this had not the young seaman rush brought it out?" "i might not have, because i did not know it. it puts the matter in an entirely new light." "you admit, then, that your vessel was in the wrong?" interposed one of the government officials. "i am obliged to, granting that the statements we have heard are correct, and i have no idea that they are not. while i am responsible for the safety of my ship, i do not see how i can be held accountable for the disaster. i did not know there was a fog and no word was brought to me to that effect. a man must get sleep at some time, and what better time than when the skies are fair and the sea is calm?" the officials cleared the room, after which they went into executive session with the government men. their discussion lasted little more than half an hour. the two captains were then sent for, the witnesses being allowed to enter the room also. "captain simms," announced the superintendent of the steamship line, "we find you free from all blame in this matter. you did all that you could. you let your ship swing off sufficiently to have cleared the 'macomber'; you were under reduced speed, and you were at your post where you should have been under the circumstances. besides this, you and your crew did heroic service in rescuing the men of the ill-fated ship. you lost two of your own men in so doing and nearly lost a third. especial credit is due to seaman robert jarvis, who bravely saved several lives at the risk of losing his own. as for you, captain," he added, addressing the master of the "macomber," "i am sorry to say that we shall have to lay you off for sixty days. while you were not physically responsible for the loss of your ship, you are morally responsible. had you been at your post, and had there been no errors of judgment on your part, you would have been freed from blame. at the expiration of your suspension you will no doubt be assigned to another ship. the government officials here concur in both decisions. they agree that captain simms is wholly blameless for the disaster." captain simms did not smile. his face was grave. he was sincerely sorry for the other captain. he knew how easy it was for a man to lose his place in the line through no immediate fault of his own. simms himself might have been in the position of the other man had it not been for one keen, honest, observant boy. "gentlemen, i wish to say a word," announced mr. carrhart, rising. "i wish to say that this board owes a vote of thanks to seaman stephen rush." "we do," assented several voices at once. "i know mr. rush and his friend jarvis very well, and i have watched their careers for the last two years. they always do well whatever is set before them to do. had it not been for rush's very explicit testimony--for his keen observation, we probably should not have gotten at the facts, and a great injustice might have been done to captain simms, though that would have been largely his own fault. captain simms, you will proceed to detroit in the morning and take charge of the 'richmond,' our new steel, ore-carrying steamer, which is ready to go into commission at once. i presume you will take these two young men with you on the new boat?" "i certainly shall if they will ship with me," answered captain simms promptly. "i wish i had some more men like them. even half as good men would do very well." the captain stepped across the room and grasped steve by the hand. "i owe this whole business to you, rush, and you bet i won't forget it!" chapter xv at the wheel "isn't she a beauty!" said steve admiringly, as, with jarvis and captain simms, he stood on the dock at the shipyards in detroit, gazing up at the new steamer, the finest ship of her kind plying the lakes. "she is," agreed the master proudly, "but i'm not forgetting that i might not have had her if it hadn't been for you. let's go aboard and look her over." all hands climbed the ladder to the deck. besides the usual two deck-houses, fore and aft, there was another house just aft of the forward house. this was the guest or passenger dining room where the guests of the line would be served with their meals. after admiring this the men went forward. the captain's quarters were handsomer than anything the men ever had seen before. "the only trouble with this outfit up here is that it's bigger and i'll be lonesome up here," laughed the captain. "we'll come up and visit you," returned jarvis. "i hope you will, at that," answered the skipper heartily. "i don't know of any men i would rather have in my cabin. i'll tell you what you do. you both come in every evening when we are not otherwise engaged, and i will teach you navigation." "thank you very much, sir," replied rush. "that is exactly what i wish to learn. of course, i cannot learn it all while i am on the lakes, but i shall be able to get a general idea of it." "you will learn it quickly enough. after you have been on these lakes one season you'll know more about these waters than a whole lot of men who have been drilling up and down here for the greater part of their lives. we will go back and look over your quarters now." the room assigned to the boys was even more attractive than had been their quarters on the old ship. the room was large and cosily furnished, and the iron boys were delighted with it. the next thing was the selection of a crew. captain simms, with the authority of the officials of the line, decided to ship his old crew, which was done as soon as the "wanderer" reached detroit on the following day. the new ship was under orders to proceed to duluth for a cargo of ore. the up trip was uneventful, the efforts of all hands being devoted to shaking the new vessel down and getting acquainted with her. the "richmond" proved herself to be all that was expected of her. she handled easily and well. during the three days' trip up the lakes, the boys began their study of navigation. their first work was to learn to box the compass; that is, name every point on the compass. steve, with his usual aptness, committed the card to memory in one night. bob was not very far behind him. then they took up the study of the theory of navigation, working out positions by moon, stars and sun, all requiring more or less mathematical proficiency. rush proved himself an apt pupil, and he had made a good start by the time they reached the ore docks in duluth. the lads found a few hours time in which to run home to see steve's mother, and at daylight on the following morning the "richmond" backed from her slip and turned her trim bow toward the waters of lake superior once more. "i am going to put you two men on the wheel," announced the master, on the morning of the second day out. "steering the ship?" questioned jarvis. "yes. you will find it easy work, but you will have to pay strict attention to business." the eyes of the iron boys glowed with pleasure. they took a trial watch early that forenoon under the direction of the captain, who first explained the operation of the wheel. unlike the old style steering wheels, this one was operated by crude petroleum instead of by ropes and chains running over pulleys. turning the wheel forced the oil through a little half-inch pipe. the pressure thus obtained opened a valve in the engine room and set the steam steering gear at work. the ship, by this modern method, could be steered with a single finger. "wonderful, wonderful!" exclaimed the boys, when they fully understood the operation. their knowledge of it was not complete until they had made a journey back to the engine room to watch the steam steering gear work there as the wheel was turned in the pilot-house. then there was another wonder that they were instructed in, the electrical equipment of the ship. all the running lights were lighted by electricity from the pilot-house. then there were three methods of blowing the whistle situated aft of the pilot-house. first, there was the usual whistle cord; then there was a lever some two feet in length, that pulled the wire attached to the whistle valve. but the most remarkable of all was an electric button whistle. a pressure on this blew the steam whistle. a long pressure blew a long blast and a quick pressure a short blast. "electricity plays an important part in the world's affairs to-day," said captain simms, noting their keen interest. "you see we have wireless equipment, too." "why isn't it working?" "it will be when we get some one to operate it. i understand that the line is going to ship an operator at the soo. i don't know whether it is a good thing or not. too handy for the officials to say, 'why did you do that?' or 'why didn't you do this?' well, it's always possible that the thing won't work when you want it to. i guess we can see to that." the boys nodded. steve was at the wheel. he soon got the knack of keeping the vessel on her course, but found that watching the compass card so steadily made his head ache. still, it was fascinating work. the helmsman sat on a high stool, both arms resting on the wheel between the spokes, his eyes looking over the wheel and down into the binnacle. a glance up showed miles of sea ahead with the gently rising and falling bow of the ship in the foreground. there was a consciousness of power as the helmsman gently turned the wheel this way or that. the great ship obeyed his slightest pressure. glancing back through the rear windows of the pilot-house the stern of the ship swung in response to the turn of the wheel with a crack-the-whip motion. the skipper, noting steve's glance at the swinging stern, nodded. "that is what you must look out for when in close quarters. you see, you are so far forward here that you can scarcely believe what a wide circle that other end will make--i should say sweep. it doesn't necessarily cut circles. in entering harbors you must measure your distance with your eyes and know how far you can turn your wheel without having the stern of the ship smash into a breakwater, or crash in the side of some other vessel to the right or left of you." "there is much to learn. i can see that." "sailing the lakes is done by instinct largely. if a man's cut out for the business he makes a go of it. if he isn't, some dark night he misses his way and lands on a hidden reef somewhere. then, presto, he's out of a job, and maybe worse." "when do we reach the soo?" interrupted jarvis. "this evening. rush will be at the wheel about that time, and you had better be up here, too, jarvis. you can't become too familiar with the ports and the lights. do you know how to read buoys?" "no, sir," answered the boys. "it is very simple. when you are entering port red buoys, with even numbers, are left to your right hand or starboard. black buoys with odd numbers are left to the left hand or port. that's the rule the world over." "but," objected jarvis, "suppose it's night and you can't see the buoys. what are you going to do then?" the captain laughed heartily. "lights, my boy. channels are lighted at night, so you can't go wrong; but a good navigator will take his ship through any place without a light to guide him. i want you boys to learn every one of the ranges----" "what is a range?" interrupted bob. "guide lights," spoke up steve quickly. "they are the lights on shore, either lighthouses or buoys, to show you how to lay your course." "that is the idea," agreed captain simms. "let's hear you box the compass while we are here alone, jarvis." bob went over, taking a look at the compass. "why do you do that?" "i wanted to see whether we were at the north pole or the south pole." "i guess you would know it if you were--that is, you would be pretty certain that you weren't navigating the great lakes. go ahead now." jarvis shut his eyes and began reading off the points of the compass, making only one error in his reading. "that is fine," announced the skipper. "i'll guarantee there isn't a man in the ship's crew, outside of the first mate, who can do it so well. of course, i am excepting rush and myself. rush does everything well." that night steve took his regular trick at the wheel at eight o'clock. of course, jarvis was there, too, as were the captain and the first mate. they were nearing the soo, as they could see from the lights. "let's see, you boys have not been through here, have you?" "we were below decks the other time, sir." "oh, yes, i remember. we will take the canadian locks this time. the canadian locks are on the left and the american locks on the right, but the latter are too short to hold a boat as long as this one, so we are obliged to take the canadian side." "why do we have to lock through?" questioned jarvis. "to get around the rapids, and for the further reason that huron lies lower than superior. this is whitefish bay. the light that we have just dropped to starboard is whitefish point lighthouse. rush, do you see that red light yonder?" "yes, sir." "point on it." "i can't see the bow of our boat so as to tell whether i am pointing on the light or not." "i'll fix that." the captain pressed a button and a ray of dull, ghostly light appeared just beyond and over the bow. the lads uttered exclamations of amazement. "what is it? how did you do it, sir?" "that, lads, is a guide light on the end of the pole that answers for the bowsprit. the light is there for the purpose of giving you a guide to steer by in narrow places." lights began to spring up ahead, until there was such a confusion of them that neither boy could make anything out of them, but the steady eyes of the captain picked out the lights that he wished to find without the least difficulty. "do you hear the roar of the rapids in the st. mary's river?" "yes; we hear them." "those green lights way over yonder are on the american locks. now port your helm and steer for that white light standing high above the rest. are you on it?" "on the mark, sir," answered steve. they continued on this course for ten or fifteen minutes, when the captain ordered the wheelman to starboard his wheel. this threw the bow to the left, sending the boat across the bay on a diagonal course. "why don't you go straight in?" asked jarvis. "we should land high and dry on the rocks if we did," answered the skipper, with a short laugh. "others have tried that very thing. the hulls of some of their ships are down there under the water now." the boys began to realize that navigating the great lakes required a great deal of skill and knowledge. "there is a ship in the locks now," announced captain simms. both boys gazed into the night, but they could see no ship. the master signaled the engine room to slow down, explaining, at the same time, that they would have to drift in slowly and stop until the other boat got out. the channel began to narrow as the master directed the wheel this way and that until they found themselves in a walled-in channel that led directly to the locks themselves. "snub her!" commanded the captain, leaning from the pilot-house window. a ladder was shoved over the side of the moving ship, a man on either side of it on deck pushing it along so that it might not be dragged. quick as a flash a sailor sprang on the ladder, and, grasping the side pieces, shot down to the dock on that side, a distance of some twenty feet. following came others, all getting down in the same manner. it was a dangerous thing to do and excited the wonder and admiration of the two boys in the pilot-house. "if i were to try that i would be in the water," laughed rush. "it is a good thing for me that i am at the wheel, for i wouldn't be able to resist trying that experiment." hawsers were cast over from the deck, and these, the men who had gone over the side, twisted about snubbing posts. at the same time the ship's propeller began reversing slowly at a signal from the captain. the ship came to an easy stop. the skill with which it had all been done, made a deep impression on the iron boys. a few moments later the gates of the locks opened and the other steamer moved slowly out. so close did they pass the "richmond" that some of the men reached out and shook hands across the gulf, while the two captains held a brief conversation. then the "richmond" let go her moorings and moved slowly into the canadian locks. the gates swung to behind them, the water began rushing from the other end of the locks and the ship rapidly settled until her decks were level with the dock beside which she stood. the men who had gone over the side now stepped aboard and hauled in the hawsers after them. "marvelous!" breathed the iron boys. "slow speed ahead," commanded the skipper. "we are now on the huron level. here comes your relief. i hope you boys get a good night's sleep." "thank you, sir; good night," answered the lads, starting for their cabin. it had been a most interesting evening for them. chapter xvi through the rocky cut four long and two short blasts roared from the whistle of the "richmond." it was the private signal of captain simms. the ship was bearing down on port huron and was at that moment at the mouth of the st. clair river. the skipper stepped to the door of the pilot-house with megaphone in hand. "this is where i live," he explained. "my wife always comes out to see me as we pass. see the light there, in that cottage on the river bank? well, that's where i live when i'm not steamboating. there she comes." through the moonlight steve saw a woman running down to the edge of the water. "how are you, john?" called her pleasant voice through a megaphone. "i'm well; how are the folks?" "they're all well." "any news?" "nothing except that betty has six pretty white chickens and she's terribly cross." "put her in the soup," suggested the captain. just then a little white-robed figure appeared at an upper window of the captain's home. in her hand the little one also held a megaphone. it was the captain's twelve-year-old daughter, marie, the apple of his eye. "h-e-l-l-o p-pa-pa-a-a," came the greeting in a childish treble. "hello, marie!" bellowed bob jarvis from the rail aft of the bridge. "who are you? i don't know your voice." "i'm bob jarvis, but you don't know me." "hello, bob. yes, i do. my papa wrote to me about you. where's steve?" there was a laugh that rippled from one end of the deck to the other. "never mind him; he is steering the ship. when are you coming out with us? come along and we'll have a lot of fun." "i don't know. when papa says i may. when may i come, papa? and you haven't said a word to me yet. you'll be gone in a minute." "how could i? you haven't given me a chance to get a word in edgeways. port your helm a little," he added, in a lower voice to rush. "port a little," answered steve. "when, papa?" "perhaps the next trip. i will send you a letter from down the line. jennie, can you go back with us if i stop for you on the up trip?" "i'll see. if i can do so i'll run up the red flag on the staff. if you see that you may stop. if not, you will know we can't get away that trip. i've got to attend to my early canning, you know." captain simms grumbled something outside the megaphone, that sounded something like, "shoot the canning!" "good-bye," came two voices, sounding faint and far away on the soft night air, one being a woman's voice, the other the thin, childish treble of a little girl. "head on that bright light low down there," directed the skipper, with a last lingering look back toward his home. "that's the worst of this business. a fellow gets about a five-minute look at his home and family, once a month or so. i'd rather be sitting on my front porch to-night than steering a ship through this rocky river." "is that a light-house that i am steering for?" "no; that's an inspector's cabin. starboard some." "starboard some," repeated the helmsman. "all ships have to report as they go by. you will hear him call when we get abreast. those fellows never seem to sleep." "it must be a lonely life for a man out there." "it is, and----" "ship ahoy. what ship is that?" bellowed the inspector through his megaphone. "'richmond' from duluth with ore." "the what?" "'richmond'!" roared bob from the lower deck. "i don't catch it." "six o'clock," howled jarvis with his hands to his mouth, at which there was a loud laugh from the ship's company. "steamer 'richmond,'" shouted the captain. "why don't you open your ears? think we can stand here yelling like wild indians all night?" the inspector did not answer. from past experience he realized the futility of an argument with a lake captain. "this is the most dangerous navigating of any place on the lakes, rush," said the skipper. "the bottom of our ship is only three feet from the bottom of the cut at this minute. swerving six feet either to the right or left out of our course would put us hard and fast on the rocks. we should block the channel besides running the risk of breaking the ship's back. steady!" "steady, sir." "remember, i am talking to the rudder. i keep that rudder in my mind every second of the time. i can see its every movement. i don't know there is such a thing as a steering wheel when i'm navigating like this. port a little." "port a little, sir." "now head for that range light up on the hill there. this cut, known as rock cut, was built by the government at great expense. hold your course as you are until you round the bend in the cut there, then head on a red light that you will see high up on the rocks. get your funnel back there in range with the white light on the hill you see to the left. you will be exactly in the channel then. keep in the middle. i have to go to my cabin for a moment. i think i can trust you. remember, the channel is narrow and you must keep well within it." "i will, sir." steve was left alone in the pilot-house. as he was steering by range guides alone, now, he did not have to watch the compass. all the windows of the pilot-house had been let down so that he had an unobstructed view all around. "i'm running the ship," breathed the lad. "i don't know who's taking the biggest chance, myself or the captain." though the iron boy felt the responsibility of his position, he could not help the little thrill of triumph that ran through him. he was far up in the air with no one save the watch down in the forepeak near him. the night was bright and glorious, the most peaceful scene he had ever gazed upon. but rush did not devote much thought to the peacefulness of his surroundings. his mind was too thoroughly centred on his work. the "richmond," sailed majestically around the bend in the cut, steve glancing back over the decks to see that his funnel was coming in line with the range indicated by the captain. as rush looked ahead through the open pilot-house window again his heart fairly leaped into his throat. two eyes, one red the other green were blinking at him right in his path dead ahead. "it's a ship!" he exclaimed. "i don't dare pass it here. i don't know whether there's room or not. what shall i do?" the iron boy's quick mind solved the problem in a flash. springing to the pilot-house telegraph he swung the indicator over to the words, "half speed astern." the ship began to tremble under the impact of the reversing propeller. grasping the whistle lever steve blew five short, sharp blasts, then taking his place at the wheel he calmly kept the vessel in her course, the other ship bearing down on him whistling as if the whistle lever had been wired down. the reversing of the propeller had not been lost on captain simms. he knew instantly what it meant when he felt the trembling of the vessel. then came the danger signal--five sharp blasts on the whistle. the captain was out of his cabin on the run taking the stairway to the bridge three steps at a time. by this time rush had thrown the telegraph indicator over to "full speed astern." he was watching the stern to see that it did not swing out of the channel, then turning to see what the vessel ahead of him was doing. what had caused him to so suddenly reverse the propeller was not so much the narrowness of the channel, but rather a light that was placed well out from the shore line on his side. it was a white light, and, while he did not understand the meaning of it, he knew that it had been placed there as a warning to ships to keep well outside of it. the other boat was coming to a stop also, but by the time captain simms reached the pilot-house the bows of the two ships were so close together that it seemed as though they might crash together. one swift, comprehensive glance told the captain everything. he noted that his vessel was reversing, that the pilot was keeping her in the channel and that the other ship was coming to a stop. without a word to steve he grasped his megaphone and sprang to the window. "choke her down, you fools! do you want to run us under?" "get out of the way yourself! why didn't you blow your whistle? you saw that buoy there. you have seen it for the last half hour. you knew you ought to have given warning before you got into the cut here." "what does that buoy mean?" demanded captain simms. "a coal barge was sunk there this morning." the two vessels met with a heavy bump that set everything rattling on board both ships, but the shock was not sufficiently severe to do any damage to either. "back up, you fellows, unless you want us to push you out!" commanded captain simms. in the meantime, after the shock, steve had stepped to the telegraph and swung the indicator to the word "stop!" the two captains hurled language at each other for the next two minutes, but the other skipper grew tired of it first. he gave the order to reverse propeller. the up-bound boat began to retreat slowly. "slow speed ahead," commanded captain simms. the master was leaning from the pilot-house window, megaphone in hand, ready to roar at the other skipper at the first opportunity. but there was no good excuse for him to do so. after backing down stream sufficiently to make passing safe, captain simms gave his whistle lever a jerk, sounding one sharp blast, meaning that he would meet and pass the other vessel on its port side. the "richmond" slipped by at a little higher speed than was safe, her sides scraping the paint off the other boat in spots. "i ought to report you, you lubber!" roared captain simms in passing. "you ain't fit to command a mud scow. i've got a kid on this boat who's a better captain, after half a cruise, than you'll be if you cruise all your life." the captain jerked the telegraph indicator to "three-quarter speed ahead" with such violence that it threatened to tear the indicator chains from their hooks. then he turned to rush. "steve, much obliged," he said. "that's the second time you saved the ship. i owe you another one for that. unless i am greatly mistaken, you'll be trotting around with a master's license in your inside pocket by the time you are twenty-one. steady there." "steady, sir," answered the boy at the wheel. chapter xvii the blow in the dark they had passed out through lake st. clair as eight bells rang out. steve relinquished the wheel to the next watch and bidding good night to the captain started back toward his quarters. the lad made his way back over the deck, strolling slowly along, enjoying the night and thinking over the events of the evening. as he reached the after deck-house he halted, leaning against it looking forward and watching the gentle rising and falling of the upper works forward. "it is almost fascinating enough to make one want to spend his life on board a ship," mused the iron boy. "well, i must turn in. i----" he did not finish what he was about to say. a crushing blow was dealt him on the back of the head, coming from the deep shadows on the starboard side of the after deck-house. steve staggered forward, then fell face downward on the steel deck of the "richmond." sailors found him there, half an hour later, unconscious. no one knew what had happened. the captain was notified at once and he, after an examination of the boy, decided that steve had fallen against a steel hatch and had given his head a severe bump. they worked over the lad for nearly an hour before getting him back to consciousness. he had been put to bed, and bob was detailed to sit by and watch his companion, which he did with solemn face. steve fell into a deep sleep from which he did not fully awaken until morning. he was lame and sore from head to feet. bob was asleep on the edge of the berth and the ship was rolling heavily. without waking his companion, rush got up after much effort, dressed himself, and, supporting himself by keeping his hands on the woodwork, made his way outside. day was just breaking. steve leaned against the deck-house in the same position that he had been occupying on the previous night when he was struck. the captain, at that juncture, came along on his way to breakfast. "hello, rush," he greeted, halting. "how do you feel?" "all knocked out." "that's too bad. come in and have some breakfast. you will feel better after that." "i do not think i want any breakfast, sir." "pshaw! come along. by the way, you had a nasty fall last night, didn't you?" "i should say i did." "how did you happen to slip?" "i didn't slip, captain." "you didn't?" "no, sir." "then how did you happen to crack your head on a hatch cover?" "how was i lying when you found me?" "they said you were lying on your face." "if that was the case, i couldn't very well have bumped the back of my head on a hatch cover, could i?" "that had not occurred to me before. see here, didn't you lose your balance or stumble and fall?" "i fell, but it was through no fault of my own." "will you tell me what did happen?" questioned the captain with a puzzled expression on his face. "i think i was struck," answered rush calmly. "knocked down?" "yes, sir." "impossible! who--what----?" "i do not know any more about it than you do, sir. i was standing here just as i am now, when i got a terrible blow on the back of my head. i didn't know it was a blow then, but as i think it over i remember very well. everything grew dark about me. the next i knew i was in my cabin, with you and jarvis working over me." "what you are telling me is a very serious matter, rush." "it was serious enough for me at the time." "who was on the deck at the time?" "no one, so far as i observed." "but, it would have been impossible for any one to approach close enough to hit you, without your either hearing or seeing him." "it would seem so. yet the fact remains that i was hit. it takes considerable to knock me out, sir, but i got enough last night." "do you suspect any one?" "not a person. i cannot understand it at all." "well, you just keep your eyes open. if you find out who struck that dastardly blow i'll deal severely with him. he won't be in condition to strike any one else for some time to come." "i think i shall be able to take care of the man myself when i meet him and know him," replied the lad, with a faint smile. "i shall report for duty on time this morning, so please do not put any one in my place." "very well; perhaps it will do you good to be busy. well, i'm going to breakfast. let me know if you get a line on this mystery." steve did not answer. he stood leaning against the after deck-house, thinking. finally he turned with a sigh intending to go forward. as he did so a man came out of the stokers' dining room and started to go below. rush halted sharply. "hello, smith," he said. "when did you come aboard the 'richmond'?" "when did you think i came aboard?" "that's what i am asking you." "mebby i'm a fish and swam out," answered the stoker. smith was the man with whom steve had had the trouble on the first disastrous cruise. "i shouldn't be surprised. you are equal to most anything that's out of the ordinary. where were you last night?" "stoking from six to twelve--eight bells. but----" smith checked himself. "so you came off at twelve, eh?" "i did. but how's that your business?" "perhaps it may be my business. at least, i am going to make it my business." "see here, young feller, be you trying to pick a row with me?" "no; one doesn't have to pick a quarrel with you. you're always quarreling. if i wanted to have a fight with you all i should have to do would be to look at you and the fight would be on. i'm looking at you now, smith." the stoker uttered a half-suppressed growl of anger, started toward the iron boy, then halted, opening and closing his fingers nervously. "i'll--i'll----" "out with it. you will feel better after you have said it," urged steve in an encouraging voice. "i'll break your blasted head for you----" smith made a jump for the iron boy. steve stepped lightly to one side, putting out his foot as the stoker shot by him. smith's head hit the edge of a hatch, then he sprawled forward on the deck. "so you're the fellow who gave me that blow in the dark last night, are you?" demanded the lad in a stern voice. "i--i'll kill you for this!" roared the stoker, raising a vengeful face to the iron boy. "you'll do it some dark night, then. you haven't the courage to face a man in broad daylight and meet him man to man--no; i won't put it that way, for you are no man. you're just a common tough, that's what you are. now get up and take your medicine, for you're going to get a walloping that ought to last you longer than the hose bath did." smith sprang to his feet and rushed at his young antagonist. he did not reach steve, however. the fellow suddenly received a blow under the ear that sent him spinning and tumbling over among the hatches that extended above the deck some two feet at their highest point. but steve had not delivered the blow. he had not even raised his hands, though he was standing in position ready to meet the charge of the tough stoker. "get up, you hound!" roared captain simms. it was he who had delivered the blow. he had emerged from the mess room just in time to see the stoker's enraged face over steve rush's shoulder. the captain understood instantly what smith was about to do. the skipper took two quick strides forward and his powerful fist smote the other man a terrific blow. the stoker leaped to his feet and went for the captain, now enraged beyond all control. but he had reckoned without his man. the skipper knocked the angry stoker down almost before the latter could raise his fists. "never mind, captain; i can take care of him," urged steve. "stand back! this is my circus. what was he going to hit you for?" "i was to blame. i goaded him into it. i----" "wait a minute. he hasn't got enough yet. he's coming for me." the captain suspended conversation long enough to give smith a right and left swing on either side of the head that sent the fellow to the deck with all the fight knocked out of him, and which put him out of business for the next ten minutes. captain simms turned calmly to rush. "now, what was it you were saying, my lad?" rush could not repress a smile. "nothing very much. you know smith and myself had some trouble on the last cruise?" "yes, i remember." "he never has gotten over being angry at me. he began saying disagreeable things to me, and i suppose i helped the matter along by tantalizing him. i was as much to blame as smith was. but--but i'm sorry you didn't let me give him what he was spoiling for." "he got it, that's all that is necessary," growled the master. "see here, rush, he isn't the fellow who hit you last night, is he?" demanded the captain suddenly, shooting a quick, suspicious glance into the face of the iron boy. "i didn't see who hit me," answered steve, truthfully even if somewhat evasively. "call the first mate!" rush did so. "put that man in irons and keep him on bread and water until he is ready to go to work and mind his own business. i've half a notion to turn him over to the authorities for mutiny," said the skipper reflectively. "don't you think he has had punishment enough, sir?" urged steve. "yes, i suppose he has at that. iron him, major. it will do him good." the stoker woke up just as the steel bracelets were being snapped on his wrists. protesting and threatening, he was dragged to the lazaret, where he was destined to remain for the next twenty-four hours in solitary confinement, with nothing more substantial to live on than bread and water. chapter xviii visitors on the "richmond" the ugly stoker was liberated on the following day after having promised to behave himself in the future. but he held his head low when showing himself on deck, which was seldom. he never permitted his shifting eyes to meet those of steve rush, nor did steve make any effort to address the man. the lad was confident, in his own mind, that smith was the man who struck him that night by the after deck-house, but the drubbing that captain simms had given the fellow made rush feel that they were now even. on the way back the ship picked up mrs. simms and little marie at port huron. the "richmond" was on its way to south chicago with a cargo of coal. this took them around into lake michigan, and many were the happy hours spent by the captain's little daughter and the iron boys. they played games on deck between watches, as though all three were children. rush and jarvis had constituted themselves the special guardians of the little girl, and she queened it over them, making them her willing subjects. at south chicago the ship was held up for a week because the company to which the coal was consigned was not ready to receive it. steve considered this to be bad business policy on the part of the steamship people, and another memorandum went down in his book, to be considered in detail later on. while at south chicago the lads made frequent trips into the city, which they had never visited before. one afternoon they took the captain's wife and daughter to a matinee, then out to dinner at a fashionable restaurant. it made a pleasant break in the lives of each of the four, and helped to cement the friendship between little marie and her new-found friends. at last the coal was unloaded. after filling the tanks with water ballast, the "richmond" started away for the northward to take on another cargo of ore and once more to drill down the great lakes. the water ballast did not draw the ship down to its load level, with the result that she rolled considerably. "the glass is falling," announced the captain as the craft swung into lake superior two days later. "i shouldn't be surprised if we had quite a jabble of a sea before night." "we don't care, do we?" chirped marie, to whom a rolling ship was a keen delight. "not as long as the dishes stay on the table," answered bob, with a merry laugh. "when are you going to bake that long-promised cake for me?" "just as soon as the cook will let me. he's always cooking something for the night watch when he isn't getting the regular meals. my, but that night watch must have an awful appetite!" she chuckled. "yes, i've noticed that," agreed bob. "but you can't lay it to me. i've a feather-weight appetite. i didn't have any at all when i first went aboard an ore carrier. it beats all how quickly a fellow will lose all interest in life the first time out." the wind blew hard all the way up superior, raising, as the captain had promised it would, "quite a jabble of a sea." but the blow was nothing like a heavy gale. it was just a sea, a nasty, uncomfortable sea. the boys and marie were in great good humor all the way up. marie's mother was ill in her stateroom and the assistant cook had had an unexpected attack of seasickness. "nice crew of lubbers," growled the captain, when informed of the assistant cook's indisposition. the ship reached duluth at night and immediately was shunted into the slip at the ore docks for loading. after the hatches were down a huge crate was hoisted aboard with a crane. a section of the deck was opened up and the crate was let down into the lazaret. the crate was consigned to one of the company's officials in the east. no one paid any attention to the crate, and it is doubtful if any one save the captain and the first mate knew what the contents of the crate were. hatches were battened down and long before daylight the "richmond" was on her way again. by this time the "jabble" had increased to a full gale. no other ship ventured out, but captain simms was not a skipper to be held back by the weather. he knew his ship was seaworthy and he knew full well how to handle her safely in any sea that the lakes could kick up. a full northwester was raging down from the hills and the glass was falling all the time. the "glass" is the sailor's name for barometer. steve took the wheel as they passed out, and he was obliged to give up the wheelman's stool because he could not keep it right side up under him. he dragged a platform over to the wheel. it was made for the purpose, having cross-cleats on it to enable the helmsman to keep his footing when the ship was cutting up capers. "there," he announced, "i'll stick here until the wheel comes off." waves broke over the vessel continuously, striking the deck with reports like those of distant artillery. superior was a dreary waste of gray and white. the air seemed full of the spume of the crested rollers, while the clouds were leaden and threatening. "look at the rainbow!" cried bob, pointing off to the westward. "that ain't a rainbow you landlubber," jeered a companion. "well, if it isn't i never saw a rainbow." "no, it's a dog." "a what?" "sundog." "bob, you certainly are a lubber," laughed mr. major. "didn't you ever see a sundog before?" "never. what are they for?" "i don't know what they are for. i know what they do--they bring gales and storm and trouble all along the line. that's what the dogs do." "i think the other ships saw it before we did, for there doesn't seem to be another boat on the lake." "no; at least, the little fellows have taken to harbors along the coast. it wasn't the sundog, however, but the glass that warned them. you know the glass has been falling for the past twenty-four hours. we know what to expect when that happens, but we don't know what to expect when the storm strikes us. these lakes are the most treacherous bodies of water in the world. twenty miles beyond here is the graveyard of superior, where the hulls of more than fifty ships lie rotting on the bottom. some of them went down in weather no worse than this. this is bad enough." bob listened attentively. "do you ever get seasick in any of these storms?" "always," answered the first mate, in a matter of fact tone. "if this keeps on you won't see me at mess to-day noon. you'll have to eat your dinner standing up, but not for me." the weather grew more tempestuous as the forenoon wore on. the scuppers were running rivers of green lake water and there was not a dry spot on the decks; even the upper works standing high in the air, were dripping with the spray that had been showered over them. "let her off three points," commanded the captain. almost instant relief from the incessant pounding was noticeable. the waves came aboard only occasionally, though the sea was running the same as before and the ship was rolling almost down to her rails. "that is better," nodded steve, his voice echoing in the silence of the pilot-house. "did it make you dizzy?" smiled the skipper. "no, sir. i got all over that after i fell in the hold that time. it isn't a comfortable feeling to have the floor rolling around beneath one's feet, but i am getting so that i do not mind it much. is that a boat ahead of us there?" "yes," replied the captain, placing the glasses to his eyes. "it's a pig, and she's having a pretty hard time of it. all you can see of her is a smother of foam in the place where the ship is. the smoke from her funnel seems to come right out of the lake." "are those whalebacks safe, captain?" asked the pilot. "yes. i commanded one for two seasons. they are perfectly safe, so long as nothing happens to them." steve laughed. "that goes without saying." "but they are the wettest boats in the world, as you can judge by watching that fellow beating his way against the sea. they have a very thin skin and the least puncture will go through. next thing you'll hear the hatches blowing off, and down she goes like a meteorite shot from above." "i don't believe i should care for them. i prefer to be high above water like this, rather than under it all the way down the lakes. if i wanted to travel on a submarine i'd ship on a real one." the gale was playing tunes on the braces, and the life-span running from the forward to the after deck-house was swaying back and forth. steve gazed at it a moment then turned to the skipper. "i never could see the use of those life-spans. if the ship goes down, i don't understand how a life-span from one end of the ship to the other, is going to help any." "they haven't been on long. a good many lives would have been saved if they had been. you see, the span is a rope on which travels a little swing just large enough to hold a man. then there is a free rope running through a ring in the top of the swing by which to pull one's self along." "yes, i have figured that out." "then suppose that to-night, in the darkness, we were to miss our way. the compass might go bad, we might be driven out of our course and all that sort of thing, you know--and all of a sudden we might drive our bow full speed on one of those low-lying apostle islands!" "yes, sir." "the stern of the ship would sink low and there she would pound to pieces. that's where the men astern would find use for the life-span. by it they would be able to pull themselves to the bow of the boat and perhaps make their escape before the stern finally went down under water. they are a good thing, and you should see to it that the spans are always in working order. i have those on my ship examined every day. i----" the captain was interrupted in what he was saying by a yell from the deck. the skipper took a quick look aft through the pilot-house windows, then sprang to the pilot-house telegraph. "full speed astern!" crashed the message to the engine room. chapter xix in the grip of the waves "somebody overboard!" said the captain sharply. "who?" demanded steve, in an equally sharp tone as his relief took the wheel from his hands. "i don't know." just then the figure of a man was seen to leap from the top of the after deck-house into the raging sea. bob jarvis had been clinging to a ladder that the chief engineer was holding up against the whistle pipe, the valve of the whistle having worked loose. the engineer had asked bob to help him as a favor, which the lad was glad to do, though that was not his department. it was a ticklish position in which to work, and at any moment a lurch of the ship might throw the ladder over and throw the iron boy into the sea. he gave no heed to the danger of his position, for he was rapidly becoming a true sailor. suddenly, as though some instinct had told him to do so, bob turned his head and glanced over the deck to the forward deck-house. as he did so he uttered an exclamation. little marie had just descended the steps from her father's quarters, and was already on the main deck. in her arms she carried several parcels. "go back!" roared jarvis. the words were driven back down his throat by the wind, and if the child understood his gestures she did not heed them. bob groaned. "let me down, quick! the child is trying to get aft and she'll never make it." with rare presence of mind, jarvis gave the whistle lever five quick, short jerks, sending forth as many blasts, the signal of danger. instantly some one shouted a sharp warning. by this time the lad had slid down the ladder and was making for the edge of the deck-house to drop down to the deck. he halted all of a sudden. bob tried to cry out, but the words would not come. he felt a sickening sensation sweep over him, and a sudden dizziness took possession of him. a white-crested wave had risen up out of the sea right alongside of the big steel ore carrier. for a moment it hung trembling over the ship like an avenging monster. then suddenly it swooped down. it reminded jarvis of a steam clam shell scooping up ore. he was thinking calmly now, and he was planning what he should do an instant later. the green scoop dipped, lifted the little marie clear of the deck, then raised her high above the steel hatch covers. a faint cry floated back to where the iron boy was standing as the captain's daughter was carried over the opposite side of the ship and dropped into the sea. a great shout escaped bob jarvis. lifting himself to his toes he took a long curving dive from the deck-house. he cleared the ship's rail with plenty of room to spare, entering the water head first just at the base of a huge swell. in an almost incredibly short time his hatless head bobbed up on the other side of the swell, leaving him struggling alone on the rough waters. the ship had slipped quickly by. but already her propeller was beating the water with all the force of the steam power behind it, turned on full, in an effort to start the ship going astern. steve had rushed out on deck the instant he was relieved. unmindful of the seas that were again breaking over the deck as the ship shifted her position, he dashed aft, drenched to the skin and battered this way and that by the angry combers as they roared curling aboard. a sailor ran panting up the stairs to the pilot-house. "it's the little girl!" cried the sailor. "your daughter's overboard and jarvis has gone after her. they'll both be drowned!" "port your helm a little," said the skipper in a calm, steady voice, as he turned to the wheelman. "steady!" springing to the telephone he called up the after deck-house. "have boat number 6 manned and swung out ready for launching. have men stand by with life-lines and rings ready to cast if we come up with them. you stand by and watch out astern." the commands were delivered in quick, sharp accents, but there was no trace of excitement either in the captain's tone or on his features. he was every inch the commander, cool, calm, resourceful. years of commanding had taught him that to be a master of others one must first be the master of himself and of his own emotions. "where are they? do you see them?" shouted rush, as he dashed to the after rail of the ship where a number of men were standing with pale, frightened faces. a hand pointed astern where, a second or so later, steve caught sight of the bobbing head of his companion. "has he got the child?" rush cried. "yes. leastwise, he had a minute ago. it was a lucky chance. you see, he jumped just in time and the girl was fairly swept into his arms." "it was not chance," retorted steve. "bob knew what he was doing." steve was pacing up and down the after deck, scarcely able to restrain himself from leaping into the sea and going to his companion's assistance. he knew, however, that the chances were that he would never be able to reach the struggling figure off there. at any rate the ship, which was now beating its way astern at a very fair rate of speed, would get to the spot before he could possibly hope to do so, even if he were able to make it at all. far up above the decks in the pilot-house with glasses to his eyes, stood the skipper, calm, stern, alert, now and then giving a brief command to the man at the wheel in a voice in which there was still no hint of nervousness or excitement. the first mate gazed at his commander in wonder. there were iron boys in that ship's company and there was a master who was also iron. "i think you had better go aft, mr. major," directed the skipper. "take charge back there. we are going to have difficulty in getting them aboard, even if they keep up until we get to them. the boy is making a great fight of it." "aye, aye, sir. has he the girl still?" "yes. he is trying to keep her head above water until we get to him, but i'm afraid she'll drown before we can help them." the first mate hurried from the pilot-house, starting aft at a run. he began shouting out his orders before he reached the stern. he found steve rush with coat and shoes off, poised on the rail of the plunging stern, the water dashing over him as he clung with one hand to a stanchion. "you are not going to try to go over, rush?" he shouted. "there's no need now," answered the boy, not for an instant taking his eyes from the two figures off there in the water. the ship was drawing near and it was observable that jarvis was not battling as strongly as he had before. they knew that he was becoming exhausted from his desperate struggle with the great seas that were sweeping him. "man boat number 6 and put it over!" commanded the mate. "no use to do that," called rush. "it will not live. better put over the lines at the proper time." "no; it is the captain's orders to launch number 6 boat. i want two men." nearly every man there stepped forward. they glanced at rush. he was still on the rail. he had made no effort to volunteer for the dangerous service. they wondered at it, but they knew the boy's courage too well to think for a moment that he had been deterred from offering to go out in the life-boat through fear. there were those present who would have resented such an imputation. steve cast a disapproving glance at the mate who was then superintending the launching of the craft. the men who were to go out in it already had taken their places in the boat, that had been provided with ropes, life rings and life preservers. at command the boat was swung out, the men standing up and steadying their craft by pressing their oars against the sides of the ship itself. "careful that you do not fall out!" warned mr. major. "i will give the command to let go. when i do so drop to your seats and out oars." "aye, aye, sir." "shut off!" shouted rush. "you'll run them down!" the mate made a signal to the captain, but the latter had timed the progress of his vessel too well to need the signal. already the propeller had ceased revolving and the captain was giving his directions to the wheelman so as to throw the stern to one side of the struggling boy. captain simms' plan was to drift down on jarvis and the child, with the sea. perhaps it was not the best thing to do, but it was the quickest and seconds were golden at that critical moment. "let go!" roared the mate. the life-boat struck the water with a splash. instantly it was picked up on the crest of a giant roller, lifted high in the air, and hurled against the side of the ship with terrific force. with a sickening crash the life-boat was crushed into splinters, precipitating the crew into the rough sea. rush leaped from the rail to the deck. he had been ready to do so when he saw what the mate proposed to do. he foresaw the end of the life-boat, and perhaps of the men who were manning her, even before they made a start to obey the orders of the mate. grasping a life ring to which a long line had been attached, steve hurled it over the side of the ship. "grab the line!" he shouted to one of the men next to him. "watch out and haul in when you get your man hooked." another life ring dropped over the side of the ship and the line to this steve passed to another man. both struggling sailors in the water fastened to the life rings that had been dropped within easy reach of them, thanks to the careful aim of the iron boy. steve saw that the two were reasonably safe; then, grabbing up another ring, he sprang to the rail on the port side. bob jarvis and the girl were drifting in, buffeted this way and that by one huge wave after another. the girl's head was drooping over bob's left shoulder. "can you make it?" bellowed rush. "i don't know." bob's voice sounded far away. steve was watching him with keen, steady eyes. the lad felt sure that they never would get aboard without at least serious injury. "kick the ship ahead a couple of turns!" shouted rush in a tone of command. the word was transmitted to the captain in the pilot-house by gestures. the captain gave the signal, but not quite quickly enough to accomplish what rush had hoped for. he wanted the ship advanced a few feet so that jarvis and his burden would drift past the stern where they could be pulled up without the danger of being crushed against the side of the ship. before the propeller had made one complete revolution the stern of the "richmond" was hit by a giant wave and then by another. the vessel it seemed was literally lifted from the water and thrown to one side. that was the side where bob jarvis was struggling to save himself and the captain's daughter. illustration: another figure dived from the rail. bob saw what was going to happen. the plucky lad held the child off at arm's length, as far away from the oncoming ship as possible, while with the other hand he sought to break the force of the blow. the side of the ship hit jarvis a tremendous blow. the lad's arm doubled under him and his head drooped forward on the water. "he's killed!" cried the watchers. splash! another figure had dived from the rail. it was steve. his dive took him right under bob and his burden. rush came up the other side and struck out for the couple with long, powerful strokes. chapter xx an exciting rescue with him rush had carried a life ring attached to the end of a rope, the other end of the rope having been, with rare presence of mind, made fast to the rail by him before leaping. he reached his companion just as bob's head drooped over and he lost consciousness. still, jarvis kept his grip on the arm of the child. rush had to tear the girl's dress in order to wrench jarvis's grip free of her. in so doing steve lost the life ring. it was carried away from him in a twinkling. now he had two persons on his hands with the seas rolling over him almost mountain high, though the ship, being on the windward side, protected them somewhat. "haul in and cast the ring!" steve managed to shout, just before he was jammed choking under a heavy wave. rush threw himself on his back with his head toward the ship, one arm under marie and the other arm supporting bob, who was making desperate efforts to help himself, though unable to do much in that direction. then rush began kicking himself slowly toward the vessel, which had been shifted about and was once more drifting down on them. "cast your lines before you get close enough to hit us!" steve cried when he could do so without getting a mouthful of water. unfortunately those on deck were not very good shots at this sort of target work and their life rings went far wide of the mark. the ropes on all but one of them slipped through the hands of the casters and dropped into the sea. "lubbers!" roared the captain from the pilot-house window. steve caught the third ring. twisting the rope about the body of marie just under her arms, he tore the ring loose. "haul up, quick!" he shouted, swimming along with the child after having thrust the life ring over the head of bob jarvis. steve held to the girl so that she should not be thrown against the ship head first, which would have seriously injured her at least, and perhaps killed her then and there. possibly the little girl was dead already. rush did not know, but he thought he had detected life when he first grasped her. "hurry, hurry!" he cried. the girl was hauled free of the water, and, limp and lifeless, she was tenderly lifted over the rail. captain simms, after hurling some brief directions at the man at the wheel, dashed from the pilot-house, down the steps and along the deck to the stern, where marie lay on the deck. the father lost no time in getting at work on her. "save those boys if it costs the ship to do it!" he roared. "major, use your wits! get them out, i tell you. i'll hold you personally responsible for their rescue!" "rush is hit!" shouted a voice excitedly. looking over they saw steve striking out blindly to where bob was floating away helplessly on the sea. it was plain that rush had been stunned by being thrown against the side of the ship. still, by sheer pluck, he was keeping himself up and swimming, but with evident effort, toward his companion. bob was in a helpless condition and every second the life ring was slipping up and threatening to bob out from under his head. were that to happen there was little chance that he would be saved. steve tried to shout to them, but his voice would not come. he swallowed enough water in these attempts to drown the ordinary person. his eyes were so full of water and he was so dazed from the bump he had sustained, that he could not make out where jarvis was. "port! port!" roared a voice from the deck. steve caught the direction and veered a little to port. "more port. can you keep it up?" rush did not answer, for he was beyond answering. only his wonderful pluck and endurance were keeping him from throwing up his hands and sinking under the surface. with a final burst of speed he reached his companion. steve threw out one hand and fastened on the other iron boy. as he did so the ring slipped from jarvis's head and floated away. rush realized at once what had happened, and began upbraiding himself for his carelessness. the knowledge seemed to give him new strength. his body fairly leaped from the water as he took several powerful strokes toward the drowning bob. "wake up!" cried steve, shaking his companion roughly. jarvis mumbled in reply, and tried feebly to help himself, but he was too weak and too full of water to accomplish anything. steve, by a great effort, twisted his companion about and began swimming toward the ship with him. shouts and suggestions were hurled at him from the ship, but he did not hear them. the iron boy was making the fight of his life. at last, after mighty struggles, he managed to get near enough to the "richmond" to catch a line that was tossed to him. this he quickly made fast about jarvis's waist and waved a hand to indicate that the men above were to haul away. steve lay over on his back on the water with a great sigh of relief as the men began hauling the other boy toward the deck. "get a line over there to rush!" thundered the captain. "don't you see the boy is drowning?" but steve missed every line that was tossed to him. he was making powerful efforts to pull himself together sufficiently to save himself, but he could not do so. "take care of the child, major. keep pumping the water out of her. she'll be all right in a moment," cried the captain. "give me a line, quick!" before the brave skipper could carry out his purpose of climbing over the rail preparatory to dropping into the lake, another man swiftly leaped to the rail and let himself drop feet first. he carried two lines with him. "it's smith, the stoker!" cried a chorus of voices. it was indeed the stoker, the enemy of the iron boys, who had determined to avenge himself on them for the insults he believed they had heaped upon him. what sudden revulsion of feeling led the stoker to risk his life to save that of steve rush none ever knew, nor would he ever afterwards discuss it. smith was a powerful fellow, a man who feared nothing and besides, he was a strong swimmer. he pounced upon rush as if he were about to do him bodily injury. it was the work of but a moment to make fast the line about the boy's body. "get him up, and be quick!" yelled the stoker. a cheer rose from the deck; two men at this time were working over bob, while the captain, having returned to his daughter, was ministering to her. steve was hauled aboard, where he settled down in a heap. the sailors turned him face downward, and then some one happened to think of the stoker. smith was keeping himself from being jammed against the side of the ship by holding both hands against the side of it and hurling angry imprecations at those on deck who had apparently forgotten his existence. "smi--smith--get him!" muttered steve. "put a ladder over the side! lash it to the rail and give the man a line with which to steady himself!" commanded the captain. "come, come! have you all lost your senses?" his orders were carried out with a snap, and a moment later the dripping figure of smith appeared above the level of the deck. "you're a fine lot of lubbers," growled the stoker. "you let a man go overboard and then forget he's there. i ought to throw the bunch of you overboard." "take those boys to their cabins as soon as you get the water out of them," ordered captain simms. "no, no; i'm all right," protested steve, pulling himself together and staggering away from the men who were thumping him with their closed fists, hoping in that way to bring him back to himself. the stoker had betaken himself to the fire room to dry off. his face had once more regained its surly, hang-dog expression, and he made rough answers to the few questions that were put to him by his fellow-workers in the stoke-hole. at last the workers succeeded in shaking most of the water out of bob jarvis. he had swallowed a lot of it and was so weak that he could not stand. at steve's suggestion they carried bob around on the lee side of the after deck-house. the steward came running out with a bottle of brandy, some of which he sought to pour down between the boy's blue lips. jarvis thrust the bottle aside, half angrily. "none--none of that horrible stuff for me! i--i'd rather be full of lake superior water and--and _that's_ the limit----" steve stooped over, and placing his hands under the other boy's arms, lifted him to his feet. "brace up! you're all right now," encouraged rush. "yes. i'm all right, _only_----" the sailors laughed at this; then they shouted, more from relief from the strain under which they had been laboring than because of the humor of jarvis's reply. "want to go in and lie down now?" questioned steve, barely able to keep his feet. "no!" "then we'll walk and see if we can get our sea legs," proposed steve, slipping an arm about his companion's waist and starting slowly toward the stern. the boys could hardly keep their feet, they were still so weak. they staggered from one side of the passage to the other, but their iron grit kept them up. "how is little marie?" demanded jarvis, suddenly turning to rush. "come; we will go and see. we were forgetting our duty," muttered steve, starting for the cabin, where the little girl had been taken. chapter xxi a new hand at the wheel marie had entirely recovered consciousness when the lads entered the steward's cabin. but the child's face was chalky white, her lips colorless and her eyes dull. captain simms had sent for his wife, who, ill in her stateroom, had not known of the exciting events that were taking place at the other end of the ship. mrs. simms forgot all about her seasickness when summoned and told what had happened. marie's eyes lighted up when they rested on the dripping forms of the iron boys. "hello, kiddie," greeted jarvis. "how'd you like your swim?" "come and kiss me," answered the child simply. jarvis blushed, but braced himself. then, stooping over, he gently kissed the little one on the cheek. "you, too, steve," she nodded with compelling eyes. then steve rush kissed her, patted her cheek and straightened up to meet the arms of the captain's wife. "you saved her life," she murmured. "i beg your pardon, mrs. simms; it's bob jarvis whom you should thank. he's the real hero this time. i'm only a sort of assistant hero," said steve with a laugh. the captain tried to speak, but something seemed to stick in his throat. he gulped, swallowed, then grasping both boys by the shoulders thrust them from the cabin. "get out! get out you young rascals before i give you a sound thumping!" he exploded, as the iron boys, laughing heartily, were ejected to the deck. "that's a fine way to show a fellow's appreciation," snorted bob. "do you know where that kiddie was going when she was swept overboard? i mean, before she was swept over?" "coming aft?" "yes; she was coming aft. she was coming aft to make a cake for you and me, that's what she was doing. she told me she was going to bake one for us to-day and she had the stuff in her hands that she was going to put into the cake. it's a shame," added jarvis, his voice pitched a little higher than usual. "yes, but not half so bad as if we hadn't saved her, old man. i'm proud of you, bob jarvis." "you needn't be. i was the easiest kind of a mark. i would have drowned if it hadn't been for you." "and both of us would undoubtedly have gone down had it not been for the stoker, smith. what do you make of that, bob?" jarvis halted reflectively. "i think," announced the lad wisely, "that he was--was--what do you say a fellow is suffering from when he goes dippy up here?" tapping the top of his head. "temporary aberration?" "that's it. i wish i could think of things ready-made, the way you do. well, i believe he must have been suffering from that. he'll be wanting to lick us again the minute he sets eyes on us." "here he comes now. he's just come up from his watch. oh, smith!" the stoker halted, then started on again. steve grasped his arm. the fellow shook the lad loose. "see here, we want to talk to you." smith halted reluctantly. "i want to take back every unpleasant thing i have ever said to you. at the same time i want to apologize for what i have done. i've been in the wrong all the time, i guess. will you shake hands?" the stoker hesitated, shifted uneasily, all the time avoiding looking into the eyes of the iron boys. finally he thrust out a reluctant hand. steve grabbed it and bob caught up the other. the stoker, muttering half sullenly, broke away and ran into the deck-house, leaving the boys standing outside looking at each other. "well, that beats anything i ever saw," growled bob. "do you know," said steve reflectively, "i believe that fellow has been a criminal of some sort. the way his eyes avoid yours, his shifty, hang-dog manner, reminds me of certain other gentlemen whom i have seen. however, after what he has done for us, it is not for you and me to try to get him into any further trouble. he saved our lives and that's all there is about it so far as we are concerned. i don't believe he will try any more tricks on us. he is the man who hit me on deck here the other night. i'm just as sure of it as i am that we are standing here now. captain simms gave him an awful walloping. maybe that's what beat some sense into the fellow's head." all the rest of the day marie remained in bed. the captain, who had gone back to the pilot-house after carrying the child to his own quarters, made frequent trips below to see how she was getting on. she was doing so well that she wanted to get up and play. the rest of the day passed without incident, though the gale, if anything, grew worse. the air was filled with flying spray that reached high up on the masts. the wireless operator picked up messages from other ships that had sought safe harbor on the lee side of the islands along the lake, but thus far there had been no reports of disasters. the captain had warned the operator to be on the sharp lookout for appeals for help. to the satisfaction of all no cries for help came. the boys went about their duties, rush taking another trick at the wheel late in the afternoon, leaving it along toward eight bells, midnight. bob, in this instance, relieved him. the night was starless and intensely dark and the hurling spray made necessary a sharp lookout ahead. two men were stationed on the bridge and another in the forepeak to watch for lights, though the captain did not look for many that night. he knew that at least all the timid skippers, had scudded for calm water at the first signs of a big blow. believing that all was safe he went to bed, and the ship went rolling and plunging, lurching and tumbling on her way, creaking and groaning as though the effort caused her great pain. shortly before daylight, bob fancying that he heard some one entering the pilot-house, glanced at the open door on the lee side. at first he saw nothing. then all of a sudden a huge, shadowy form seemed to rise from the floor at that point. bob gazed in amazement. "what's that, mr. major?" he asked sharply. "where?" demanded the mate, leaning out and looking forward. "there, there, at the door?" "i don't see anything." "neither do i, now, but i did a moment ago. i----" bob received a blow from a huge paw that tipped him over sideways, tumbling him over. "help!" yelled the boy, bolting for the door. about this time the first mate, who had run around to the rear of the steering wheel, got a blow on the side of the head that laid him low. he, too, scrambled to his feet and dashed for the door, slamming it shut after him. "what's the trouble in there?" shouted one of the bridge watch, poking his head in at the window. he had heard some sort of disturbance in the pilot-house, he thought, but the wind being so strong he was unable to decide what the disturbance was about. there was no answer to his question. "i say----" he shouted; then something happened to him. a huge paw was stretched out through the forward pilot-house window. it came down on the head of the watch with a whack, laying him flat on the deck. the second watch ran to where his companion had fallen. "here, here, what's the mat----" the watch did not finish the sentence. a cuff on the ear, and a mighty cuff at that, sent him clear to the end of the bridge, and had the weather cloths not been in place he would undoubtedly have been knocked through between the rails and into the sea. both men set up a wild yell of fear. "it's some kind of animal!" shouted bob. "send for the captain. i'm going back to the wheel." summoning all his courage the lad opened the pilot-house door, peering cautiously in. he got a blow that knocked him over backwards and bob jarvis tumbled all the way down the stairs to the main deck. captain simms came rushing out of his cabin in his pajamas. he had heard the running on the deck above him and surmising that something had gone wrong, rushed out to the deck. "what's wrong? what's wrong?" he bellowed, casting a quick glance ahead, almost expecting to see another ship bearing down upon them. "i say, what's happened?" "help!" howled the distant voice of bob jarvis from the lower deck. "help, help!" yelled the two men on the bridge watch in chorus. "captain!" roared first mate major, bounding down the stairs to where the captain was standing. the skipper grabbed the mate by the arm and shook him violently. "here, here! what's wrong? have all of you lubbers gone mad?" "it--it's in the pilot-house!" gasped the now thoroughly frightened mate. "what's in the pilot-house?" demanded captain simms angrily. "nobody--i mean i don't know. it's a----" but the skipper waited to hear no more. he rushed up the stairs, two steps at a jump. reaching the bridge deck he sprang for the door of the pilot-house and jerked it open. as he did so his keen eyes caught sight of a huge, shadowy figure at the wheel. the strange, uncouth shape was twirling the wheel merrily, while the ship was diving this way and that in a most unusual and erratic manner. the figure at the wheel suddenly bolted forward, making a grab for captain simms. quite a portion of the skipper's pajamas were left in the grip of the strange object, causing the captain to retire hastily, slamming the door as he did so. "it's the bear! the bear has escaped!" he shouted. "the bear?" yelled several voices. "yes, the bear in that crate in the lazaret. we were taking it down for mr. carrhart, to be shipped to a friend of his in pittsburgh." "wow!" cried jarvis, who had been creeping up the stairs. he turned and bolted down again with all speed. chapter xxii leading a lively chase "the bear has escaped!" shouted a voice down on the main deck. "what bear?" "the one that was in the lazaret." "didn't know there was any bear there. you're kidding," answered the doubting sailor. "go up and take a peep into the wheel-house, if you don't believe it. you'll get a bang on the side of the head that will make your ears ring eight bells for the rest of the night." "i--i guess i'll take your word for it." the sailor turned and ran for the deck-house. steve rush, aroused by the shouting, got up and poked his head from the cabin window. "hey, what's happening?" he called. jarvis was on his way back to tell his chum the news. "old bruin has escaped." "who's he?" "an old party we had cooped in a crate in the lazar----" "a bear?" "you bet he's a bear. he waved a paw at me that knocked me clean out of the pilot-house." "wait, i'll be out in a minute." steve hurried into his clothes, and a few minutes later was out on the rolling deck. he could barely make out the lights of the forward deck-house through the mist of spray that hung over the ship like a cloud. "where is he?" cried the iron boy. "up there in the house." "but who is steering the ship?" "i guess the bear is. nobody else up there except the captain, jumping around the bridge-deck in his pajamas, mad as a hatter." steve, deciding that he would like a closer look, hurried to the bridge. there he found captain simms in a plight if anything more ludicrous than had been painted by bob jarvis. rush saw that the ship was reeling about like a crazy sailor. "do something, somebody!" roared the skipper. "what would you suggest?" questioned steve, taking a peep through an open window and narrowly missing getting his eyes scratched out as a hairy paw reached through the window with a downward, raking sweep. captain simms forgot his anger long enough to laugh at the agility with which rush leaped backward, falling over a steel cleat, coming up grinning but very red of face. "that's what the beast did to me, only he got too much of my clothes for comfort," remarked the skipper. it was steve's turn to laugh, which he did uproariously. "maybe you think it's funny, but you wouldn't if you were in my place. the next question is how are we going to get that beast from the iron range out of the pilot-house?" "i'll tell you," said bob, who had followed his companion up to the bridge. "we'll coax him out with a chunk of fresh meat." "will you hold the meat?" answered the master sharply. "no, thank you," laughed jarvis. "your idea isn't half bad. i believe i will get a piece of meat and try it," replied rush reflectively. "see here, young man. not quite so fast. what do you propose to do with the beast when you get him out?" "i--i--hadn't thought of that," stammered rush. "i suppose you'd let him dance about the decks and run us all overboard, eh? no, sir. he stays where he is. you keep watch of him while i go down stairs and get some clothing on. this summer costume is a little too airy for this kind of a night." the two boys watched the pilot-house from a safe distance while the captain went below. day was beginning to dawn, and by the faint light they could see mr. bruin spinning the pilot-wheel this way and that. he seemed as pleased as a child with a new toy. the compass card, with its dim white spot showing the position of the ship, attracted his attention. brain scratched on the glass over the compass card and getting no satisfaction from so doing, returned to the wheel. such steering probably never had been seen on the great lakes before. all at once five shrill blasts sounded dead ahead. "there comes a steamer!" yelled bob. "we'll run it down!" shouted steve. "hey, captain!" the up-coming steamer knew that something was wrong and her deck officer was sounding a danger signal. it looked as if a collision could not be avoided. steve ran around to the front of the pilot-house, and rang in the signal "full speed astern" on the bridge telegraph. then the "richmond" did cut up. bruin was still steering as fancy dictated, the bow of the ship wobbling this way and that. illustration: a huge form stood at the wheel. in the meantime the captain of the other steamer was trying his best to get his craft out of the way of the wobbling "richmond." "sheer off! sheer off!" bellowed the skipper of the up-boat. "you'll cut us in two." the boys thought so as well, but there was nothing they could do save wait for results and trust to luck. bang! the nose of the "richmond" caught the other boat a glancing blow and bounced off. the sides of the two ships bumped together, then the stern of the "richmond" side-swiped the stranger with a smash that sent everything jingling on the two ships, while the skipper of the up-craft was dancing up and down the deck of his vessel, heaping abuse upon captain simms and his "fool crew." "we must get that beast out, at all costs," raged the master of the "richmond." just then bruin leaned back from the window and against the whistle lever. instantly a roar, accompanied by a cloud of steam, burst from the whistle at the after end of the boat. the roaring of the siren did not cease. it kept right up and mr. bear glanced about uneasily as if suspecting that the noise was directed against him. about this time the chief engineer rushed to the deck. "stop that blowing. you'll blow all the steam out of the boilers!" he commanded, shouting up to the bridge. "suppose you come up and stop it yourself," suggested jarvis, grinning over the rail. "we shall have to try that meat plan, i guess, boys," decided the master. "how shall we do it without playing the part of the meat?" "i have a plan," answered steve. "bob, if you will get a piece of meat i will see what i can do in the meantime." bob hurried aft for the fresh meat while steve busied himself by preparing a rope which he placed at the foot of the stairs on the lower deck. by this time, jarvis had returned with the meat, the captain having watched the arrangement with nods of approval. "please have some men stationed under cover of the deck-house below us and have a tarpaulin, one of the canvas hatch covers, handy, will you?" asked rush. "certainly. jarvis tell the mate to do as steve suggests. i will open the door of the pilot-house when you are ready." in the meantime bruin had left the whistle lever and lumbered to the starboard window where he stood observing the preparations for his capture. his nose was upraised sniffing the air, for he smelled the fresh meat. "look out that he doesn't jump out of the window," warned bob. "i hardly think he will. it is quite a drop," answered rush. "now, captain, if you will open the door, i think we are ready," he added, taking the meat from the hands of his companion. "you don't need me now, do you, steve?" "well not just this minute," laughed rush. bob ran up the rope ladder of the foremast, and from this point of safety he grinned his enjoyment of the scene. captain simms threw open the pilot-house door; then he also shinned up the ladder. the bear was ambling toward steve at a rapid gait. but the iron boy did not appear to be at all frightened. he slid down the stairs to the forward deck, waited until the bear was almost upon him, then dropped to the main or lower deck. bruin was after him without loss of time. reaching the lower deck, steve dropped the fresh meat in the big loop of rope that he had spread out on the deck, and quickly darted behind a hatch. the bear seized the meat with an ugly growl. steve gave the rope, one end of which was in his hands, a violent jerk and the next second the bear was floundering about the deck, fighting, pawing and uttering fierce growls, with the noose of steve's rope drawn down tight over one of the animal's fore-legs. steve took a twist around a stanchion. "the tarpaulin!" he shouted. not a man made a move to do the lad's bidding. "bob! come down here. i want you! quick!" "i'm coming." jarvis was down the ladder in short order. "what shall we do now?" "grab hold of this canvas and help me throw it over the beast." "but he'll bite," protested bob. "he will if we do not get him secured pretty soon. hurry, there!" each taking hold of a corner of the big, heavy canvas the lads approached the big beast with caution. "now, he-o!" they swung the tarpaulin back and forth to give it momentum, bruin stretching out quick paws in an effort to grab the canvas, at the same time showing his teeth and uttering fierce growls. "let go!" shouted rush. the canvas fell completely over the beast, the centre of the covering dropping directly on his head. mr. bear began to claw and roar, but the more he clawed the more entangled did he become. the crew uttered a cheer. "hurry up, men! give me a hand or he'll get away from us yet!" steve threw himself upon the writhing heap, with jarvis a close second. but no sooner had the boys landed on the canvas than they were tossed off. back they sprang, making plucky efforts to twist the canvas into position where the animal could not throw it off. by this time captain simms was down the ladders and stairs, making for the writhing heap on the jump. "get in there, you lubbers!" he roared. the men obeyed his command, though they did so with reluctance. "fall on the heap!" after a lively battle, consuming some twenty minutes, the escaped bear was hopelessly entangled in the tarpaulin, the corners of which were tied securely, thus imprisoning him beyond the possibility of his getting out. "the next question is, what are we going to do with him, now that we have him?" inquired the captain. "is his crate broken so that it cannot be fixed?" asked rush. "no; it can be fixed up," interjected the chief engineer. "hurry up and attend to it, macrae." in a few minutes the crate was ready. steve engineered the following efforts, as he had those that had gone before. the bear was dragged back to the stern. there the men waited while steve put another large chunk of meat in the cage. "all ready, men. throw him down the stairs. be sure that you get him down, or he'll be after us and then we shall have our hands full," shouted steve. "it strikes me we already have," muttered the captain, gazing admiringly at the efforts of the iron boy. "you ought to join a menagerie," suggested jarvis. "all ready now," warned steve. "all ready," answered the men. steve cast a final look about, taking careful note of the knots which were ready to be unfastened at the word. "let go!" he shouted. with a roar mr. bruin went rolling, bumping and scratching down the stairs into the lazaret. steve crept down the stairs. "everyone stay back," he warned. none needed the advice. none of the ship's company felt the least inclination to climb into that dark hole where the angry bear was floundering about. "throw on a light," called rush. a solitary light gleamed in the darkness of the lazaret. about that time the bear smelled the fresh meat in the cage. with a grunt and a growl he went in search of it, nosing here and there. at last he found it. steve, crouching on the stairway was watching the beast with keen eyes. the bear entered the cage. with a bound rush dropped to the floor of the lazaret. bang! the door of the cage swung to, the padlock securing it, quickly slipped through the staple and locked. mr. bear was a prisoner. "there, you may all come down now, children," called the iron boy. "is he in?" demanded a voice at the head of the stairs. "he is. bruin is having the rest of his breakfast now." "three cheers for steve rush," cried the captain, pulling off his cap. "hip-hip-hurrah!" yelled the sailors. "hip-hip-hurrah! hip-hip-hurrah! t-i-g-e-r!" added bob jarvis. steve came up from the lower deck, his face flushed with triumph. "well, we got him, didn't we?" he demanded. "you mean _you_ got him," answered the captain. "we all got him." "it is my opinion," added the skipper, "that you ought to be the captain of this boat. you've got more horse sense than all the rest of us together." chapter xxiii the wireless message for the rest of that day the ship had a measure of quiet, just for a change. the storm kept on with its former severity and there was more or less discomfort. meals had to be eaten standing up, and life lines had been run along the deck to support the one who ventured along the decks forward or aft. marie was not allowed to leave her father's cabin again while the storm lasted. considerable time had been lost, owing to the trouble caused by the bear, so the ship was put to full speed. of late the boys had taken the keenest sort of interest in the wireless outfit with which the ship was equipped. they spent much of their leisure time with the wireless operator. steve had learned part of the morse alphabet and occasionally he tried to operate the key. two days later, as they were sitting in the wireless room, where the operator, with feet on his desk, was telling them a story of a wreck that he had been in on the atlantic when he was operator on a liner, a flash from the switchboard told them that they had picked up a wireless from another ship or station. the operator quickly adjusted the receiver over his head, listened a moment then threw his key open. a few quick sentences were crashed forth, the aërials above the deck of the ship snapping out the message in sundry vicious cracklings. steve tried to catch the drift of what was being said, but it was too fast for him. he could not hear what the operator was receiving, but after a while the operator picked up his pencil and began writing industriously. glancing over the man's shoulder steve's eyes caught a few words that caused him to lean forward with renewed interest. then he sat back, possessing himself in patience until the message should have been finished. "that's strange," said the operator, laying down his head piece. "what is it?" questioned bob. "nothing much. it is just a message i picked up about some fellow that the police want." "well, it isn't i, that's sure," said jarvis with a confident laugh. "it is--but here, read it for yourself." steve read the message out loud. "'wanted: one, gus collins, for complicity in a post-office robbery at elgin on the night of june third. collins has been a sailor and is said to be on one of the ships on the lakes. about five feet ten in height, gray eyes, blonde hair. has a peculiar stoop to his shoulders, and a habit of peering up suspiciously, but not meeting the eyes of the person he is talking to. five hundred dollars reward offered for his capture by the post-office department.'" "i'd like to make that five hundred," laughed jarvis. steve did not reply at once. his face was serious. he was thinking. "well, there is one thing certain, mr. gus collins isn't on this ship," announced the operator, hanging up his headstall. "funny message to send out. skippers of these boats have something else to do besides hunting down criminals for the post-office department." rush nodded thoughtfully. somehow, the description of the man seemed to strike a familiar chord in him. he could not help feeling that he had seen some one who in a measure answered that description. "ever seen him, bob?" questioned the lad. jarvis shook his head. "wouldn't have recognized him if i had seen him. say!" "well?" "maybe the bear is collins in disguise." there was a laugh at this. rush read the message over again. "shall i take it up to the captain?" "yes, if you will." steve did so. captain simms read the alarm message through twice. "pshaw!" he grunted. "let the government find its own criminals. it doesn't hire me to be a policeman. how's the bear?" "i haven't heard him complain any since we put him back," answered steve with a grin. "how did he get out, do you think?" "the cage tipped over in a roll of the ship. no more wild animal shows on this ship. are you going to try to earn that five hundred dollars?" demanded the skipper, changing the subject abruptly. "i had not thought of doing so. you do not think he is on your ship, do you?" "if he was you'd catch him, even if you had to bait him with raw beef. say, are you going to stay with me?" "why, i am not thinking of leaving, captain simms." "i don't mean now. of course, you wouldn't leave me in the middle of the season. you're too square for that. i mean at the end of the season?" "of course, we shall have to work during the winter. we can't afford to lie around in idleness." "yes, of course. but what about next season?" "that is a long way off," smiled rush. "will you come back with me next year?" "i could not promise. frankly, captain, i wish i might stay with you. i like the life and i should be happy to spend the rest of my days on the water, were it not for one fact." "what is that?" "there isn't much of a future to the lake business." captain simms nodded. "nothing beyond being a captain. that's the stone wall we butt against sooner or later, if we are lucky enough to get that far. i don't blame you, but i am sorry. i was in hopes you would stay with us another season." "this season is young yet. perhaps you may be glad to get rid of me before the end of it," laughed rush. "no danger of that. but i am going to make it worth your while to stay, you see if i don't. tell the operator to send back word, to the man that sent out this message, that we haven't got any safe crackers on board the 'richmond.'" "very well, sir." steve picked up the message and left the cabin. he walked thoughtfully aft to his own state room, where he found jarvis getting ready to go on duty. rush sat down to study the description of the much-wanted criminal. "i can't get it out of my mind that i know that man." he muttered. "i know i have seen him somewhere. but where? pshaw! why should i trouble myself about the matter? i'm no policeman, and i don't want to earn any money at the price of another man's liberty." "what's the matter--gone crazy?" demanded jarvis, eyeing his companion suspiciously. "they say it's a sure sign, when a fellow gets the habit of talking to himself." rush laughed heartily. "then both of us must be in the same boat, for i heard you mumbling to yourself this very day." "when?" "at the time the bear was chasing you." "huh!" "bob, listen." steve read out the message, slowly, giving emphasis to that part describing the man wanted by the government. "think hard, now. isn't there some one whom you have seen that answers that description, the stooping shoulders, the peculiar way of glancing up from under the half-closed eyelids----" "nobody but smith." "smith!" rush gazed at the other boy blankly. "that's so; he does rather answer the description." "of course he isn't the man." "perhaps not." all the rest of the day steve thought over the contents of that message and the suggestion made by jarvis. he did not see the stoker, however, until the following morning, just as steve was coming off duty. "morning, smith," greeted the lad, bending a scrutinizing gaze on the surly fireman. "morning," mumbled the other. "by the way, old chap; were you ever in elgin?" smith gave the lad a quick, sharp look. "what are you getting at?" "do you know a man named collins--gus collins?" persisted the iron boy. "co--co--collins?" "yes, a fellow who was interested in cracking a post-office safe out in elgin----" "it's a lie!" exploded the stoker, straightening up suddenly, his face flushing and his features working convulsively. "ah! then you do know something about this man, collins, eh?" "ye--no, i don't know anything about him. i've heard of him, that's all. now you let me alone, or----" "smith, you saved my life. i'm not such a cur as to forget that. i think you have something to say to----" "i ain't got anything to say to you." "oh, yes, you have. come with me to my cabin, where we can talk without interruption. it may be worth your while." "i won't go!" smith raised a hand as if he would strike the boy whose finger-tips were resting on the stoker's shoulder. "you come with me!" commanded steve, placing a firmer grip on the shoulder of the stoker. in that way, and without further resistance, steve led him to his own stateroom. "sit down! now tell me all about it." the fireman's face was sullen and rebellious. "there--there ain't nothing to tell," answered the man in a low, half-angry voice. "you are gus collins! i know you, now. i was sure i had seen the man whose description was sent out by the police and the government officials." the stoker's face went ghastly. "yes, i am. now what are you going to do about it?" he demanded, rising to his full height, standing over rush in a threatening attitude. "i am going to talk with you for the present. i think i have a right to do that, and see if there isn't something i can do for you after all you have done for me. sit down, gus." with a bewildered look on his face, the stoker sank into the chair. "tell me the whole story, gus," urged rush gently. "you need not be afraid of me. i am your friend, no matter what you have done." for a full five minutes collins did not speak. it was plain to the keen-eyed boy before him that the man was battling with himself and was trying to decide what his course of action should be. "did you have any part in the robbery of that post-office?" urged steve. "_no!_" fairly shouted the stoker. "then you have nothing to fear." "yes, i have, too. i've got everything to fear. i'm a bad man, and----" "perhaps you were, but you have wiped that all out by your heroic act in----" "boy, i've served time in joliet. i'm an ex-convict. i stole something once when i didn't know what i was doing. they put me away for five years for that little job. while i was in prison my temper got the best of me one day, and i hurt a man, and----" "you don't mean you----" "no, i didn't kill him, but i was used worse than a little yellow dog after that. what little good there was in me was beaten out of me, and--never let your temper get the best of you, boy. it's an awful thing to have a temper like mine." steve nodded. "well, i got out. my time was up." "when was that?" "this spring. i was dogged from the time i left the prison until one day i managed to give them the slip, and----" "you mean the police were following you?" "yes; spotting me." "what for?" "to see that i didn't get into any mischief. the last time they saw me i was in elgin. i left on the six o'clock train, after throwing the spotters off. that night the post-office there was cracked. i read about it in the papers next day, and i knew they'd put it on me. i got clear of the place as soon as possible, shipped up the lakes from chicago; then got in with this crowd. now i'll be sent back to joliet again." "perhaps not; not if you are innocent." "i am as innocent as you are, steve rush. help me, boy! help me to get away. they'll nail me this time, sure. they've got the line drawn on me fair and square. they sent out that alarm you've got in your hands there. help me to get away in the small boat to-night and i'll make shore and disappear. i'll fool them. i did you a good turn. do a great one for me, now!" "yes, gus; i will do you a turn, but i won't help you to escape. that would be a foolish thing to do. the police would get you sooner or later, and your flight would be the very worst thing possible for you when they did get you." "you won't help me?" "no, not in that way." "how then?" "i shall have to think it over, but if you are innocent, have no fears, for you shall be freed of the accusation. i must talk with the captain----" collins started to protest. "no one else on board shall know of it except my friend, jarvis, and he is true-blue. when we have you freed i will see to it that you get a berth on this or some other boat, for life, if you want it." collins shook his head. "no; they'll fire me when they find out i've done time. nobody wants an ex-convict. they drive a man to the dogs after once he's fallen----" "here's one man who won't drive you, gus collins. here's one man who's going to stand right back of you and see that you get fair play. then you're going to hold your head up and be a man with other men. you leave it all to me, will you? will you promise to do so?" collins eyed the bronzed, manly face before him, for a full moment; then he stretched out an impulsive hand. "put it there, little pard! i'll stand up, even if i do time for it, if it'll please you any. you're the pluckiest, the squarest bunch of muscle that i've ever come up with!" chapter xxiv conclusion steve rush had told the whole story to captain simms, to all of which the captain listened in deep interest. "well, what do you propose to do about it?" questioned the skipper, with a quizzical smile. "if you will give me a leave of absence, i think i should like to go back to elgin with collins and help to get him free," announced steve. "don't monkey with fire. a crook's a crook, and----" "this one _will_ be, if he is sent up again. i propose to get him out, even if it takes all the rest of the summer to do it." "all right. go ahead, lad, but for goodness' sake wait until we get the bear out of this ship," laughed the captain. the result was that as soon as the "richmond" reached its destination on lake erie, steve and the stoker, both dressed in their best, slipped ashore and took a train for chicago. early the next forenoon they presented themselves at the police station in the town where the robbery had occurred, steve acting as spokesman and stating that collins had heard he was wanted and had come to give himself up, prepared to prove his innocence. of course the stoker was locked up. the man was sullen once more, and when the iron doors clanged behind him he gave up all hope. "they've got me! i was a fool!" he muttered. shortly after that steve visited him, and when the boy left the man collins was in a better frame of mind. rush got to work at once. he must find some one who would remember to have seen gus leaving town. suddenly an idea occurred to the boy. he visited the railroad station. from one official to another he traveled, asking questions and getting scant courtesy. everyone's hand appeared to be against him when the owner learned the object of rush's mission. it was not until the next day that he found the man for whom he was looking. that was the conductor of the train on which collins had taken passage when he left the town the evening of the robbery, and several hours before it occurred. he had obtained from collins a description of the clothes the latter wore on that night, and where he sat in the train, establishing the fact that the man's soft hat, tipped up behind, was pulled well down over his face, and that he wore a red necktie. armed with this description, steve visited the conductor at the latter's home. at first the conductor did not seem to remember, but when steve mentioned the felt hat, the red necktie and the stoop of the man's shoulders in connection with the furtive glancing up from beneath the eyelids, the railroad man, slapped his thigh violently. "of course i remember him. i'd know him if i saw him. he had a scar on his right cheek----" "that's the man," cut in rush triumphantly. "come over to the station with me and identify him. you will prevent a grave injustice being done if you will assist me in this matter." the conductor readily picked out gus collins as the man whom he had seen on his train proceeding the robbery. a few days later the conductor was summoned before the grand jury, at steve's instigation, where he repeated his story in detail. steve gave evidence also as to what he knew about the man, repeating the interview he had had with the stoker on board the ship. the result was that gus collins stepped from his cell a free man that evening. he said little, but he seemed unable to keep his eyes from the face of the boy who had saved him from prison. collins knew that nothing could have saved him had it not been for the iron boy, but somehow he could not find it possible to express his thankfulness. "we will go back to duluth," said the lad. "we shall not be able to catch the ship down this way i guess. anyhow, a few days' layoff will not hurt us in the least." "what are you going to do with me now?" demanded the fireman, finding his voice at last. "i shall take good care of you. forget all that's past. you are a man now, and you are going to be a man henceforth. quit brooding over your troubles. you haven't any. they were all washed out of you in the lake the day you went in after me. i have something in mind for you that i think will please you." reaching duluth, steve sought mr carrhart at once and to the president the lad told the whole story. "what do you want, my lad--what do you wish me to do for your friend?" asked the president kindly. rush told him in a few words. the result was that mr. carrhart gave the boy a letter to the superintendent, telling steve to return for an interview after he had finished with the collins' business. it was a proud and happy steve who sought out gus collins an hour later, at the hotel where the man and the boy were stopping. "well, what about it?" demanded the stoker, without the least trace of hopefulness in his tone. "you are to report for duty on the 'richmond' as soon as she gets in." "oh!" collins' face brightened. "here's your appointment," added steve, handing over a document with the imprint of the steamship company at its head. collins read it through, changed color then stared at steve. "is this some kind of a joke you're playing on me?" "it is no joke, gus. you are appointed foreman of the stoke-room of the ore carrier 'richmond,' and you'll save more coal for the company than any other stoker who ever bossed a fire-room." collins sat down heavily. the tears were blinding his eyes. steve did not try to stop them. he realized that they marked the turning point in what had been a hard life, a life that had bidden fair to be wholly wrecked in the name of justice. but what steve rush in his unselfishness did not realize, was that he had saved a human soul. the interview with mr. carrhart took place that afternoon. "yes, sir; i think i have a few suggestions to make," answered steve in reply to a question from the president. "but first i should like to ask some questions of you." "proceed." steve asked the average cost of operating the ships of the fleet per month; what the ships earned by carrying coal for other concerns on the return trips, together with a number of other shrewd and pointed questions. all of these mr. carrhart answered freely, knowing that the boy's reasons for asking them were in the interest of his investigations. rush made some rapid calculations on a pad on the president's desk. "you have some two hundred ships in the line, i believe, sir?" "yes; two hundred and ten." "would it be any saving if you could save an hour in the unloading of these ships--two hundred and ten hours, in other words, every time the whole fleet made a trip down the lakes?" "well, i should say it would." "that is easy." "explain." "simply put on an extra unloader for each dock, so that both may work at the same time." mr. carrhart considered. he, too, made some calculations. "yes, that is an excellent suggestion. it will mark a very great saving in the transportation cost. candidly, the idea never occurred to me. you have earned your salary for one year at least," added the president with an indulgent smile. "i felt sure you would dig up something of value to us, to say nothing of the value the experience would be to you." "i'm not through yet," laughed the iron boy. "i'm going to show you how you can save something like thirty thousand dollars a year more on the carrying proposition." "why, rush, you amaze me. it cannot be possible, after figuring down all transportations the way the experts of this company have done and been doing for years." "the old saying is to the effect that figures never lie. perhaps mine do. if so, you will be able to discover the untruth at once." "may i ask how you propose to work this great saving?" asked the president good-naturedly. "send your boats back light." "send them back light?" "yes, sir; in water ballast." "but, my boy, don't you understand that it will mean the loss of a lot of money to do that? the ships earn a great many thousands of dollars a year by carrying freight for pay on the return trips." "yes, sir; i understand that. their cargo is mostly coal, is it not?" "it is." "for ports all along the great lakes?" "certainly." "and through carrying this coal your ships lose from a week to ten days and some times two weeks' on every round trip." "how do you know this?" interrupted mr. carrhart. "i have asked questions," smiled steve. "call it a week's loss of time on each trip. do you know what that means?" "i begin to see," answered the president reflectively. "it means that every time your fleet makes a round trip, carrying coal back with them, the company loses their services to the enormous total of two hundred and ten weeks, more than four years, mr. carrhart. if you will glance over these figures of mine you will observe that, by this method, the company is losing about the figure stated by me a few minutes ago, over and above what you get in freights for carrying the coal." the president made a few brief calculations. he went over his figures and steve's several times, his forehead corrugated with deep wrinkles as he did so. at last mr. carrhart glanced up, gazing steadily at the slightly flushed face of the iron boy. "rush you are a very remarkable young man," he said. "of course, i knew that before, but what i did not know was that you had a head for finance, such as you have just demonstrated. this is really a most remarkable showing. i shall bring it before the board at the next meeting. there is no doubt about your suggestions being adopted. i think it will come in the nature of a revelation to the board. my boy, i am proud of you. i can't tell you how proud i am, especially so because i picked you out, feeling from the first that you would prove a winner." "thank you, sir." "and, in this connection, i received a long letter from captain simms from cleveland yesterday. he made certain suggestions regarding yourself and your friend jarvis, which it gives me great pleasure to act upon. you have been appointed second mate of the steamer 'richmond'; jarvis, first wheelman. you will be called upon to pass a government examination for a license, which you will take to-morrow morning. you will have no difficulty about it, if you are as good a navigator as captain simms says you are, and i have no doubt you are. if you remain on the lakes we'll be making a captain of you some of these days. however, i have an idea you do not intend to be a sailor." "no, sir, not permanently." * * * * * and so steve rush began as a watch officer on the great lakes. he proved that the confidence of his superiors was not misplaced, and for the rest of the season he remained on the "richmond," distinguishing himself in many ways. gus collins, with his fresh start in life, had dropped his hang-dog expression. when he talked to a man, now, he looked that man squarely in the eye, and from the moment of his return to the ship he was a daily worshipper at the shrine of steve rush. at the close of the season steve found the foreman a place with a manufacturing firm, with the help of a letter from captain simms. then, bidding good-bye to their friends, the lads gathered up their dunnage and went home for a few weeks' rest before taking up the new life that they had about decided upon. what happened to them in their new calling will be related in detail in a following volume entitled, "the iron boys in the steel mills; or, beginning anew in the cinder pits." in the great steel mills the boys were to work among the roaring furnaces, the swiftly moving cranes and the moulding mills, where the metal that they had helped to mine ran in rivers that turned into gold. there the boys were to be called upon to face death many times, and in many forms, as they toiled among the rough men of the mills and laughed at the thousand and one perils of their new life. the end. * * * * * transcriber's note obvious spelling and punctuation errors have been corrected, missing words have been added. the advertisement of the boys of steel series contains the numbering as presented in the book. differing spellings used throughtout the book for: life boat, lifeboat and life-boat light-house, lighthouse layoff, lay-off hatch cover, hatch-cover are retained as used by the author * * * * * henry altemus company's catalogue of the best and least expensive books for real boys and girls * * * * * really good and new stories for boys and girls are not plentiful. many stories, too, are so highly improbable as to bring a grin of derision to the young reader's face before he has gone far. the name of altemus is a distinctive brand on the cover of a book, always ensuring the buyer of having a book that is up-to-date and fine throughout. no buyer of an altemus book is ever disappointed. many are the claims made as to the inexpensiveness of books. go into any bookstore and ask for an altemus book. compare the price charged you for altemus books with the price demanded for other juvenile books. you will at once discover that a given outlay of money will buy more of the altemus books than of those published by other houses. every dealer in books carries the altemus books. * * * * * sold by all booksellers or sent postpaid on receipt of price henry altemus company 507-513 cherry street, philadelphia the motor boat club series by h. irving hancock the keynote of these books is manliness. the stories are wonderfully entertaining, and they are at the same time sound and wholesome, no boy will willingly lay down an unfinished book in this series. 1 the motor boat club of the kennebec; 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[illustration: barlow cumberland] a century of sail and steam on the niagara river by barlow cumberland toronto: the musson book company limited copyrighted in canada 1913 publishers' note. although the book is published about two months after the author's death, it will be gratifying to many readers to know that all the final proofs were passed by mr. cumberland himself. therefore the volume in detail has the author's complete sanction. we have added to the illustrations a portrait of the author. foreword. this narrative is not, nor does it purport to be one of general navigation upon lake ontario, but solely of the vessels and steamers which plyed during its century to the ports of the niagara river, and particularly of the rise of the niagara navigation co., to which it is largely devoted. considerable detail has, however been given to the history of the steamers "frontenac" and "ontario" because the latter has hitherto been reported to have been the first to be launched, and the credit of being the first to introduce steam navigation upon lake ontario has erroneously been given to the american shipping. successive eras of trading on the river tell of strenuous competitions. sail is overpassed by steam. the new method of propulsion wins for this water route the supremacy of passenger travel, rising to a splendid climax when the application of steam to transportation on land and the introduction of railways brought such decadence to the river that all its steamers but one had disappeared. the transfer of the second "city of toronto" and of steamboating investment from the niagara river to the undeveloped routes of the upper lakes leads to a diversion of the narration as bringing the initiation of another era on the niagara river and explaining how the steamer, which formed its centre, came to be brought to the river service. the closing 35 years of the century form the era of the niagara navigation co., in which the period of decadence was converted into one of intense activity and splendid success. our steam boating coterie had been promised by mr. chas. gildersleeve, general manager of the richelieu & ontario navigation co., that he would write up the navigation history of the lake ontario and st. lawrence river sections upon which he and his forbears had been foremost leaders. unfortunately he passed away somewhat suddenly, before being able to do this, and they pressed upon me to produce the niagara section which had been alloted to myself. the narration has been completed during the intervals between serious illness and is sent out in fulfilment of a promise, but yet in hope that it may be found acceptable to transportation men and with its local historical notes interesting to the travelling public. thanks are given to mr. j. ross robertson, for the reproduction of some cuts of early steamers, and particularly to mr. frederick j. shepard, of the buffalo public library, who has been invaluable in tracing up and confirming data in the united states. dr. a. g. dougaty, c.m.g., archivist of canada, mr. frank severance, of the buffalo historical society, and mr. locke, public librarian, toronto, have been good enough to give much assistance which is warmly acknowledged. barlow cumberland. dunain, port hope. a century of sail and steam on the niagara river. chap. i.--the first eras of canoe and sail 9 chap. ii.--the first steamboats on the river and lake ontario 17 chap. iii.--more steamboats and early water routes. the river the centre of through travel east and west. 25 chap. iv.--expansion and decline of traffic on the river. a final flash, and a move to the north 36 chap. v.--on the upper lakes with the wolseley expedition and lord dufferin 47 chap. vi.--a novel idea and a new venture. buffalo in sailing ship days. a risky passage 58 chap. vii.--down through the welland. the miseries of horse-towing times. port dalhousie and a lake veteran. the problem solved. toronto at last 68 chap. viii.--the niagara portal. old times and old names at newark and niagara. a winter of changes. a new rivalry begun 80 chap. ix.--the first season of the niagara navigation company. a hot competition. steamboat manoeuvres 94 chap. x.--change partners rate-cutting and racing. hanlan and toronto waterside. passenger limitation introduced 109 chap. xi.--niagara camps formed. more changes and competition. beginnings of railroads in new york state. early passenger men and ways 119 chap. xii.--first railways to lewiston. expansion required. the renown of the let-her-b. a critic of plimsoll 134 chap. xiii.--winter and whisky in scotland. rail arrives at lewiston dock. how _cibola_ got her name. on the u. e. loyalist route. _ongiara_ added 143 chap. xiv.--running the blockade on the let-her-b. as told by her captain-owner 156 chap. xv.--the canadian electric railway to queenston. an old portage route revived. the trek to the western states. _chippewa_ arrives. railway chief 165 chap. xvi.--_cibola_ goes, _corona_ comes. the gorge electric railway opens to lewiston. how the falls cut their way back through the rocks. royal visitors. the decisiveness of israel tarte. 178 chap. xvii.--_cayuga_ adds her name. niagara and hamilton rejoined. ice jams on the river. the niagara ferry completed. once more the united management from "niagara to the sea" 189 index. a. _accommodation_, steamer 17 advertising, n. y. c. 175 _alaska_, s.s. 145 _alberta_, steamer 121 albany northern railroad 42 _alciope_, steamer 29 _algoma_, steamer 35, 44, 121 algoma, qualifications of electors 46 american civil war 43 american colonists under james ii 81 american constitution compared 47 american express line 37 american prisoners from queenston heights 14 _arabian_, steamer 37 _armenia_, steamer 126 _asia_, steamer 78 _assiniboia_, steamer 121 b. barre, chevalier de la 81 barrie, r. n., commodore 29, 30 baldwin, dr. 15 bankruptcy of steamers on river 43 _bay state_, steamer 37, 105 baxter, alderman john 152 beatty, jas, jr., mayor 114 bell, mr. david 64 benson, judge 33 benson, capt 33 blockade-running 160 bolton, col. r. e. 48 book tickets introduced 132 boswell, a. r 114 bouchette, commodore 13 bowes, mayor j. g. 38 boynton, capt. george b. 156 brampton, mills 42 _britannia_, steamer 33 brock, general 15, 33, 169 brock's monument, imitation of 33 _brooklyn_, steamer 48 bruce mines 44 buffalo & niagara falls railroad 31 buffalo dry dock co. 63 buffalo in sailing days 64 buffalo & niagara falls _burlington_, steamer 32 butler, col. 84 butlersberg begun 84 c. callaway, w. r. 123 _caldwell_, warships 13 _caledonia_, schooner 15 caledonian society 97 caledonian s. s. co. 140 _canada_, steamer 26, 28 canadian through line 37 canadian constitution compared 47 canada coasting law suspended 49 canada railway news co. 93 canadian pacific railway terminals 51 _campana_, steamer 120 campbell, capt. alexander, selects queenston portage 170 _captain conn's coffin_, schooner 14 captain, position of, high importance 27 cannochan, miss janet 119 _cataract_, steamer 37, 105 cayuga creek 10 cayuga, 112 ways of spelling 189 _cayuga_, steamer, launched, speed trials 190 century, the close of a 198 _campion_, steamer 37 charleston, s. c. 159 charles ii. adventurers 45 _chicora_, steamer- with woolesly 47 history name 148 renown 138 _chicora_, steamer, decision to build partner 136 _chief justice robinson_, steamer 34, 39, 41 chief deseronto 152 chief brant 152 chippawa river 9 _chippewa, steamer_- name 173 launched 174 _cibola_, steamer- burned 17 built 145 history of name 148 _city of toronto_, 1st steamer 25 _city of toronto_, 2nd steamer 35 rebuilt as algoma 44 transferred to upper lakes 45 _city of toronto_, 3rd steamer 35 goes ashore 123 burned 125 _clermont_, steamer 17 collingwood-lake superior line 109 _columba_, steamer 141 _commodore barrie_, steamer 30 connaught, h.r.h. duke of 51 conn, capt. 14 _corona_, steamer- named 179 launched 179 cornell, mr. george 89, 102 cross raised at fort niagara 81 cross raised at quebec by cartier 81 cumberland, col. f. w., m.p. 48, 49, 53, 62, 78, 121 cumberland, barlow-61, 109, 120, 172, 198 cumberland, mrs. seraphina 122 cumberland, miss mildred-174, 179 cumberland, miss constance 150 _cumberland_, steamer 63 currie, james c. neil 36 d. daniels, geo. h. 176 dawson road 44, 48 dennis, joseph 14, 26 denison, lt.-col. robert 154 denonville, marquis de 82 demary, j. g. 73 dick, capt. thomas 30, 44 dick, capt. jas. 44 doctors prescribe niagara line 132 docks purchased- queenston 91 youngstown 166 niagara-on-lake 181 lewiston 191 toronto 195 dongan, col. thomas 81 donaldson, capt. william 110 don francesco de chicora 149 dorchester, lord 13 dorchester, lady 13 _dove_, schooner 14 _dragon_, h. m. s. 30 dufferin, lord 52 tour through upper lakes 53 dufferin, countess of 54 _duke of richmond_, packet 15 duke and duchess of york 183 dunbarton, scotland 38 e. early steamer routes and rates 23, 24, 29, 31, 32, 134 early passenger schedules- albany and bugalo 128 early passenger agents 131 early closing movement 185 eckford, david 18 electrical traction, infancy of 167 _emerald_, steamer 32 _empress of india_, steamer-114, 126 engineer corps of u. s. a. 193 erie canal 36, 40 erie & ontario railway 38 ernestown 18 esquesing, mills 42 estes, capt. andrew 28 evolution of the niagara gorge 180 exclusive rights for navigation by steam 18 excursion, queen's birthday 94 expansion of niagara navigation co. 194 exposition, buffalo 182 f. fast time to niagara 26-31 _filgate_, steamer 114 finkle's point 18, 19, 25 first vessel on lake erie 10 first navies on lake ontario 17 first company to build steamer for lake ontario 17 first steamer on lake u & first steamer on hudson river 17 first steamer on st. lawrence 17 first steamer on lake ontario 19 first steamers on lake ontario, dimensions of 22 first board of directors n. n. co. 197 first steamer to run the rapids 121 first niagara camp 119 first twin-screw steamer on upper lakes 121 first canoe route to upper lakes 9, 45 first name of niagara 155 first iron steamers 36 first railroads in new york state 127 first sleeping cars 129 first electric railway to niagara river 167 first u. e. loyalists 153 first suspension bridge over niagara 171 flour rates (1855) to new york 41 flour via lewiston to montreal 42 folger, mr. b. w. 186 fort william 45 fort garry 44 fort george 83, 120 fort york--toronto 154 fort missasauga 80 fort niagara, contests for possession of 12 fort niagara- established by french 81 evacuated 83 captured by british 83 never captured 3 americans 83 formalities on early steamers 26 four track series 176 foy, hon. j. j. 184, 198 foy, john 62, 109, 132, 188 foy, mr. a. 150 foy, miss clara 179 french river 9, 45 french pioneers, trail of 11 french encompass british 12 friendly hand excursions 100 frontenac, count 10 _frontenac_, steamer, commenced 23, 24, 28 frontenac lake 12 frontier house, lewiston 146 fulton, robert 17 g. gallinee, pere 81 gibraltar, point 14 gilbert, abner 84 gildersleeve family record 15 gildersleeve, h. 25 _gildersleeve_, steamer 33 gilkison, robert 30, 31 glasgow, winter in 143 gordon, l. b., purser peerless 41, 136 _gore_, steamer 30 gorge electric railway 179 _governor simcoe_, schooner 13 grand trunk railway, opened 42 _great britain_, steamer 29 great western railway 42, 60 great trek to western states 171 _griffon_, sloop 10, 81 grimsby 32 gunn, j. w. 37 gzowski, mr. casimir 64 h. hall, capt. 76 hamilton, hon. robert 25, 29, 170 hamilton, hon. john 29, 36 hamilton steamboat co. purchased 114 hanlan, edward, reception of 114 harbottle, capt. thomas 36, 92 harbour regulations, toronto, 1851 37-38 _hastings_, steamer 150 hayter, mr. ross 152 head of navigation portages 170 hendrie, geo. h. 173 hendrie, hon. j. s. 197 hendrie, william 173 hennepin, father 10 heron, capt. 34 _highlander_, steamer 37 historical society, buffalo 20 horse canalling through welland 68 hudson river railroad 41 hudson's bay fort 50 i. ice jams on river 191-194 irea, a novel 59 immigrants by chippawa river 171 indiana excursions 99 interest, points of 101 iroquois cap 11 irwin, c. w. 88 isle royale 11, 63 israel tarte's decisiveness 184 j. _j. t. robb_, tug 62 _jean baptiste_, steamer 114 johnson, sir william 12, 83 jonquiere 83 k. kaministiqua river 45 _kathleen_, steamer 150 kendrick, mr. d. m. 175 kent, h. r. h. duke of 13 kerr, capt. robert 32, 87 kingston gazette 19 kingston dockyard 29 kirby, mr. frank 173 l. la salle 10 _lady dorchester_, schooner 13 _lady washington_, schooner 13 _lahn_, s.s. 138 lake superior 44 lake ontario steamboat co. 20 lake nipissing 81 leach, capt. thomas 43, 62, 125 leach, alexander 62, 103 legislature, provincial 46 lewiston 12, 20, 89 lewiston, railway development 134 liancourt, duke de 85 ligneris 12 limitation of passengers 116-118 _limnale_, warship 13 livingston 18 long point bay 14 _lord of the isles_, steamer 141 lunt, mr. r. c. 88, 110, 111, 118 lusher 19 m. mackinac 57 macdonald, bruce 198 macklem, oliver t. 38 _magnet_, steamer 37 _maid of the mist_, steamer 121 maitland, lady 26 maitland, sir peregrine 26 mallahy, u. s. n. capt. francis 22 manchester 31 manitoulin island 44 manson, capt. william 62, 70, 78 _maple leaf_, steamer 37 marine dept., united states 63 marine insurance anomalies 66 mariner, an ancient 73 marks, thomas 51 _martha ogden_, steamer 20, 28, 29 matthews, w. d. 198 maude, john 85 _maxwell_, steamer 114 _mayflower_, steamer 37 mcbride, r. h. 62, 78, 198 mccorquodale, capt. 130, 152, 187 mcgiffin, capt. 152, 180 mckenzie, r.n. capt. james 23, 29 mclean, capt. 48 mclure, general, retreats from newark 86 mcnab, capt. 56 meeker, mr. c. b. 127 mellish, john 85 milloy, capt. duncan 38, 43 milloy, n. & co. 47 milloy estate, arrangements with 87 milloy, donald 88, 110, 122 milloy, capt. wm. assumes control 122 _minerva_, packet 15 missassag river 45 mississippi river 11 _mohawk_, sloop 13 _moira_, warship 15 molson, hon. john 17 monett, mr. henry 175 moore, george, chief engineer 93 morton, mr. robert 142 mowats dock 124 murdock, william 51 muir's dry dock 59 muir, mr. w. k. 60 muir, capt. d. 72 mull, y. cantire 144 murney, captain 15 murphy, steve 130 myers, capt. 14 n. names for steamers, why chosen 147, 155, 173, 179, 188 navigation, upper lakes, permitive 52 navy hall 13, 120 nepigon river 45 newark 84 seat of government, burned by americans, rises from ashes 85, 86 new orleans 11 _new era_, steamer 37 new york central railway 40, 127, 128, 172 new york to buffalo in 1847 172 niagara river, gateway of west 11-12 niagara river steamers in 1826 28 _niagara_, steamer 28, 29 niagara navigation co.- formed 61 first directors 61-62 niagara dock co. 30 niagara falls & ontario railway 40 niagara escarpment, view from 70, 168 niagara-on-the-lake 80 niagara portal 80 niagara-on-lake, changes in name 86 niagara river line 95 niagara dock 104 niagara historical society 119 niagara line, final supremacy 126 niagara falls & ontario r. k. 135 niagara river navigation co., u. s. a. 166 niagara falls park and river railway 167 niagara to the sea 196-197 niles weekly register 20, 21 north-west company 13 _northerner_, steamer 37 notable day (1840) on river 33 notable passages to niagara 187 o. oakville, mills 42 oakville church 95 oates, commander edward 16 observation cars 151 ogdensburgh 29 ohio river 11 onandaga salt wells 35 _ongiara_, steamer 155 _ontario_, steamer- commenced 14 launched 21, 22, 24 ontario steamboat co. 19, 20 _orion_, schooner 49 orr, capt. james c. 55 osler, mr. e. b. 173, 188, 198 osler, f. gordon 198 osler, miss niary 174 oskwego lake 9 _ottawa_, steamer 30 ottawa river 9 _ozone_, steamer 141 p. _pandora_, schooner 49 parry sound 53, 56 parry, w. h. 177 _passport_, steamer 36 _peerless_, steamer 38 pellatt, c.v.o., sir henry 198 penobscot, maine 30 phelan, t. p. 93 pioneers of france 11 plimsoll's legislation 139 point aux pins 48 point ahina 67 pollard, capt. & adjt. 119 port dalhousie 32, 72 port colborne 62, 63 port credit, mills 42 port arthur 51 pouchot 12 _powhatan_, warship, u. s. 158 _prince edward_, sloop 13 prince arthur's landing 50 origin of name 51 prince arthur of connaught 51 presquile 11, 14 puchot, capt. 83 q. quebec 12 quebec gazette 20 queenston heights 10 queenston heights, battle of 169 _queenston_, steamer 25, 28, 29 _queen victoria_, steamer 30, 32 queen anne, communion service 152 queen victoria niagara park 151 _queen charlotte_, steamer 25 _queen city_, steamer 42 quinte, bay of 18 r. racing, protest against 111 rainy river 11 rankin, blackmore & co. 142 rathbun, e. w. 145, 151 _red jacket_, steamer 31 red river 45 _reindeer_, schooner 14 richards, mr. e. j. 129 richardson, capt. james 14 richardson, capt. hugh 26, 37 richardson, capt. hugh, jr. 34 riel rebellion 47 _rochester_, steamer 35 _rothsay castle_, steamer 43 _rothesay_, steamer 88, 92, 118 rouge river 26 route hudson bay & north-west co. 45 royal mail line 37,196 ruggles, a. w. 177 running the blockade on the "let her b" 156 _rupert_, steamer 125 russell, governor 85 s. sackett's harbour 18 sailing era closed 16 salter, rev. g. 172 sault canal 48 scott, general winfield 15 second canoe route to upper lakes 11 _seneca_, warship 13 _shickluna_, steamer 49 shipbuilding at niagara 30-38 _simcoe_, sloop 14 simcoe, lieut.-gov. 84, 85 sinclair, capt. james 30 six nation indians 152 smith, hon. frank, afterward sir 61, 78, 92, 109, 183 smyth, charles 18, 20 solmes, w. h., capt. 67 sorel 78 _southern belle_, steamer 43, 59 _speedy_, schooner 14 st. clair lake 10, 11 st. louis 11 _st. nicholas_, steamer 42 st. catharines 32, 60, 71 st. catharines & toronto line 126 stages to lewiston 25, 171 steamboating era begins 17 stoney point 29 sutherland, capt. j. 37 sullivan, j. m. 197 sydenham, lord, gov.-genl. 33 t. teabout & chapman 18, 25 tea in canada 144 the old portage 168 through the last lock 74, 76 thunder bay 47 tillingharst, mr. 92 tinning's wharf 43 _toronto_, schooner 14 toronto citizens given to water sports 114 toronto field battery 119 tour, lord dufferin 53 towed across lake erie 66, 77 transfer coaches at lewiston 146 _transit_, steamer 30, 34 _traveller_, steamer 30 trickett, edward 114 troyes, pierre de 82 _turbinia_, steamer competes 190 twohey, capt. h. 36 u. underwood, mr. 177 _united kingdom_, steamer 29 _united states_, steamer 30 v. van cleve, capt. 20, 21, 28, 29, 146 vancouver 30 vanderbilt, commodore 127 _victoria_, steamer 31 vrooman's bay 105 w. wabash district 99 washago, laying corner stone 53-54 wauhuno channel 56 _waubuno_, steamer 56, 57 weather bureau, united states 65 weekes, e. j. 176 welland canal 58, 60, 68 western railroad 41 west niagara 84 whalen, j., foreman 145 where the falls once were 181 whiskey in scotland 144 white, w. 136 whitehead, m. f. 15 whitney, capt. joseph 29 _william iv._, steamer 30, 31 wilson, joseph 49 winter mail services 34, 39, 40, 42 wolseley expedition 47 american obstacles to 50 wolseley, col. garnet 50 names prince arthur's landing 51 woodward, m. d. 60 wyatt, capt. thomas 88 y. _york_, schooner 13 york 37, 85 youngstown 28, 29, 135 z. _zimmerman_, steamer 38 [illustration: queenstown. the niagara river from queenston heights. (page 169) lewiston.] a century of sail and steam on the niagara river chapter i. the first eras of canoe and sail. since ever the changes of season have come, when grasses grow green, and open waters flow, the courses of the niagara river, above and below the great falls, have been the central route, for voyaging between the far inland countries on this continent, and the waters of the atlantic shores. here the indian of prehistoric days, unmolested by the intruding white, roamed at will in migration from one of his hunting-grounds to another, making his portage and passing in his canoe between lake erie and lake oskwego (ontario). in later days, when the french had established themselves at quebec and montreal, access to lake huron and the upper lakes was at first sought by their voyageurs along the nearer route of the ottawa and french rivers, a route involving many difficulties in surmounting rapids, heavy labour on numberless portages, and exceeding delay. information had filtered down gradually through indian sources of the existence of this niagara river route, on which there was but one portage of but fourteen miles to be passed from lake to lake, and only nine miles if the canoes entered the water again at the little river (chippawa) above the falls. on learning the fact the french turned their attention to this new waterway, but for many a weary decade were unable to establish themselves upon it. in 1678 father hennepin, with an expedition sent out by sieur la salle sailed from cataraqui (kingston) to the niagara river, the name "hennepin rock" having come down in tradition as a reminiscence of their first landing below what is now queenston heights. passing over the "carrying place," they reached lake erie. here, at the outlet of the cayuga creek, on the south shore, they built a small two-masted vessel rigged with equipment which they brought up for the purpose from cataraqui, in the following year. this vessel, launched in 1679, and named the "griffon" in recognition of the crest on the coat of arms of count frontenac, the governor of canada, was the first vessel built by europeans to sail upon the upper waters. in size she so much exceeded that of any of their own craft, with her white sails billowing like an apparition, and of novel and unusual appearance, that intensest excitement was created among the indian tribes as she passed along their shores. her life was brief, and the history of her movements scanty; the report being that after sailing through lake st. clair she reached michilimakinac and green bay, on lake michigan, but passed out of sight on lake huron on the return journey, and was never heard of afterwards. tiny though this vessel was and sailing slow upon the upper lakes, yet a great epoch had been opened up, for she was the progenitor of all the myriad ships which ply upon these waters at the present day. it was the entrance of the white man, with his consuming trade energy, into the red man's realm, the death knell of the indian race. with greatly increased frequency of travelling and the more bulky requirements of freightage this "one portage" route was more increasingly sought, and as the result of their voyagings these early french pioneers have marked their names along the waterways as ever remaining records of their prowess--such as presquile (almost an island); detroit (the narrow place); lac sainte clair; sault ste marie (rapids of st. mary river); cap iroquois; isle royale; rainy river (after renã© de varennes); duluth (after sieur du luth, of montreal); fond du lac (head of lake superior). from here mounting up the st. croix river, seeking the expansion of that new france to whose glory they so ungrudgingly devoted their lives, these intrepid adventurers reached over to the mississippi, and sweeping down its waters still further marked their way at st. louis (after their king) and new orleans (after his capital), annexing all the adjacent territories to their sovereign's domains. the niagara river route then became the motive centre of a mighty circum-vallation by which the early french encompassed within its circle the english colonies then skirting along the atlantic. what a magnificent conception it was of these intrepid french to envelope the british settlements and strengthened by alliances with the indian tribes and fortified by a line of outposts established along the routes of the ohio and the mississippi, to hem their competitors in from expansion to the great interior country of the centre and the west. standing astride the continent with one foot on the gulf of st. lawrence, at quebec, and the other at new orleans, on the gulf of mexico, the interior lines of commerce and of trade were in their hands. they hoped that canada, their new france, on this side of the ocean, was to absorb all the continent excepting the colonies along the shores of the sea. so matters remained for a century. meanwhile the english colonies had expanded to the south shores of the lakes oswego and frontenac, and in 1758 we read of an english navy of eight schooners and three brigs sailing on lake ontario under the red cross of st. george and manned by sailors of the colonies. in 1759, came the great struggle for the possession of the st. lawrence and connecting lines of the waterways. fort niagara, whose large central stone "castle," built in 1726, still remains, passed from the french under pouchot, to the british under sir william johnson; a great flotilla of canoes conveying the indian warriors under ligneris to the aid of the fort, had come down from the upper lakes, to the niagara river, but upon it being proved to them that they were too late, for the fort had fallen, they re-entered their canoes and re-traced their way up the rivers back to their western homes. next followed the fall of quebec, and with the cession of montreal in 1760 the "new france" of old from the st. lawrence to the mexican gulf became merged in the "new england" of british canada. the control of the great central waterway, of which this niagara river was the gateway, had passed into other hands. for another fifty years only sailing vessels navigated the lakes to niagara, and these, and batteaux, pushed along the shores and up the river by poles, made their way to the foot of the rapids at lewiston with difficulty. these vessels were mainly small schooners with some cabin accommodation. after the cession of canada, by the french, the british government began the establishment of a small navy on lake ontario. an official return called for by lord dorchester, governor-general of canada, gives the government vessels as being in 1787, _limnale_, 220 tons, 10 guns. _seneca_, 130 tons, 18 guns. _caldwell_, 37 tons, 2 guns, and two schooners of 100 tons each being built. as there was at that time but one merchant vessel, the schooner _lady dorchester_, 80 tons, sailing on the lake, and a few smaller craft the property of settlers, transport for passengers between the principal ports was mainly afforded by the government vessels. as an instance of their voyaging may be given that of _h.m.s. caldwell_, which in 1793, carrying lady dorchester, the wife of the governor-general, is reported to have made "an agreeable passage of thirty-six hours from kingston to niagara." in this same year h.r.h. the duke of kent [afterwards father of her majesty queen victoria] is reported as having proceeded from kingston up lake ontario to navy hall on the niagara river in the king's ship _mohawk_ commanded by commodore bouchette. further additions to the merchant schooners were the _york_, built on the niagara river in 1792, and the _governor simcoe_, in 1797, for the north-west company's use in their trading services on lake ontario. another reported in 1797--the _washington_--built at erie, pa., was bought by canadians, portaged around the falls and run on the british register from queenston to kingston as the _lady washington_. the forests of those days existed in all their primeval condition, so that the choicest woods were used in the construction of the vessels. we read in 1798 of the _prince edward_, built of red cedar, under captain murney of belleville, and capable of carrying seven hundred barrels of flour, and of another "good sloop" upon the stocks at long point bay, near kingston, being built of black walnut. a schooner, "the toronto," built in 1799, a little way up the humber, by mr. joseph dennis, is described as "one of the handsomest vessels, and bids fair to be the swiftest sailing vessel on the lake, and is admirably calculated for the reception of passengers." this vessel, often mentioned as "the toronto yacht," was evidently a great favorite, being patronized by the lieutenant-governor and the archbishop, and after a successful and appreciated career, finished her course abruptly by going ashore on gibraltar point in 1811. the loss of the government schooner _speedy_ was one of the tragic events of the times. the judge of the district court, the solicitor general and several lawyers who were proceeding from york to hold the assizes in the newcastle district, together with the high constable of york, and an indian prisoner whom they were to try for murder, were all lost when the vessel foundered off presquile in an exceptional gale on 7th october, 1804. two sailing vessels, the schooners _dove_ and the _reindeer_, (capt. myers) are reported in 1809 as plying between york and niagara. a third, commanded by capt. conn, is mentioned by caniff, but no name has come down of this vessel, but only her nickname of "_captain conn's coffin_." this _j'eu d'esprit_ may have been due to some peculiarity in her shape, but as no disaster is reported as having occurred to her she may have been more seaworthy than the nickname would have indicated. of other events of sailing vessels was the memorable trip from queenston to york in october, 1812, of the sloop _simcoe_, owned and commended by capt. james richardson. after the battle of queenston heights, on october 13th, she had been laden with american prisoners, among them general winfield scott, afterwards the conqueror in mexico, to be forwarded at once to kingston. the _moira_ of the royal navy was then lying off the port of york and on her mr. richardson, a son of the captain, was serving as sailing master. as the _simcoe_ approached she was recognized by young richardson, who, putting off in a small boat, met her out in the lake and was much surprised at seeing the crowded state of her decks and at the equipment of his father, who, somewhat unusually for him, was wearing a sword. the first words from the ship brought great joy--a great battle had been fought on queenston heights--the enemy had been beaten. the _simcoe_ was full of prisoners of war to be transported at once to the _moira_ for conveyance to kingston. then came the mournful statement, "general brock has been killed." the rapture of victory was overwhelmed by the sense of irreparable loss. in such way was the sad news carried in those sailing days to york. the _minerva_, "packet," owner and built by henry gildersleeve, at finkle's point in 1817, held high repute. richard gildersleeve emigrated from hertfordshire, england, in 1635, and settled in connecticut. his great-great-grandson, obadiah, established a successful shipbuilding yard at "gildersleeve," conn. henry gildersleeve, his grandson, here learned his business and coming to finkle's point in 1816 assisted on the _frontenac_, and continuing in shipbuilding, married mrs. finkle. when _minerva_ arrived at kingston she was declared by capt. murray, r.n., to be in her construction and lines the best yet turned out, as she proved when plying as a "packet" between toronto and niagara. many sailing vessels meeting with varying success, were plying between all the ports on the lake. the voyages were not always of the speediest. "the caledonia," schooner, is reported to have taken six days from prescott to york. mr. m. f. whitehead, of port hope, crossed from niagara to york in 1818, the passage occupying two and a half days. in a letter of his describing the trip he enters:--"fortunately, dr. baldwin had thoughtfully provided a leg of lamb, a loaf of bread, and a bottle of porter; all our fare for the two days and a half." these vessels seem to have sailed somewhat intermittently, but regular connection on every other day with the niagara river was established by "the duke of richmond" packet, a sloop of one hundred tons built at york in 1820, under commander edward oates. his advertisements announced her to "leave york monday, wednesday and friday at 9 a.m. leave niagara on tuesday, thursday and saturday at 10 a.m., between july and september," after that "according to notice." the rates of passage were:--"after cabin ten shillings; fore cabin 6s. 6.; sixty lbs. of baggage allowed for each passenger, but over that 9d. per cwt. or 2s. per barrel bulk." the standard of measurement was a homely one, but no doubt well understood at that time, and easily ascertained. in the expansion of the size of ladies' trunks in these present days it is not beyond possibility that a measurement system such as used in the early part of the last century might not be inadvisable. the reports of the "packet" describe her as being comfortable and weatherly, and very regular in keeping up her time-table. she performed her services successfully on the route until 1823, when she succumbed to the competition of the steamboats which had shortly before been introduced. with the introduction upon the lakes of this new method of propulsion the carrying of passengers on sailing vessels quickly ceased. chapter ii. the first steamboats on lake ontario and the niagara river. the era of steamboating had now arrived. the _clermont_, built by robert fulton, and furnished with english engines by boulton & watts, of birmingham, had made her first trip on the hudson from new york to albany in august, 1807, and was afterwards continuing to run on the river. in 1809 the _accommodation_, built by the hon. john molson at montreal, and fitted with engines made in that city, was running successfully between montreal and quebec, being the first steamer on the st. lawrence and in canada. the experience of both of these vessels had shown that the new system of propulsion of vessels by steam power was commercially profitable, and as it had been proved successful upon the river water, it was but reasonable that its application to the more open waters of the lakes should next obtain consideration. the war of 1812 between great britain and the united states, accompanied by its constant invasions of canada, had interrupted any immediate expansion in steamboating enterprises. peace having been declared in february, 1815, the projects were immediately revived and in the spring of that year a british company was formed with shareholders in kingston, niagara, york, and prescott, to build a steamboat to ply on lake ontario. a site suitable for its construction was selected on the beaches on _finkle's point_, at _ernestown_, 18 miles up the lake from kingston, on one of the reaches of the bay of quinte. a contract was let to henry teabout and james chapman, two young men who had been foremen under david eckford, the master shipbuilder of new york, who during the war had constructed the warships for the united states government at its dockyard at sackett's harbor. construction was commenced at finkle's point in october, 1815, and with considerable delays caused in selection of the timbers, was continued during the winter. (canniff--settlement of upper canada). the steamer was launched with great eclat on 7th september, 1816, and named the _frontenac_, after the county of frontenac in which she had been built. a similar wave of enterprise had arisen also on the united states side and it becomes of much interest to search up the annals of over a hundred years ago and ascertain to which side of the lake is to be accorded the palm for placing the first steamboat on lake ontario. especially as opinions have varied on the subject, and owing to a statement made, as we shall find, erroneously, in a distant press the precedence has usually been given to an american steamer. the first record of the steamboat on the american side is an agreement dated january 2, 1816, executed between the robert fulton heirs and livingston, of clermont, granting to charles smyth and others an exclusive right to navigate boats and vessels by steam on lake ontario. these exclusive rights for the navigation on american waters "by steam or fire" had previously been granted to the fulton partnership by the legislature of the state of new york. the terms of the agreement set out that the grantees were to pay annually to the grantors one-half of all the net profits in excess of a dividend of 12 per cent. upon the investment. on the 16th of the next month a bill was passed in the legislature of new york incorporating the "ontario steamboat co.," but in consequence of the too early adjournment of the legislature did not become law. at this time, (february, 1816) the construction of the canadian boat at ernestown was well under way. by an assignment dated august 16th, 1816, lusher and others became partners with smyth, and as a result it is stated (hough--history of jefferson county, n.y.) "a boat was commenced at sackett's harbor the same summer." three weeks after the date of this commencing of the boat on the american side, or sackett's harbour, the frontenac, on the canadian side, was launched on the 7th september, 1816, at finkle's point. in the description of this launch of the _frontenac_ given in the september issue of the kingston gazette, the details of her size are stated. "length, 170 feet; beam, 32 feet; two paddle wheels with circumference about 40 feet. registered tonnage, 700 tons." further statements made are, "good judges have pronounced this to be the best piece of naval architecture of the kind yet produced in america." "the machinery for this valuable boat was imported from england and is said to be an excellent structure. it is expected that she will be finished and ready for use in a few weeks." having been launched with engines on board in early september the _frontenac_ then sailed down the lake from ernestown to kingston to lay up in the port. in another part of this same september issue of the kingston gazette an item is given: "a steamboat was lately launched at sackett's harbor." no name is given of the steamer, nor the date of the launch, but this item has been considered to have referred to the steamer named _ontario_, built at sackett's harbor and in consequence of its having apparently been launched first, precedence has been claimed for the united states vessel. this item, "_a steamboat was lately launched at sackett's harbor_," develops, on further search, to have first appeared as a paragraph under the reading chronicles in "niles weekly register," published far south in the united states at baltimore, maryland. from here it was copied verbatim as above by the kingston gazette, and afterwards by the quebec gazette of 26th sept., 1816. further enquiry, however, nearer the scene of construction indicates that an error had been made in the wording of the item, which had apparently been copied into the other papers without verification. in the library of the historical society at buffalo is deposited the manuscript diary of capt. van cleve, who sailed as clerk and as captain on the _martha ogden_, the next steamboat to be built at sackett's harbor six years after the _ontario_. in this he writes, "the construction of the _ontario_ was begun at sackett's harbor in august, 1816." he also gives a drawing, from which all subsequent illustrations of the _ontario_ have been taken. further information of the american steamer is given in an application for incorporation of the "lake ontario steam boat co." made in december, 1816, by charles smyth and others, of sackett's harbor, who stated in their petition that they had "lately constructed a steam boat at sackett's harbor"--"the navy department of the united states have generously delivered a sufficiency of timber for the construction of the vessel for a reasonable sum of money"--"the boat is now built"--"the cost so far exceeds the means which mercantile men can generally command that they are unable to build any further"--"the english in the province of upper canada have constructed a steam boat of seven hundred tons burthen avowedly for the purpose of engrossing the business on both sides of the lake." all this indicates that the american boat had not been launched and in december was still under construction. it is more reasonable to accept the statements of capt. van cleve and others close to the scene of operations rather than to base conclusions upon the single item in the publication issued at so far a distance and without definite details. it is quite evident that the item in niles register should have read "was lately _commenced_," instead of "was lately _launched_." the change of this one word would bring it into complete agreement with all the other evidences of the period and into accord with the facts. no absolute date for the launching of the _ontario_ or of the giving of her name has been ascertainable, but as she was not commenced until august it certainly could not have been until after that of the _frontenac_ on sept. 7th, 1816. the first boat launched was, therefore, on the canadian side. the movements of the steamers in the spring of 1817 are more easily traced. niles register, 29th march, 1817, notes, "the steamboat _ontario_ is prepared for the lake," and capt. van cleve says, "the first enrollment of the _ontario_ in the customs office was made on 11th april," and "she made her first trip in april." the data of the dimensions of the _ontario_ are recorded, being only about one-third the capacity of the _frontenac_, which would account for the shorter time in which she was constructed. the relative sizes were: capacity, length. beam. tons. _frontenac_ 170 32 700 _ontario_ 110 24 240 no drawing of the _frontenac_ is extant, but she has been described as having guards only at the paddle wheels, the hull painted black, and as having three masts, but no yards. the _ontario_ had two masts, as shown in the drawing by van cleve. no distinctive date is given for the first trip in april of the _ontario_, on which it is reported (beers history of the great lakes) "the waves lifted the paddle wheels off their bearings, tearing away the wooden coverings. after making the repairs the shaft was securely held in place." afterwards under the command of capt. francis mallaby, u. s. n., weekly trips between ogdensburgh and lewiston were attempted, but after this interruption by advertisement of 1st july, 1817, the time had to be extended to once in ten days. the speed of the steamer was found to seldom exceed five miles per hour. (history of jefferson county. hough). the _ontario_ ran for some years, but does not seem to have met with much success and, having gone out of commission, was broken up at oswego in 1832. in the spring of 1817 the first mention of the _frontenac_ is in kingston of her having moved over on 23rd may to the government dock at point frederick, "for putting in a suction pipe," the kingston gazette further describing that "she moved with majestic grandeur against a strong wind." on 30th may the gazette reports her as "leaving this port for the purpose of taking in wood at the bay quinte. a fresh breeze was blowing into the harbor against which she proceeded swiftly and steadily to the admiration of a great number of spectators. we congratulate the managers and proprietors of this elegant boat, upon the prospect she affords of facilitating the navigation of lake ontario in furnishing an expeditious and certain mode of conveyance to its various ports." it can well be imagined with what wonder the movements of this first steam-driven vessel were witnessed. in the kingston gazette of june 7, 1817, entry is made, "the _frontenac_ left this port on thursday, 5th, on her first trip for the head of the lake." the opening route of the _frontenac_, commanded by capt. james mckenzie, a retired officer of the royal navy, was between kingston and queenston, calling at york and niagara and other intermediate ports. the venture of a steamer plying on the open lakes, where the paddle wheels would be subjected to wave action, was a new one, so for the opening trips her captain announced, with the proverbial caution of a scotchman, that the calls at the ports would be made "_with as much punctuality as the nature of lake navigation will admit of_." later, the steamer, having proved her capacity by two round trips, the advertisements of june, 1817, state the time-table of the steamer as "leaving kingston for york on the 1st, 11th, and 23rd days," and "york for queenston on 3rd, 13th, and 25th days of each month, calling at all intermediate ports." "passenger fares, kingston to ernestown, 5s; prescott, â£1.10.0; newcastle, â£1.15.0; york and niagara, â£2.0.0; burlington, â£3.15.0; york to niagara, â£1.0.0." further excerpts are: "a book is kept for the entering of the names of the passengers and the berths which they choose, at which time the passage money must be paid." "gentlemen's servants cannot eat or sleep in the cabin." "deck passengers will pay fifteen shillings, and may either bring their own provisions or be furnished by the steward." "for each dog brought on board, five shillings." "all applications for passage to be made to capt. mckenzie on board." after having run regularly each season on lake ontario and the niagara river her career was closed in 1827 when, while on the niagara river, she was set on fire, it was said, by incendiaries, for whose discovery her owners, the messrs. hamilton, offered a reward of â£100, but without result. being seriously damaged, she was shortly afterwards broken up. such were the careers of the first two steamers which sailed upon lake ontario and the niagara river, and from the data it is apparent that the _frontenac_ on the british side was the first steamboat placed on lake ontario, and that the _ontario_, on the united states side, had been the first to make a trip up lake, having priority in this over her rival by perhaps a week or two, but not preceding her in the entering into and performance of a regular service. with them began the new method for travel, far exceeding in speed and facilities any previously existing, so that the stage lines and sailing vessels were quickly eliminated. this practical monopoly the steamers enjoyed for a period of fifty years, when their nemesis in turn arrived and the era of rail competition began. [illustration: the ontario. 1817. the second steamer on lake ontario. from the original drawing by capt. van cleve page 21] [illustration: the great britain. 1830. by courtesy of mr. john ross robertson reproduced from his "landmarks of toronto." page 29] chapter iii. more steamboats and early water routes. the river the centre of through travel. the _frontenac_ was followed by the _queen charlotte_, built in the same yards at finkle's point, by teabout and chapman, and launched on 22nd april, 1818, for h. gildersleeve, the progenitor of that family which has ever since been foremost in the ranks of steamboating in canada. he sailed her for twenty years as captain and purser, her first route being a round trip every ten days between kingston, york and queenston. the passage rates at this time were from kingston to york and niagara â£3 ($12.00), from york to niagara â£1 ($4.00). in 1824 appeared the first "city of toronto," of 350 tons, built in the harbor of york at the foot of church street. her life was neither long nor successful, she being sold by auction "with all her furniture" in december, 1830, and broken up. passenger traffic was now so much increasing that steamers began to follow more quickly. the lewiston "sentinel" in 1824, in a paragraph eulogizing their then rising town, says:--"travel is rapidly increasing, regular lines of stages excelled by none, run daily by the ridge road to lockport, and on fridays weekly to buffalo. the steamboats are increasing in business and affording every facility to the traveller." the hon. robert hamilton, who for so many years afterwards was dominantly interested in steamboating, launched the "queenston" in 1825 at queenston. his fine residence, from which he could watch the movements of his own and other steamers, still stands on the edge of the high bank overlooking the queenston dock. in 1826 there was added the "canada," built at the mouth of the rouge river by mr. joseph dennis and brought to york to have the engines installed, which had been constructed by hess and wards, of montreal. under the charge of captain hugh richardson, her captain and managing owner, she had a long and notable career. the contemporary annals describe her as "a fast boat," and as making the trip from york to niagara "in four hours and some minutes." her captain was a seaman of the old school, dominant, and watchful of the proprieties on the quarter deck. on one occasion in 1828, when sir peregrine maitland, the lieutenant-governor of upper canada, and lady maitland, had taken passage with him from york to queenston en route to stamford, a newspaper item had accused him of undue exclusiveness on the "canada" to the annoyance of other passengers. to this the doughty "captain and managing owner" replied by a letter in which he denied the accusation and added: "as long as i command the "canada" and have a rag of colour to hoist, my proudest day will be when it floats at the masthead indicative of the presence and commands of the representative of my king." the departure of his steamer from port was announced in an exceptional manner, as stated in the concluding words of his advertisement to the public: "n.b. a gun will be fired and colours hoisted twenty-five minutes before starting." in another controversy, which arose from the contract for carrying the mails on the niagara route having been withdrawn from the steamer "canada," it was developed that while the pay to the steamer was only 1s. 3d. per trip, the government postage between york and niagara was 7d. on each letter. this charge the captain considered excessive, but as the postmaster at niagara now refused to receive any letters from his steamer he regretted he had to make public announcement that he was obliged (in future) to decline to accept any more letters to be taken across the lake. the captain-commander of a lake steamboat in those days was a person of importance and repute. unquestioned ruler on his "ship," he represented the honour of his flag and obedience to his country's laws. most of them had been officers of the royal navy and had served during the 1812 war, having been trained in the discipline and conventions of his majesty's service, and similarly on the american boats had served in the united states navy. at the present day on our muskoka and inland lakes, the advent of the daily steamer is a crowning event, bringing all the neighbourhood down to the waterside dock, in curiosity or in welcome. still more so it was in those early times when the mode of steam progression was novel and a source of wonder, and the days of call so much more infrequent. the captain was no doubt the bearer of letters to be delivered into the hands of friends, certainly the medium of the latest news (and gossip) from the other ports on the lake, and was sought for tidings from the outside, as well as in welcome to himself. in particular evidence of the confidence reposed in him and in his gallantry, he was the honored guardian of ladies and children, travelling alone, who were with much empressment confided to his care. being usually a part owner his attentions were gracious hospitalities, so that a seat at the commander's table was not only a privilege, but an appreciated acknowledgement of social position. these were the halcyon days of officers on the lakes, when the increased speed of the new method was enjoyed and appreciated, but the congenialities of a pleasant passage, were not lost in impatient haste for its earlier termination. there were in 1826 five steamers running on the niagara river route. the "niagara" and "queenston" from prescott; "frontenac" from kingston; "martha ogden," an american steamer from the south shore ports and ogdensburg, and the "canada" to york and "head of the lake," presumably near burlington, and return. on this "martha ogden," built at sackett's harbour, in 1824, captain van cleve, of lewiston, served for many years as clerk, and afterwards as captain. in a manuscript left by him many interesting events in her history are narrated. in 1826 she ran under the command of captain andrew estes between youngstown and york. youngstown was then a port of much importance. it was the shipping place of a very considerable hardwood timbering business the trees being brought in from the surrounding country. its docks, situated close to the lake on an eddy separated from the rapid flow of the river, formed an easily accessible centre for the batteaux and sailing craft which communicated with the eastern ports on lake ontario. a considerable quantity of grain was also at that time raised in the district, providing material for the stone flour mill built in 1840. this mill, grinding two hundred barrels per day, was in those days considered a marvel of enterprise. though many years ago disused for such purpose it is still to be seen just a little above the niagara navigation company's youngstown dock. in the way of the nomenclature of steamers, that of the "alciope," built at niagara in 1828 for mr. robert hamilton, and first commanded by captain mckenzie, late of the "frontenac," is unusual. this name in appearance would appear to be that of some ancient goddess, but is understood to be taken from a technical term in abstract zoology. possibly it may at the time have attracted attention, but was evidently not considered satisfactory as it was changed in 1832 to the more suitable one of "united kingdom." more steamers come now in quick succession. the hon. john hamilton in 1830 brought out the "great britain" (captain joseph whitney), of 700 tons, with two funnels, and spacious awning deck. the route of the "martha ogden" had reverted back to the lake trip between lewiston and ogdensburgh. it was her ill luck to run ashore in 1830 and having sought repairs in the british government naval establishment at kingston, captain van cleve mentions, with much satisfaction the cordial reception given to the american crew by commodore barrie, and the efficient work done for the ship in the royal dockyard. the "martha ogden" closed her days in 1832 by being lost off stoney point, lake ontario. the sailing times of the through boats from the river at this time are given as "the steamer _great britain_ leaves niagara every five days, the _alciope_, every saturday evening, the _niagara_ every monday evening at 6 o'clock, and the _queenston_ every tuesday morning at 9 o'clock for kingston, brockville and prescott (board included) $8.00." on the american side the _united states_ and _oswego_ made a semi-weekly line between lewiston and ogdensburg, calling at all intermediate ports. in 1832 added "william iv.," an unusual looking craft with four funnels; 1834 "commodore barrie," built at kingston by the gildersleeves, and sailed by captain james sinclair between (as the advertisement stated) "prescott, toronto (late york) and niagara." commodore barrie, after whom the steamer was named, had a long and creditable naval career. as lieutenant he had been with vancouver on the pacific in 1792, served at copenhagen in 1807, and as captain of "h.m.s. dragon," 74 guns, had taken part in the successful expedition at penobscot maine in 1814. in 1830 he had been appointed to the command of the royal navy yard at kingston. ship building on the lake began now to take a more definite and established position. the "niagara dock company" was formed in 1835. robert gilkison, a canadian, of queenston, who had been educated in shipbuilding at "port glasgow, scotland," returned to canada and was appointed designer and superintendent of the works at niagara. a number of ships were built under his charge. the first steamer was the "traveller," 145 feet long, 23.6 beam, with speed of 11 to 12 miles followed by the "transit," "gore," and the "queen victoria," 130 feet long, 23.6 beam, with 50 horse power, a stated speed of 12 miles, and described as having been "fitted in elegant style." this steamer, launched in april, 1838, and commanded by captain thomas dick, introduces a family which for many years was connected with steamboating on the niagara river route. in her first season robert gilkinson, her builder, noted in his diary, june 29th: "on the celebration of her majesty's coronation the _victoria_, with a party of sixty ladies and gentlemen, made her first trip to toronto, making the distance from niagara to toronto in 3 hours and 7 minutes, a rate scarcely met by any other boat." "july 2. commenced trips leaving niagara 7 a.m., toronto 11 a.m., and hamilton 4 p.m., arrived here (niagara) 8 p.m. accomplished the 121 miles in ten and a half hours, a rate not exceeded by any boat on the lake." the advertisements of the running times as then given in the press are interesting. "the 'queen victoria' leaves lewiston and queenston 8 o'clock a.m. and niagara 8.30 o'clock for toronto. the boat will return each day, leaving toronto for these places at 2 o'clock p.m." a further enlargement of the running connections of this steamer on the route in 1839 stated: "passengers will on monday and thursday arrive at toronto in time for the "william iv." steamer for kingston and prescott. returning. on arrival at lewiston, railroad cars will leave for the falls. on arrival at queenston stages will leave for the falls, whence the passengers can leave next day by the steamer "red jacket" from chippawa to buffalo, or by the railroad cars for manchester." the "railroad cars" were those of the "buffalo and niagara falls railroad" opened in 1836, then running two trains a day each way between buffalo and the falls, leaving buffalo at nine in the morning and five in the afternoon. manchester was the name of the town laid out in the neighborhood of the falls, where, from the abundance of water power it was expected a great manufacturing centre would be established. an advertisement in a later year (1844) mentions the steamer "emerald" to "leave buffalo at 9 a.m. for chippawa, arrive by cars at queenston for steamer for toronto, oswego, rochester, kingston and montreal." the "cars" at queenston were those of a horse railroad which had been constructed along the main road from chippewa to queenston, of which some traces still remain. the rails were long wooden sleepers faced with strap iron. during one season the "queen victoria" was chartered as a gunboat for lake ontario, being manned by officers and men from the royal navy. she presented a fine appearance and was received with great acceptance at the lake ports as she visited them. a more direct route from this distributing point at the foot of the rapids on the niagara river direct to the head of lake ontario and the country beyond, instead of crossing first to toronto, was evidently sought. in 1840 the steamer "burlington"--captain robert kerr--is advertised to "leave lewiston 7 a.m., niagara 7.30 a.m., landing (weather permitting) at port dalhousie (near st. catherines, from which place a carriage will meet the boat regularly); grimsby, and arrive at hamilton about noon. returning will leave at 3 p.m., and making the same calls, weather permitting, arrive at lewiston in the evening." the 30th july, 1841, was a memorable day in steamboating on the niagara river. a great public meeting was held that day on queenston heights to arrange for the building of a new monument in memory of general brock to replace the one which had been blown up by some dastard on 17th april, 1840. deputations from the military and the patriotic associations in all parts of the province attended. four steamers left toronto together about 7.30 in the morning. the "traveller"--captain sandown, r.n., with his excellency the governor-general, lord sydenham, on board; "transit"--captain hugh richardson; "queen victoria"--captain richardson, jr.; "gore"--captain thomas dick. at the mouth of the niagara river these were joined by the "burlington"--captain robert kerr, and "britannia" from hamilton and the head of the lake, and by the "gildersleeve" and "cobourg" from the eastern ports and kingston. amidst utmost enthusiasm, and with all flags flying, the eight steamers assembled at niagara and marshalled in the following order, proceeded up the river to queenston:- traveller. gildersleeve. cobourg. burlington. gore. britannia. queen. transit. the sight of this fleet of eight steamers must have been impressive as with flying colours they made up the stream. judge benson, of port hope, says that his father, capt. benson, of the 3rd incorporated militia, was then occupying the "lang house" in niagara, overlooking the river, and that he and his brother were lifted up to the window to see the flotilla pass by, a reminiscence of loyal fervor which has been vividly retained through a long life. is it not a sufficient justification and an actual value resulting from special meetings and pageants that they not only serve to revivify the enthusiasm of the elders in annals of past days, but yet more to bring to the minds of youth actual and abiding touch with the historic events which are being celebrated? the meeting was held upon the field of the battle, the memories of the struggle revived and honour done to the fallen. the present monument was the result of the enterprise then begun. much rivalry existed between the steamers as to which would open the season first, as the boat which got into niagara first before 1st march was free of port dues for the season. in this the "transit" excelled and sometimes landed her passengers on the ice. the niagara dock company in 1842 turned out the "chief justice robinson" commanded by captain hugh richardson, jr. this steamer, largely owned by captain heron and the richardsons, was specially designed to continue during the winter the daily connection by water to toronto, and so avoid the long stage journey around the head of the lake. for this purpose her prow at and below the water line was projected forward like a double furrowed plough, to cut through the ice and throw it outwards on each side. this winter service she maintained for ten seasons with commendable regularity between the outer end of the queen's wharf at toronto (where she had sometimes to land passengers on the ice) and niagara. on one occasion, in a snowstorm, she went ashore just outside the harbour at toronto, and was also occasionally frozen in at both ends of the route, but each time managed to extricate herself. after refitting in the spring she divided the daily lewiston-toronto route after 1850 with the second _city of toronto_, a steamer with two separate engines, with two walking beams built at toronto in 1840, which had been running in the royal mail line, but in 1850 passed into the complete ownership of captain thomas dick. the steamer "rochester" is also recorded as running between lewiston and hamilton in 1843 to 1849. chapter iv. expansion of steamboating on the niagara--its decline--a final flash and a move to the north. during this decade the niagara river was more increasingly traversed by many steamers, and became the main line of travel between the western and centre states by steamer to buffalo, and thence, via the niagara river to boston and new york via ogdensburg and albany, or by montreal and lake champlain to the hudson. lewiston had become a place of much importance, being the transhipping point for a great through freighting business. until the opening of the erie canal all the salt used in the western states and canada was brought here by water from oswego, in thousands of barrels, from the onandaga salt wells. business in the opposite direction was greatly active, report being made of the passing of a consignment of 900 barrels of "mississippi sugar," and 200 hogsheads of molasses for eastern points in the united states and canada. in addition to the sailing craft five different steamers left the docks every day for other ports on the lake. a new era was opened in 1847 by the introduction with great eclat and enterprise of the first iron steamers. the "passport," commanded first by captain h. twohey and afterwards by captain thomas harbottle, was constructed for the hon. john hamilton, the iron plates being moulded on the clyde and put together at the niagara shipyard by james and neil currie. the plates for the "magnet" were similarly brought out from england and put together for j. w. gunn, of hamilton, the principal stockholder, with captain j. sutherland her captain. both these steamers in their long service proved the reliability of metal vessels in our fresh water. both formed part of the royal mail line leaving toronto on the arrival of the river steamers. in the early "fifties" the "american express line," running from lewiston to toronto, rochester, oswego and ogdensburg, consisted of the fine upper cabin steamers "cataract," "bay state," "ontario," and "northerner." the "new through line," a canadian organization, was comprised of six steamers: the "maple leaf," "arabian," "new era," "champion," "highlander," "mayflower." the route they followed was: "leave hamilton 7 a.m.; leave lewiston and queenston about half past 8 p.m., calling at all north shore ontario ports between darlington and prescott to ogdensburgh and montreal without transhipment. returning via the north shore to toronto and hamilton direct." the through time down to montreal was stated in the advertisement to be "from hamilton 33 hours, from the niagara river 25 hours." a good instance of the frequency of the entrances of the steamers into the harbours is afforded by an amusing suggestion which was in 1851, made by captain hugh richardson, who had become harbour master at toronto. the steamers running into the port seem to have called sometimes at one dock first, sometimes at another, according, probably, to the freight which may have been on board to be delivered. much trouble was thus caused to cabmen and citizens running up and down the water front from one dock to another. the captain, whose views with respect to the flying, and the distinctive meanings, of flags, we have already seen, proposed that all vessels when entering the harbour should designate the dock at which they intended to stop by the following signals:- for gorrie's wharf--union jack at bowsprit end. for browne's wharf--union jack at masthead. for maitland's wharf--union jack at staff aft. for tinnings wharf--union jack in fore rigging. for helliwells wharf--union jack over wheel-house. it is to be remembered that in those days the "western" was the only entrance to the harbour and front street without any buildings on its south side, followed the line of the high bank above the water so that the signals on the steamers could be easily seen by all. the proposal was publicly endorsed by the mayor, mr. j. g. bowes, but there is no record of its having been adopted. in 1853 there was built at niagara for mr. oliver t. macklem the steamer "zimmerman," certainly the finest and reputed to be the fastest steamer which up to that time sailed the river. she was named after mr. samuel zimmerman, the railway magnate, and ran in connection with the erie and ontario railway from fort erie to niagara, which he had promoted, and was sailed by captain d. milloy. in this same year there was sailed regularly from niagara another iron steamer, the "peerless," owned by captain dick and andrew heron, of niagara. this steamer was first put together at dunbarton, scotland, then taken apart, and the pieces (said to be five thousand in number) sent out to canada, and put together again at the niagara dockyard. these two steamers thereafter divided the services in competition on the niagara route to toronto. these years were the zenith period for steamboating on lake ontario and the niagara river, a constant succession of steamers passing to and fro between the ports. progress in the western states and in upper canada had been unexampled. expansion in every line of business was active, population fast coming in, and the construction of railways, which was then being begun, creating large expenditures and distribution of money. the steamers on the water were then the only method for speedy travel, so their accommodation was in fullest use, and their earnings at the largest. the stage routes around the shores of the lakes in those days were tedious and trying in summer, and in winter accompanied by privations. the services of the steamers in the winter were greatly appreciated and maintained with the utmost vigour every year, particularly for the carriage of mails between toronto, niagara, queenston and lewiston, for which the steamer received in winter â£3 for each actual running day, and between toronto and hamilton, for which the recompense was â£2 for service per day performed. in 1851 the _chief justice robinson_ is recorded (gordon's letter books) as having run on the niagara river during 11 months of the year. the remaining portion, while she was refitting, was filled by the second _city of toronto_. it is mentioned that at one time she went to oswego to be hauled out on the marine cradle there at a charge of 25 cents per ton. in 1852-53 the services were performed by the same steamers. in 1854 the _peerless_ made two trips daily during ten months, the _chief justice robinson_ taking the balance of this service and also filling in during the other months, with the second _city of toronto_ on the hamilton route. the winter service to the niagara river for 1855 was commenced by the _chief justice robinson_ on 1st january, the steamer crossing the lake on 22 days in that month. february was somewhat interrupted by ice, but the full service between the shores was performed on 23 days in the month of march. so soon as the inner water in the harbour of toronto was frozen up all these services were performed from the outer extremity of the queen's wharf, and in the mid-winter months mostly from the edges of the ice further out, the sleighs driving out alongside with their passengers and freight. it seems difficult for us, in these days of luxury in travel, to comprehend the difficulties under which the early travellers laboured and thrived. there was a wonderful and final exploit in the winter business of the niagara river route. the "_niagara falls and ontario railway_" was opened as far as lewiston in 1854 and by its connection at the falls with the _new york central railway_ brought during its first winter of 1854-55 great activity to the niagara steamers. the crimean war was in progress and food products for the armies in the field were being eagerly sought from all places of world-supply and from america. shipments were accordingly sought from upper canada. in summer the route would be by the erie canal to albany or by the st. lawrence and montreal, but both routes were closed in winter. the _new york central_ had been connected as a complete rail route as far as albany, where, as there was no bridge across the hudson, transportation was made by a ferry to the _hudson river railroad_, on the opposite shore for new york, or to the _western railroad_ for boston. [illustration: the william iv. 1832. from the "landmarks of toronto." page 30] [illustration: the chief justice robinson. 1841. from the "landmarks of toronto." page 84] there was, at that time, no railroad around the head of lake ontario so a freight route by steamer across the lake was opened to lewiston, from where rail connection could be made to the atlantic. in january, 1855, large shipments of flour made from upper canada mills along the north shore of lake ontario began to be collected. the enterprising agent of the _peerless_ (mr. l. b. gordon) wrote to the central that he hoped to "make the consignment up to 10,000 barrels before the canal and river opens." this being a reference to the competing all-water route via the erie canal and hudson river. the first winter shipment of a consignment of 3,400 barrels was begun by the _chief justice robinson_ from the queen's wharf on 17th january. the through rates of freight, as recorded in mr. gordon's books, are in these modern days of low rates, remarkable. not the less interesting are the proportions accepted by each of the carriers concerned for their portion of the service, which were as follows: flour, per barrel, toronto to new york- steamer--queen's wharf to lewiston 12-1/2c wharfage and teaming (cornell) 6 new york central, lewiston to albany 60 ferry at albany 3 hudson river railroad to new york 37-1/2 ---- through to new york $1.19 what would the railway commissioners and the public of the present think of such rates! the shipments were largely from the products of the mills at the _credit_, _oakville_, _brampton_, _esquesing_, and _georgetown_, being teamed to the docks at _oakville_ and _port credit_, from where they were brought by the steamers _queen city_ and _chief justice robinson_ at 5c per bbl. to the queen's wharf, toronto, and from there taken across the lake by the _chief justice robinson_ and the _peerless_. the propeller _st. nicholas_ took a direct load of 3,000 barrels from port credit to lewiston on feb. 2nd. shipments were also sent to boston at $1,24-1/2 per bbl., on which the proportion of the "new york central" was 68c, and the "western railroad" received 35c per bbl. as their share. nearly the whole consignment expected was obtained. another novel route was also opened. consignments of flour for local use were sent to montreal during this winter by the _new york central_, lewiston to albany, and thence by the "_albany northern railroad_" to the south side of the st. lawrence river, whence they were most probably teamed across the ice to the main city. northbound shipments were also worked up and received at lewiston for toronto--principally teas and tobaccos--consignments of "english bonded goods" were rated at "second-class, same as domestic sheetings" and carried at 63c per 100 pounds from new york to lewiston. it was a winter of unexampled activity, but it was the closing effort of the steamers against the entrance of the railways into their all-the-year-round trade. immediately upon the opening of the great western railway from niagara falls to hamilton in 1855 and to toronto in 1856, and of the grand trunk railway from montreal in 1856, the steamboating interests suffered still further and great decay. in the financial crisis of 1857 many steamers were laid up. in 1858 all the american line steamers were in bankruptcy, and in 1860 the _zimmerman_ abandoned the niagara river to the _peerless_, the one steamer being sufficient. the opening of the american civil war in 1860 opened a new career for the lake ontario steamers, as the northern government were short of steamers with which to blockade the southern ports. the "peerless" was purchased by the american government in 1861 and left for new york under command of captain robert kerr, and by 1863 all the american line steamers had been sold in the same direction and gone down the rapids to montreal, and thence to the atlantic. a general clearance had been affected. the "zimmerman" returned from the hamilton route to the niagara river, which had been left vacant by the removal of the "peerless," but, taking fire alongside the dock at niagara in 1863, became a total loss. during the winter the third "_city of toronto_" was built by captain duncan milloy, of niagara, and began her service on the river in 1864 and thereafter had the route to herself. in 1866 the "rothsay castle" brought up by captain thomas leach from halifax, ran for one season in competition, but the business was not sufficient for two steamers so she was returned to the atlantic. the "city" then had the route alone until 1877, when the "southern belle," being the reconstructed "rothsay castle," re-entered upon the scene and again ran from tinnings wharf in connection with the canada southern railway to niagara. such had been the courses of navigation and steamboating on the niagara river from its earliest days--the rise to the zenith of prosperity and then the immeasurable fall due to the encircling of the lakes by the increasing railways. the old time passenger business had been diverted from the water, the docks had fallen into decay, only one steamer remained on the niagara river route, but it was fair to consider that with more vigor and improved equipment a new era might be begun. the decadence of trade had been so great, and the prospects of the niagara river presenting so little hope that captain thomas dick had turned his thoughts and energies into the direction of the north shore of lake huron, where mining and lumbering were beginning, and to lake superior, where the construction of the dawson road, as a connection through canadian territory, to fort garry was commenced. he had several years previously transferred the second _city of toronto_ to these upper lake waters, and after being reboilered and rebuilt, her name had been changed to _algoma_, commanded at first by his half brother, capt. jas. dick, and in 1863 he had obtained the contract for carrying the mails for the manitoulin island and lake huron shore to sault ste. marie. if ever there was a steamer which deserved the name of "_pathfinder_," it was this steamer "algoma." it was said that all the officers, pilots and captains of later days had been trained on her, and that she had found out for them every shoal along her route by actual contact. being a staunchily built wooden boat with double "walking beam" engines, working independently, one on each wheel, she always got herself off with little trouble or damage. one trip is personally remembered. coming out from bruce mines the _algoma_ went over a boulder on a shoal in such way as to open up a plank in the bottom, just in front of the boilers. looking down the forward hatch the water could be watched as it boiled up into the fire-hold, but as long as the wheels were kept turning the pumps could keep the in-rush from gaining, so the steamer after backing off was continued on her journey. when calling at docks the engines were never stopped, one going ahead the other reversed, until after sault ste. marie had been reached and the balance of the cargo unloaded, when the steamer, with the men in the fire-hold working up to their ankles in water, set off on her run of 400 miles to detroit, where was then the only dry dock into which she could be put. after a long and successful career the brave boat died a quiet death alongside a dock, worn out as a lumber barge. this transference of captain dick's interests to the upper lakes was, strangely enough, the precursor to the events which led to the creation of another era in navigation on the niagara river. this "north shore" route, although for long centuries occupied by the outposts of the hudson bay and north west fur companies, was so far as immigration and mercantile interests were concerned, an undeveloped territory. along its shores was the traditional canoe and batteaux route from french river to fort william on the kaministiqua river for trade with the great prairies by the interlacing waterways to lake manitoba and the red river. at intervals, such as at spanish river, missassaga, garden river, michipicoten and nepigon river, were the outlets for the canoe and portage routes, north to the hudson bay and great interior fur preserves. this ancient rival to the niagara river route had remained little varied from the era of canoe and sail. the secrets of its natural products, other than fur, being as well kept as were those of the fertility of the soil of the "great lone land," under the perennial control of the same adventurers of charles ii. the creation of the "dominion of canada" and of the "province of ontario" under confederation in 1867 and its establishment as the "district of algoma" brought it political representation in the provincial legislature and a development of its unoccupied possibilities. the size of the constituency was phenomenal. its first representative in the legislature of ontario used quizzically to describe it: "where is my constituency? sir, algoma, is the greatest constituency on earth, and larger than many an empire in europe. on the east it is bounded by the french river, on the south by all the waters of lakes huron and lake superior, on the west by manitoba, with an undecided boundary, and on the north by the north pole, and the lord knows where." its permanent voters were few and sparsely spread along a line of nigh 500 miles. by the act of confederation, algoma was given a special qualification for its voters being for every male british subject of 21 or over, being a householder. thus it has sometimes been averred that during hotly contested elections the migratory indians for a while ceased to wander, that "shack towns" suddenly arose in the neighborhood of the saw mills, composed of small "slab" sided dwellings in which dusky voters lived until election day was over. it may be from these early seedlings that the several constituencies which have since been carved out from their great progenitor, have not been unremarkable for eccentricities in methods of ballot and in varieties of voters. further diversion of vessel interests from the niagara route to the upper lakes, and the circumstances which, within personal knowledge, accompanied it, are a part of the history, and a prelude to the return to the river. chapter v. on the upper lakes with the wolseley expedition and lord dufferin. the way having been opened by the _algoma_ between georgian bay and the sault, with sundry extra trips beyond, n. milloy & co., of niagara, brought up from halifax, in 1868, the even then celebrated steamer _chicora_ to increase the service to lake superior. no finer steamer was there on the upper lakes than the _chicora_, and none whether american or canadian, that could approach her in speed; she could trail out a tow line to any competitor. she had arrived opportunely and had greatly increased her renown by carrying the wolseley expedition, in 1870, from collingwood to the place on the shores of the thunder bay where the expedition for the suppression of the riel rebellion at fort garry was landed. it was in the arrangements for the movement of this wolseley expedition that some difficulties arose which were due to a want of harmony between the local government of the state and that of the national cabinet of the federal government at washington, a condition which is liable to occur at any time under the peculiar provisions of the american constitution. having been compiled in the time of stress for the avoidance of an autocracy and for the development of the individual rights of the several component states, the relations between states and federal authority were strongly drawn. while in the canadian constitution any power which has not been specifically allotted to the provinces remains in the dominion government, which is thus the centre of all power, in the united states the reverse condition exists. speedy dealings with foreign nations are thus somewhat hampered on the part of the united states federal government. the only canal lock at that time at the sault by which the rapids of the sault river could be overcome and the level of lake superior be reached from that of lake huron, was on the michigan side, and owned and controlled by the state of michigan. as an armed force could not be sent by rail through the united states, it was necessary that all supplies and the men of the canadian forces for fort garry should be forwarded by this water route to the head of lake superior, from where they were to take the "dawson route" of mixed road and river transit to lake winnipeg and the scene of action. a cargo of boats, wagons, and general supplies for use by the troops had been sent up by the "chicora" (captain mclean), leaving collingwood on the 7th may, but the steamer was not permitted by the michigan authorities to pass through the sault canal. owing to this action immediate steps were imperatively necessary, pending negotiations, to obtain additional tonnage to carry forward the expedition. col. cumberland, a.d.c., m.p.p., was sent on a secret duty to detroit, where he succeeded in chartering the american steamer _brooklyn_, which was at once sent off with instructions to report for orders above the canal at point aux pins, to col. bolton, r.a., deputy adjutant general. being passed up the canal, without obstacle, the difficulty was immediately relieved. fortunately the "algoma" was at the upper end of the route and on lake superior. the supplies and stores were accordingly unloaded from the _chicora_ at the canadian sault, portaged across by the twelve miles road to the wharf at point aux pins, on the canadian side above the rapids, and sent on up lake superior by the "algoma," and "brooklyn." a similar course was obliged to be adopted with the cargoes of supplies for the expedition brought up on the canadian steam barge _shickluna_, and on the schooners _orion_ and _pandora_ towed by her. this was in other ways a remarkable event, as being one in which the "coasting laws of canada" were for a time, cancelled by the action of a citizen. the "brooklyn" being an american boat could not legally carry cargo between two canadian ports, such as point aux pins and the landing, so col. cumberland gave captain davis a letter[1] to mr. joseph wilson, the collector of customs at the canadian sault, authorizing him to permit the american vessel to trade between canadian ports. as mr. cumberland was member of parliament for the district, the local authorities gave immediate attention, especially as everyone on the canadian side was ready to run all risks and do everything in their power to help the expedition along. returning to collingwood the "chicora" left again on the 14th may with two companies of the ontario contingest recruited from the volunteer militia of the province, twenty-four horses and more arms and stores. refusal was again given and the same portaging took place as before, the men during the transfer being encamped near the old hudson's bay fort. urgent representations had been made to the local state authorities, pointing out that the expedition was pressed for time, much loss might be occasioned, and the rebellion spread if the troops were delayed. the british minister at washington was using every endeavor to obtain the necessary permission, but without avail. the "chicora" returned to collingwood and left again on 21st may with col. garnet wolseley (afterwards viscount wolseley), a detachment of the "60th rifles" of the regulars (the regiment of h.r.h. prince arthur) and the balance of the expedition. in the absence of the expected permission the same procedure was again followed, and when everything on board had been unloaded the _chicora_ was passed empty through the canal, and reloading the soldiers and all the equipment at the point aux pins proceeded up the lake to her destination. canada has since then, for her self control and the protection of her trade, built a great canal on her own side, through which ever since it was constructed the united states vessels have been freely allowed to pass upon exactly the same terms as her own. navigation upon the upper lakes was in those years in the most primitive condition. when the "chicora" landed the wolseley expedition at prince arthur's landing there was no wharf large enough for her to be moored to, so she had to anchor off the shore, and the men and cargo were landed in small boats. as col. wolseley came ashore in a rowboat he was met by mr. thomas marks, a principal merchant, and mr. william murdock, c.e., who was then in conduct of the government railway exploration surveys from the shores of thunder bay to fort garry for what afterwards became the canadian pacific railway. the colonel, finding on enquiry that the place had no particular name beyond that of "the landing," proposed that it should be called "prince arthur's landing." this was to be in honour of prince arthur, duke of connaught, who was then serving in his battalion of the rifle brigade at that time stationed in montreal. the name was immediately adopted and was kept unchanged until 1883, when, to mark the eastern end of the canadian pacific and to correspond with "port moody," the then accepted terminus at the western end, it was changed to "port arthur." the name and reminiscence of the royal prince is in this way still happily retained. rivalries had begun between the long established hamlet clustered around fort william, the ancient post of the hudson bay company on the banks at the mouth of the kanistiqua river, and the newly created village on the shores of the lake at the "landing." to appease the vociferous claimants of both, the expedition was divided, one part being sent up by the lower river from "fort william," the other by waggon on land from the "landing," to join together again at a point on the kaministiquia above the falls, from where they proceeded together by the mixed transport of water and waggon on the "dawson route" to fort garry. there were then few lighthouses on the lakes, and no buoys in the channels. when a steamer left the shores of georgian bay nothing was heard of her until she came in sight again on her return after being away ten days, for there were no telegraphs on the north shore nor even at the sault. the hamlets were few and far spread, being mainly small fishing villages. bruce mines with its copper mines, then in full operation, was perhaps the most important place, with a population of 2,500. the sault had perhaps 500, silver islet, with its mysterious silver mine, 1,500, and prince arthur's landing about 200 residents, with whatever importance was given by its position at the head of the lake, and as being the starting place of the dawson road to fort garry, and the supply point for the developing mines of the interior. whatever meat, flour, or vegetable foods the people ate had to be carried up to them from the ontario ports. westwards the decks were filled with cattle, hogs, and all kinds of merchandise, but there was little freight to bring back east except fish and some small quantities of highly concentrated ores from the mines. the business had not developed as had been expected, and the "chicora" was found to be too good for the lake superior route as it then existed. her freight-carrying capacity was light, cabin accommodation in excess of requirements, and her speed and expenses far beyond what was there needed. so the boat had to be withdrawn from service, dismantled, and laid up alongside the docks at collingwood in the season of 1873. one splendid and closing charter there had been in the season of 1874, when the "chicora" was chartered for the months of july and august to be a special yacht for the progress of the governor-general, lord dufferin, and his suite, through what were then the northern districts of ontario and through the upper lakes. col. f. w. cumberland, m.p., general manager of the northern railway, was also provincial aide-de-camp to the governor-general and thus in general charge of the arrangements for the tour, particularly on the northern railway, through whose districts the party was then travelling. the further portions of the tour were through the district of algoma, comprising all the country along the north shores of lakes huron and superior, which col. cumberland then represented in the provincial parliament, being the first member for algoma. washago, at the first crossing of the severn river, was then the "head of the track" of the "muskoka branch," which was under construction from barrie. beyond this point the party were to proceed through the byways and villages of muskoka by mixed conveyance of boats on the lakes and carriages over the bush roads to parry sound, where they were to join the "chicora." every minute of the way had been carefully planned out to satisfactorily arrange for the reception en route, stopping places for meals and rest, stays over night, and allowance for all possible contingencies, for the governor-general insisted that he should make his arrival, at each place on the way, with royal precision. there was therefore no room for the insertion of the many special demands for additional functions and time, which increasingly arose as the days drew near, for the fervor of the welcome became tumultuous. the presbyterian clergyman at washago had been particularly insistent and had called to his aid every local influence of shipper and politician to obtain consent that the governor-general should lay the corner-stone of the new church which the adherents of the "auld kirk" were erecting at the village. the ceremony was whittled down until it was at last agreed that it should be sandwiched into the arrangements on condition that everything should be in readiness, and that the proceedings should not exceed fifteen minutes, for there was a long and rocky drive ahead of fourteen miles to gravenhurst, where an important afternoon gathering from all the countryside and a reception by his excellency and the countess of dufferin had been arranged. the municipal and the local society receptions at the washage station had been safely got through when the governor and party walked over the granite knolls to where the church was to be erected. the location of the village, which is situated between two arms of the muskoka river, is on the unrelieved outcrop of the muskoka granite, which, scarred and rounded by the glacier action of geological ages, is everywhere in evidence. on the knoll, more level than the others, was the church party expectant. at their feet, perched upon a little cemented foundation about a foot and a half in diameter, built on the solid granite, was the "corner stone," a cube of granite some three inches square. a miniature silver trowel, little larger than a teaspoon, was handed to the governor, who, holding it in his fingers smoothed down the morsel of mortar and the corner stone was duly laid. the minister then announced "let us engage in prayer," and raising his hands and closing his eyes he at once began. it was a burning hot noon-day in july. having got fairly started the minister seemed to be in no way disposed to stop. at five minutes a chair and umbrella were brought for lady dufferin. at ten minutes motions were made to pluck the minister's coat tails, but no one dared. the fervid appeal covering all possible contingencies, and meandering into varied "we give thee thanks also" still continued so the governor and lady dufferin and their suite quietly slipped away from the group and going to the carriages, which were waiting in readiness near by, drove away. shortly afterwards the minister ceased and, opening his eyes, took in the situation. he at least had succeeded in having his corner-stone laid by a governor-general and was satisfied, even though he had lost that portion of his audience. there were others also who were satisfied as one of the devout congregation who said as we walked away, "wasn't the meenester powerful in prayer?" lord dufferin's private secretary and myself, having seen our duties to this point satisfactorily completed, returned to the cars and proceeded back by the special train to collingwood, where the outfit and arrangements of the "chicora" for the long cruise were being completed, and active operations had for some time been going on. the ship was a picture, resplendent in brightened brasses, new paint and decorations. the staterooms had been re-arranged and enlarged so that they could be used in suites with separate dining and reception rooms arranged for various occasions. strings of flags of all varieties, and ensigns for every occasion were provided, including his excellency the governor-general's special flag, to be raised the moment he came on board. captain james c. orr, his officers, and the picked crew were all in naval uniform, and naval discipline was to be maintained. about ten o'clock one night we sailed out of collingwood to make an easy night run across the georgian bay and arrive in the morning at parry sound, where the governor-general was to join the steamer in the afternoon. we were naturally anxious that nothing should occur on our part to mar the arrangements for the much heralded tour, and so i turned out early in the morning, called up by some indistinct premonition. of all the evils that can befall a ship's captain it is that of a too supreme confidence in his own powers; a confidence which leads him to take unnecessary risks and so incur dangers which a little longer waiting would avoid. of this we now met a most striking instance. there are two routes from collingwood to parry sound. the outer passage, outside the islands, longer but through open lake and safe, the other the inner passage winding through an archipelago of islands, tortuous and narrow. this latter was also known as the "waubuno channel," from its being the route of the steamer of that name, a vessel of 140 feet and the largest passing through it. as a scenic route for tourists it is unsurpassable, threading its way amid many islands with abrupt and thrilling turns. captain mcnab, one of the most experienced and oldest navigators of the upper lakes, had been engaged as pilot for the tour of the "chicora." in the early morning, instead of being as had been expected, out in the open lake, we were heading into a bay with the shore line expanding far on each side both east and west. [illustration: the algoma. 1862. the 2nd city of toronto. 1840. rebuilt. page 44] [illustration: the 3rd city of toronto. 1864. from an old drawing. page 123] going forward, captain mcnab, in reply to questions, said he intended going through the waubuno channel, and admitted that he had never taken a boat as large as the "chicora" through the channel, but was sure he could. amiable suggestions that he might like to bet $10,000 that he could, being promptly declined, he accepted instructions and the steamer was at once turned around to go by the outer channel for which there was plenty of time. he might have done it, but there was a doubt in it, and supposing he had not, what then? it is better for a captain to be sure, than to be sorry. the tour was a great success. wherever the bonnie boat went, whether in canadian waters around the northern shores of lakes huron and superior at sault ste. marie, nepigon, prince arthur's landing, or in american waters, at mackinac, lake michigan and chicago, her trim appearance, beautiful lines, and easy speed, won continued admiration. footnotes: [1] detroit, 18th may, 1870. sir: the steamer _brooklyn_ proceeds to point aux pins on special service. in case you may not have been advised by the head of your department, i am authorised to inform you that she is to have free access to all canadian ports on lake superior, moving under orders from col. bolton. i am, etc., (signed) f. w. cumberland. jos. wilson, collector of customs, saulte ste marie, ont. chapter vi. a novel idea and a new venture--buffalo in sailingship days--a risky passage. after the tour with lord dufferin had been concluded the "chicora" was returned to collingwood and laid up again to rest her reputation great and widespread as it was before, having been still more enhanced. at last early on a gray morning of august, 1877, under tow of a wrecking tug, there stole gently away from collingwood the steamer which had been the greatest glory of the port, her red paddles trailing lifeless in the water like the feet of a wounded duck. where was she being taken to? what had taken place? it was the beginning of a bold and sporting venture. as general freight and passenger agent (oct., 1873 to jan., 1878) of the northern railway of canada, the "chicora" as she lay at collingwood was much under my notice, and in travelling to buffalo on railway business the water route by the niagara river was most frequently taken. there was no route on the upper lakes upon which the "chicora" could be successfully employed. it was considered that she could not be returned to the lower lakes because it was said that having been brought up the canals from montreal, the "guards" added at buffalo, which made her width fifty feet at the main deck could not be removed without serious damage in order to reduce her to the then welland canal width of only 26 feet. as under the then trade conditions she could neither be profitably run nor be returned to the lower lakes, the steamer was of little worth to her owners, and could be readily purchased. it had for some time appeared to me that there was an opening for a good boat upon the niagara river route. the "city of toronto" plying to lewiston and the new york central was getting insufficient and out of date in equipment. the canada southern railway at niagara-on-the-lake was not satisfied with the "southern belle." why not get the "chicora" and strike out for a career of one's own? so i started to study the position having always had a mechanical turn and had practical experience in railway and machine construction. keeping one's ideas to one's self the boat was examined and careful scrutiny ascertained that the "guards" could be removed and replaced without interference with the hull, so that this first obstacle to her being brought to the lower lakes could be overcome. but there were other obstacles which cropped up. to begin with, a pier of one of the smaller locks in the welland (150 ã� 26) was said to have inclined inwards so that there was not sufficient width even after the "guards" had been removed, for the 26-ft. hull to pass through. again, _chicora_ was 230 feet long. if the vessel was brought down in two pieces through all the locks to lake ontario, there was no dry dock on the lake of sufficient length into which she could be placed so that these parts might be put together again. a further obstacle and a fatal one. the only place where the two parts could be put together again her full length of 230 feet long was muir's dry dock, at port dalhousie, but that was above the last lock of the canal, which required to be passed to get down to lake ontario, and _this lock was only 200 feet long!_ the game was apparently impracticable. it was not more impossible to put a quart into a pint bottle, than it was to put the full-sized 230-foot _chicora_ into the 200-foot dalhousie lock and lower her to lake ontario. no wonder other people had given the job up, and the steamer could be easily bought. just about this time i noticed an announcement in the press that in order to provide for the construction of the lower locks at the ontario end of the new welland canal, the canadian government intended, after the close of navigation the next autumn, to draw off the whole of the water in the five-mile level above the port dalhousie lock between there and st. catharines. the idea at once arose, why not put the _chicora_ into the 200-foot lock with the upper gate open, so that although she would extend 30 feet beyond the regular lock, she would then be in a total actual lock of five miles long. going over again to port dalhousie, the whole position was carefully surveyed. it was found that on the troublesome lock there was three-quarters of an inch to spare, so that trick could be turned successfully. closer investigation developed that the 200-foot lock problem at port dalhousie was, as will be stated later, more capable of being solved than appeared on the surface. it was now evident that the practical part of the work could be done successfully. the next thing was to provide for connecting support. my first railway service had been in that of the great western railway in 1872-73 in the divisional office at london, and afterwards in charge of the terminal yard and car ferries at windsor, under mr. m. d. woodward, superintendent. during that time the general manager was mr. w. k. muir, who had transferred, and was now general manager of the canada southern railway, operating the branch line between buffalo and niagara. enquiry led to an understanding that a contract could be made for a full service by a first-class steamer between toronto and niagara-on-the-lake in connection with the route to the falls and buffalo, as the size of the _southern belle_ was not satisfactory. armed with all this information, and having made up the estimates of cost and possible earnings, the whole matter was laid before the hon. frank smith, who then had a part interest in the _chicora_. the proposition was that we should buy out the other owners, bring the _chicora_ through the canal and put her on the niagara route, where she could earn good money. one was to do the work and the other to find the backing for the funds required. in this way for him a dead loss would be revived and a good future investment found, while the junior would enter into a work in which with energy he would be able to secure a lasting reward for his enterprise and ability in transportation business. he agreed and we proceeded to carry out the project. the purchase was made early in 1877, the original purchasers and registered owners of the steamer being hon. frank smith and barlow cumberland. in this way began a partnership which lasted through life. sir frank (knighted in 1874) was a man of quick decision, of great courage, and indomitable will. every company with which he became identified felt the influence of his virile hand. a charter for the niagara navigation company, limited, with a capital of $500,000, was obtained from the dominion government. the first issue of the stock of the company was entirely subscribed by the frank smith and cumberland representatives and the transfer of the boat to the new company made in 1878. the first board of directors were: president, hon. frank smith; vice-president, barlow cumberland; directors, col. fred. w. cumberland, john foy, and r. h. mcbride; barlow cumberland, manager; john foy, secretary. preliminary work had been actively in progress at collingwood in dismantling the steamer and preparing her for a long and eventful journey. as the engines had been laid up and would not be required until after the reconstruction at toronto, they were not again set up, but the tug, j. t. robb, was brought up from port colborne to tow the vessel to buffalo. here began the closing era of this century of steam navigation in the niagara river. the story of the next and final thirty-five years is the story of the rise and expansion of the niagara navigation company, its vicissitudes and competitions, and the final success of the enterprise. reminiscence of the series of hot competitions which were worked through and of the men and methods of the period are set out as matters of record of an eventful series of years on the route. the long cabins on the upper deck were removed and parts sent to toronto, where they now are the upper drawing room of the _chicora_. the cabins on the main deck were left undisturbed to be used by the crew, while coming through the canals. captain thomas leach was in charge of the voyage to buffalo, where captain william manson, of collingwood, took charge of the crew with some carpenters and the engineers. mr. alexander leach was purser and confidential agent. a more faithful officer and devoted servant never was found. he had been purser of the steamer _cumberland_ until she was wrecked on isle royale, lake superior, 5 august, 1876. the tow from collingwood was uneventful and the steamer arrived at buffalo and was placed in the buffalo dry dock company's works, they having put her together when brought up from halifax. two barges were purchased and put alongside the guards, unriveted and lowered upon the barges in single pieces. the paddle boxes were removed, the wheels taken to pieces, numbered, and put on the barges, and everything stripped off the sides of the hull, so that she was reduced to her narrowest width, cleared of everything, to go through the canal. the steamer was then put into dry dock, cut in two and the parts slid apart. it was intended to take the steamer across lake erie to port colborne as a single tow. two long sixteen-inch square elm timbers were placed on deck across the opening and strongly chained to smaller timbers; timbers were also put fore and aft to take the pull and keep the two parts of hull from coming together. it all reads easily, but took much consideration and time in working out the problems. and as the enterprise was unusual and not likely to be repeated the details are given as matters of interesting record. it was a strange looking craft that came out of dock. two parts held far apart from one another by the big timbers, and the water washing free to and fro in the opening between. it was a tender craft to moor in a narrow river where heavily laden vessels coming and going banged heedlessly against one another. we were fortunate, however, in obtaining the permission of the united states marine department that we might lie unmolested and alone alongside government wharf on the west side of the river while waiting for weather. a great deal of public interest was being taken in the venture and on every hand we received cheerful and ready assistance. mr. david bell, whose daughter had married mr. casimir gzowski, of toronto, was especially helpful, doing good work for us in the foundry and machine shops. the dry dock companies seemed like old friends, the curious public often visited us, and the enterprising newspaper reporters kept us well in the readers' view. so we towed out of dock, dropped down the river and tied up at our allotted berth. the barges with their strange-looking cargo had been sent separately across to the canal to port colborne at the first opportunity. it was the beginning of october when the weather was uncertain, the water restless, and we had to be very careful in selecting a day to take such a crazy craft as a steamer thus separated in two parts across the thirty-four miles of the open lake. buffalo in the seventies was a very different place from what it is at present. the lower city alongside the river and canal street, crowded with cheap boarding houses for sailors and dock gangs, reeked in ribaldry and every phase of dissolute excitements. the vessels frequenting the ports in those days were mainly sailing vessels, the era of great steam freighters not having come. the stay of the vessels was much longer, their crews more numerous, and being less permanent, were easy victims to the harpies and the drink shops which surrounded and beset them. the waterside locality of buffalo had then a reputation and an aroma peculiarly of its own. crazy horse cars jangled down the main main street to the docks. the terminus of the niagara falls railway operated by the new york central, was at the ferry station, the cross-town connection to the terrace and exchange street not having been put in. the mansion house was the principal hotel of the city, and its lower storey on the street level, entirely occupied by the ticket offices of all the principal railway and steamship companies of the united states. the business centre of the town was in the vicinity. arrangements had been established with the united states weather bureau, whose office was well up town, to give us earliest advice of when they thought there would be from six to eight hours of fair weather ahead. many a messenger trotted between, and many an hour was spent in their office, waiting for news, for there were no telephones to convey information. the elements seemed against us. for a fortnight we had a succession of blows from almost every direction, one following the other without giving a sufficiently calm interval between. it was wonderful to see how quickly the water rose and fell in the harbour. a steady blow from the west would pile the water up at this east end of the lake and we would rise six feet alongside the wharf in a few hours, to fall again as the wind went down or changed, the outgoing water creating quite a rapid current as it ran out of the river. it was during this waiting time an incident occurred which came within an ace of putting an end to one career. the last thing in the evening a visit was always made from the hotel to the boat to see that all was well. in front of the face of the government wharf there was a continuous line of "spring piles" for its protection, with the heads cut off to the level of the dock. one dark and rainy night, when stepping from the deck of the steamer, mistaking the opening in the darkness for the edge of the wharf the next step put the leader into the opening and he dropped through into the river. soon manson's voice was heard calling, "are you there, mr. cumberland?" a lamp was lowered; the distance from the floor of the dock to the water was some six or eight feet, and many iron spikes projected through the piles. a storm was subsiding and the water running out fast, but by holding on to the spikes a way was worked up until a hand was reached by manson and the adventurer was hauled up to the top. sitting on the edge of the wharf with dripping legs dangling in the opening manson's exclamation was heard, "sakes alive; he's got his pipe in his mouth still!" they say the reply was, "do you suppose i'd open my mouth when i went under?" it was a close call, and mrs. cumberland was always anxious until at last we got the _chicora_ safely to toronto. at length advice was received from the bureau that we could start, so the tug was called and about 6 a.m. we were under way. we had tried to get some insurance for the run across, but the rate asked was excessive that we determined to go without any, a determination which added zest to the enterprise. we didn't want to lose the boat and wouldn't have taken any the less care or precaution even if the insurance companies would have carried the risk for nothing. in this connection it is open to consideration whether the moral hazard of a marine risk is not of more importance even than the rating of the vessel, and that good owners are surely entitled to better rates than simply the "tariff schedule" which their vessel's rating calls for. the prevailing inconsistent system is very much like that of the credit tailor whose solvent customers pay for his losses on those who fail to pay their bills. the morning was cold and calm. we made down the river and rounded out into the lake, on which there still remained some motion from previous gales. it was curious to stand on the edge of the deck and see the chips and floating debris carried along in the wide opening between the two parts. we had come by a slanting course down and across the lake, reaching in under point abino in good shape and were rejoicing that the larger portion of the crossing was well over. as we rounded from under the lee of the point and passing it, changed our course for port colborne, a nasty sea come down from the northwest with an increasing breeze. we were soon in trouble, the bow-part began to roll and jump on its own account at a different rate than the more staid and heavy after-part, sometimes rising up on end and then seeming to try and take a dive, but held from going away by the long elm timbers which writhed while their chains squealed and rang under the strain. the worst sensation was when the seas, coming in on the quarter, swept through the opening between the two parts, swishing between the plates and dashing against the after bulkhead made it resound like a drum, sending the spray up over the deck while they coursed through the rower side. it was very exciting, but not at all comfortable. the pace of the tug seemed to get slower and slower, but all we on board could do was to keep the long timbers and their fastenings in their places, see that the bulkheads held their own, and stand by and watch the contest with the waves. at length, as we got more under the lee of the land, the waves subsided, the pace increased, and at last we were safe between the piers at port colborne. making all arrangements for the next few days, the leader hurried home, fagged out, but exultant, for the worst part of the journey was over and we had put the rest of the way fairly under our own control. chapter vii. down through the welland--the miseries of horse towing times--port dalhousie and a lake veteran--the problem solved--toronto at last. the barges with the "guards" on them had been sent down through the canal as soon as they had crossed the lake, and were now safely moored at the ontario level in the outer harbour at port dalhousie, there to await the arrival of the united boat. the men in charge returning up the canal to join the main expedition. starting from port colborne, the two parts of the steamer were separated to go down the canal. the bow part was kept in the lead, but both as near one another as possible, so that the crews could take their meals on the after part, on which they also passed the nights. the stern part was taken down the long upper level by a small tug, but teams were employed in towing for all the remaining portions of the canalling. memories of things as they then existed on the old welland are in striking contrast to the conditions obtaining at the present day. the miseries of human slaves on the "middle passage" of the atlantic have been dilated upon until sympathy with their sufferings has abounded, but it is doubtful if they were in any way worse than those of the miserable beings then struggling on the canal passage between lakes erie and ontario. the canal bank and tow paths were a sticky mush, which in those autumn months was churned and stamped into a continuous condition of soft red mud and splashing pools. from two to six double teams were employed to haul each passing vessel, dependent upon whether it was light or was loaded, but in either case there was the same dull, heavy, continuous pull against the slow-moving mass, a hopeless constant tug into the collars, bringing raw and calloused shoulders. poor beasts, there was every description of horse, pony, or mule forced into the service, but an all-prevailing similarity of lean sides and projecting bones, of staring unkempt coats, gradually approaching similar colour as the red mud dried upon their hides. rest! they had in their traces when mercifully for a few moments the vessel was in a lock, or when awaiting her turn at night they lay out on the bank where she happened to stop. it was the rest of despair. the poor devils of "drivers," boys or men, who tramped along the canal bank behind each tottering gang, were little better off than their beasts. heavy-footed, wearied with lifting their boots out of the sucking slush, they trudged along, staggering and half asleep, until aroused by the sounds of a sagging tow line, with quickened stride and volley of hot-shot expletives, they closed upon their luckless four-footed companions. what an electric wince went through the piteous brutes as the stinging whip left wales upon their sides! a sudden forward motion brought up by the twang of the tow line as it came taut, sweeping them off their legs, until they settled down once more into the sidling crablike movement caused by the angle of the hawser from the bow to the tow path. the new welland, with its larger size and tug boats, has done away with this method of torturing human and horse flesh. one wonders whether it is the ghosts of these departed equines, that, revisiting the scenes of their torture, make the moanings along the valley, and the whistlings on the hills, as they sniff and whinny in the winds along the canal. we had a good deal of difficulty at first in our canalling, especially in meeting and passing vessels. the after-part took every inch of the locks, and was unhandy in shape. however, by dint of rope fenders, long poles and a plentiful and willing crew we got along without hurting anyone else or ourselves. it was in one of these sudden emergencies which sometimes arise that captain manson was thought to have got a strain which developed into trouble later on. he was a splendidly-built fellow, over six feet in height, in the plenitude of youth, handsome, laughing, active, and of uncommon strength, the sort of man who jumps in when there is something to be done, throws in his whole force and saves the situation. the bow-part, being short and light, went merrily on, its crew chaffing the other for their slower speed, for which there was much excuse. one day on a course in the canal below thorold we rounded the corner of the height above the mountain tier of locks. it was a wondrous sight to see laid out before us the wide landscape of tableland and valley spread out below, through which we were to navigate and drop down 340 feet on the next four and one-quarter miles. to the left was the series of locks which circled, in gray stone structures, like a succession of great steps, down the mountain side. these were separated one from the other by small ponds or reservoirs with waste weirs, whose little waterfalls tinkled, foaming and glinting in the sun. directly in front, and below us, were the houses and factories of merritton, with trains of the great western and the welland railways spurting white columns of steam and smoke as the engines panted up the grade to the heights of the niagara escarpment from which we were about to descend. beyond these came glimpses of the canal as it wound its way toward st. catharines. still lower down the escarpment, spires and towers of the city itself, and yet lower and still further away lay on the horizon the blue waters of lake ontario. how beautiful and hopeful it was! as the greeks when emerging from the strife and struggles of their long and painful homeward march, hailed the sea with shouts of happy acclaim, for beyond those waters they knew lay home and rest. so, too, it might have been for us, or at least for one of us, for another link had been gained in our long and trying voyage. far away, from the height, we could see lake ontario, the goal of the expedition, the ardently sought terminus of our labours, and on the other side of its waters lay toronto and the future for the bonnie ship. but times to-day are more prosaic, so, taking a hasty but satisfying look, we turned to negotiate the next lock. that night at the bottom of the tier, the stern part moored in one pond and the bow in the next below, a "jubilation" was held in the after-cabin by the combined crews. we had safely got down all the steps, and had passed the large boat safely through, so that we might well rejoice. beyond this day there was not much that occurred; the way was simple and we had got the "hang" of things. at st. catharines half the city came out to see the strange looking hulk wending its way down the canal, and through the locks, close to the town. at length we came down through the five mile level where the "canadian henley" is now held, with its floating tow path to carry the teams, and arrived at muir's dock, just above the final lock at port dalhousie, after five days occupied in coming through the canal. the two parts were moored alongside the gate while waiting for the dock to be made ready for our turn to enter. the position of the village now known as port dalhousie was originally, in 1812 days, being called "twelve mile creek." the creeks, or river openings being then named according to their distances in miles from the niagara river. this name was afterwards changed to "port dalhousie," in honour of lord dalhousie, the governor-general at the time the first canal was constructed. the "port" in those days of the horse canal when we arrived at it was mainly a turning place for the canal crews. its one principal street facing the canal basin, had houses on one side only, mostly drink shops, with or without license, with a few junk and supply stores intervening. its immediate inhabitants, a nomad collection of sailors and towing gangs, waiting for another job. around and in its neighborhood there was a happy district prolific of fruit and flowers, but in itself, with its vagrant crews culled from the world over, it was a little haven not far from the realm of dante's imaginations. times, methods and circumstances have all since changed. [illustration: old welland canal lock 1 _plan of lock at port dalhousie with upper gate closed, only 200 ft. long_ _the lock at port dalhousie with upper gate open--233 ft. 6 in. long._ _"chicora" 230 ft. long as placed in lock and lowered to lake ontario level._ page 74] capt. d. muir, the proprietor of the dry dock, with whom both now and later many a pleasant hour was spent, was a fine old character, and although then on the far side of sixty he held himself with square-set shoulders upright and sprightly. he had sailed the lakes until his face had taken on a permanent tan; eyes a deep blue with shaggy overhanging brows, a strong mouth and imperturbable countenance. he was not greatly given to conversation and had a dry, pawky humour which gave much point to his slowly spoken words, but when, as sometimes, he was in narrative mood, he would string off incidents of early sailing days on the lakes the while he chewed or turned from side to side, some sliver of wood which was invariably held between his teeth. he had no fancy for metal vessels, or "tin-pots," as he called them. "give me," said he, "good sound wooden vessels, built right," (as he said this you would glean from his emphasis he meant "as i build them.") "if ye hit against anything in the canawl, ye don't dint; if ye go ashore ye don't punch holes in your bottom, and ye ken pull yer hardest without enny fear uv rippin' it out." there is this to be said that whatever work was done in his dock, was well done. as soon as possible the two parts were put into the dock, the bulkheads taken out, the parts drawn together on launching ways (very cleverly done by muir's men), and the plates and beams rivetted together again by rivetters brought down from buffalo. the hull, both inside and out, was diligently scraped in every part and thoroughly oiled and painted. the main deck was relaid and _chicora_ was a ship again. while all this was going on, mr. j. g. demary, the "overseer" of this section of the canal, and i, had been carefully looking over the canal lock and arranging the procedure for putting the boat in for the final lowering down to lake ontario level. close examination had proved that the conditions of the port dalhousie lock, under water, were much more favorable than appeared on the surface. the lock had been built about thirty years previously and there was very little local knowledge about it. the lock itself was 200 feet on full inside measurement, with both gates closed. the upper gates opening to the upper level, instead of being half the height of the lower gates, were of the same height, and the lock itself was continued at its full size and depth for 33 feet further beyond these upper gates until it came to the "breast wall" of the upper level. with the upper gates open and pressed against the sides, there was thus created an unobstructed length of 233 feet, into which to place and lower the 230-foot steamer, as is shown in the accompanying drawing. it was a very welcome and satisfactory solution which investigation below the water level disclosed. like many other problems, it all seems very simple when once the unknown has been studied out and the results revealed, and so it was in this case. the project and the plan of the whole enterprise of bringing the _chicora_ down had been created by close search into conditions, by the adapting of a sudden opportunity which happened to become available, and thus rendered practicable that which all others had considered to be, and was, impossible. it was a trying risk and worthy of a good reward. in an undertaking so exceptional as this was it was unavoidable that unexpected difficulties should from time to time arise, as they often did, yet only to be overcome by decision and pertinacity. another, at this stage, cropped up which for a time looked most unpleasant and caused much anxiety. the 230-foot steamer was to be placed in the 233-foot lock, and the water run off so as to bring her to the lake ontario level, or 11 feet 6 inches below the upper canal level. it was now found, when trying out every inch of the proposition, that under the water in front of the breast wall there was a big boom, or beam, extending across the lock from side to side. demary did not know how it was held in position, for it had been there before he came into the service, but he understood it had been intended to stop vessels laden too deeply from coming up the canal and striking and damaging the stonework of the breast wall. enquiry at the canal office at st. catharines resulted in learning that there were no records of it, although mr. e. v. bodwell, who was then the canal superintendent, gave us every aid. that beam had to be got out of the way or difficulty might be caused, so permission was obtained from ottawa for its removal at our own expense. first we thought we would saw it through, but soon found that it was sheeted from end to end with plates of iron, so we had to begin the long job of cutting the iron under water. many a pipe was smoked while watching the progress, when one day it was noticed that heads of the round rods which held up the beam in the grooves were square, suggesting screws on the lower end. so huge wrenches were forged, blocks and tackle rigged up, and after an afternoon's work with a team and striking blows with sledge hammers, we succeeded in getting the screws moving and, happy moment, the beam dropped to the bottom of the lock, where, no doubt, it still remains. so another kink had been untwisted. navigation ceased for the year, the canal was closed for the passage of vessels and the upper gates of the lock were opened and firmly secured. the _chicora_ was brought from her mooring, and placed in the lock with her bow up-stream. the water in the lock was now the same level as that of the upper level. on the 5th december, 1877, the process of drawing off the water of the five-mile level was begun, unwatering the canal as far as st. catharines. it took ten days or so before the wider areas of the drowned lands were uncovered. we watched the waters falling lower and lower until at length the steamer began lowering into the lock. being fully secured, she was held in position clear of all obstacles. all was going well, but slowly, the time taken for the last few feet seeming to be interminable. at last suspense was over and on the 20th december we opened the lower gate and _chicora_ floated out into the harbour at the lake ontario level! the barges were quickly brought alongside, the guards were jacked up and fastened back into place to be completed after we reached toronto, and the material which had been brought along in the expedition collected and loaded. arrangement had been made with capt. hall to keep the tug _robb_ in commission to be ready to tow us over. being telegraphed for the tug duly arrived, and about noon on 24th december, started out from port dalhousie with _chicora_ in tow. navigation had long been closed and we were the only boats out on the lake. the air was cold but clear, and we had a fine passage, delighting greatly when the buildings of toronto came clearly into view--soon we would enter the haven where we fain would be. as we crossed the lake a smart and increasing breeze rose behind. as we came abreast of the shoal near the new fort (now called stanley barracks), and rounded up to make for the entrance to the harbour, suddenly the _robb_ _stopped_. something had evidently gone wrong with the engine. carried on by our way we swung broadside to the shore under our lee. a quarter of an hour, half an hour, three-quarters of an hour passed as we were steadily drifted by the breeze nearer and nearer to the beach. we could not do anything for ourselves--still there was no movement from the tug--would she never start again? a little nearer and we would go aground among the sand and boulders, to stick there perhaps through the whole of the winter which was so close at hand. after working out our enterprise so far, were we to be wrecked just when safety was less than a mile away? it seemed hard lines to be so helpless at such a stage. but fortune had not abandoned her adventurers, for just in the nick of time we saw the tug moving, the engine had started again and in half an hour the _chicora_ was inside the harbour, tied up alongside the old northern railway dock, her journey from collingwood ended on this the afternoon of the day before christmas day. capt hall, who was on his tug, had suffered as much from anxiety as had we, for he knew that every other tug on the lake had been laid up, so there would have been nothing left to pull the _robb_ off had she, as well as we, been carried upon the bouldered shore. the _robb_ was the largest canadian wrecking tug then on the lakes. she had done service in the fenian raid of 1866 at the time of the engagement at fort erie between the welland battery and the fenians, some of the bullet marks still remaining on her wheel-house. after a long and honourable career she was grounded at victoria park, where her hull was used to form a portion of the landing pier, and where some of her timbers may still remain. what a happy relief it was to be back on old familiar ground again, to meet the cheery greetings and congratulations of the "old northerners" of the yards and machine shops who took the utmost interest in this enterprise of their president, hon. frank smith, and their general manager, mr. f. w. cumberland, and formed an affection for the _chicora_ which is lasting and vivid to the present day. christmas was a happy and well-earned rest. we had completed the first part of the undertaking, but not for unmeasured wealth would the experience be repeated. youth is energetic and looks forward in roseate hope, so the anxieties and risks were soon forgotten, and all nerves turned toward the business engagements and profits, which, now that we had her safe in hand, the boat was to be set to earn. the balance of that winter, and the spring of 1878 were fully occupied in rebuilding the upper works of the steamer in their new form adapted to her service as a day boat and in overhauling and setting up the engine after their long rest. not long after our arrival, captain manson developed a severe inflammation, which confined him to his room in the richmond house. here, bright and cheerful to the last, he died on 29th february and was buried in collingwood on march 2nd, deeply regretted by all sailorfolk and particularly by our crew. five others of that crew, lost with the _wabuno_ and _asia_, found watery graves in the waters of the georgian bay. the writer is now the sole survivor, and mr. r. h. m. mcbride, and he the only remaining members of the original company. for the interior work a party of experienced french-canadian ship joiners were brought up from sorel, no centre of ship carpentering existing in ontario at that time. the comely main stairway which gives such adornment to the entrance hall was then erected in all its grace of re-entrant curves, ornate pillars, and flowing sweep of head-rail and balustrade. when one thinks of the unnumbered thousands of travellers who have passed up and down its convenient steps, ones admiration and respect are raised for the french-canadian foreman who designed its form and executed it with such honest and capable workmanship, that to-day it still displays its lines of beauty without a creak or strain. the octagonal wheel-house of the upper lakes which had been brought by rail from collingwood was re-erected with its columned sides and graceful curving cornice under which was again hung the little blockade-running bell, lettered "let her b." chapter viii. the niagara portal--history of names at newark and niagara--a winter of changes--a new rivalry begun. on the south side of lake ontario, opposite toronto, is the niagara portal, where the mouth of the niagara river, with high banks on either hand, makes its entrance into the lake, forming the only uninterrupted deep water harbour on that shore. here the rapid waters, outfall of all the gatherings of the inland upper lakes, pour out in fullest volume, enabling entrance even in winter, when all other harbours are closed in the grasp of ice. it is worthy of its mighty source, the product of the greatest fresh water lakes in all the world. over the west bank floats the union jack on fort missasuaga, and over the east on fort niagara, the stars and stripes, each the emblem of the british and united states nationalities, between whose possessions the river forms the boundary line. the first port of call on the canadian side at the mouth of the river, now known as niagara-on-the-lake, had in olden times an importance and a past, which much belies its present outlook of quiet and placidity. once it was the principal and most noted place in the province of upper canada, and the centre of legislative power, making its surrounding neighborhood full of reminiscence. the successive changes in the name of this ancient lakeside town, as also those of the settlement on the opposite shore, are interesting, as in themselves they form footprints in the paths of history. the french had entered the st. lawrence in 1534, and, as we have seen, had fully established their first route of connection to the upper lakes and the inner fur-trading districts, via the ottawa and lake nipissing. the niagara river route, via lake erie, had been learned of by them in 1669 under pere gallinee, and followed by the enterprise of the _griffon_ in 1678, but then, and for long after, was too fiercely occupied by hostile indian tribes to be greatly available for commercial use. a first advance from montreal intending to occupy the route, under chevalier de la barre, was intercepted by the indians at frontenac (kingston) and driven back to montreal. in 1687 another advance for possession of the river succeeded in creating a foothold and the french erected a wooden fort and palisade upon the projecting point on the east bank of the river at its junction point with the lake. this outpost they named fort niagara, the name by which the place has ever since continued to be known. the little garrison was not long able to keep its foothold. beset by indians and cut off by the failure of food supplies expected from their compatriots in the east, they were in dire straits, but yet boldly holding out in hopes that relief might yet arrive. at this juncture, col. thomas dongan, governor of the english colony of new york, then loyal subjects of james ii., made demand that the french should evacuate the fort, as it was in british territory. the british colonists of new york and new jersey had recently joined hands with the colonies of new england, in a british union, for united defence against the french. upon the english home government having indicated to the french authorities its support of the colonial demand, the marquis de denonville, governor of canada, ordered the garrison to retire. this they reluctantly did, but before leaving raised in the centre of the fort, under the influence of pere millet, their jesuit missionary, a great wooden cross 18 feet in height, upon which they cut in large letters: , "regn: vinc: imp: chrs:" _regnat_; _vincit_; _imperat_; _christus_; (christ reigns, conquers, rules.) the place was being for a while abandoned as a military post, but by this they left notice that it was still held as on outpost of their religion. here again at niagara an episode was being repeated exceedingly similar to that which had been developed at quebec a century and a half before. jacques cartier and his explorers had entered the st. lawrence and endured their first winter at stadacona (quebec). decimated by scurvy and privations, and in extreme danger from the hostility of the indians, he determined to return to france, taking with him the remnants of his expedition. on 3rd may, 1536, three days before leaving, he raised upon the river bank a cross 35 feet in height, on which was a shield bearing the lilies of france, and an inscription: "_franciscus primus dei gratia francorum regnat._" as cartier had returned and established their strong-hold at tidewater, near quebec, so the survivors of the party of pierre de troyes at niagara, in 1688, hoped they, too, might again return and repossess for their nation this centre from which they were so reluctantly retiring. these two events so far separated in time, are striking evidences of the constancy with which these pioneers of france, even when seemingly overcome, showed their hopeful fidelity to king and to their religion. the french in 1721 were, according to charlevoix, once more in occupation. the position of fort niagara, commanding the route to their series of forts on the lines of the ohio and mississippi, was considered by the french as second in importance only to that of quebec, and consequently great store laid upon its possession. under jonquiere they added four bastions to the fort and erected a stone storehouse, called "the castle," which is still to be seen. further strengthenings were added by capt. puchot, of the battalion of bearne. in 1759, notwithstanding puchot's gallant defence, the fort was captured by the british, under sir william johnson, and thus both sides of the river came under british rule. three nationalities in succession had striven for its possession, the indians, the french and the british, from whom it was never again taken by assault. at the conclusion of the war of the revolution the forts along the northern frontier were, by the treaty of paris, 1783, to be transferred to the united states. fort niagara, with some others, was held in hostage for the fulfillment of the reparations promised by the federal government of the united states to be made by the several states to the united empire, and other loyalists who had stood by the king during the rebellion. these reparations were never made, but after the guns had been removed to fort george, on the canadian side, the union jack was hauled down, and the fort handed over on 11th july, 1796. the stars and stripes then remained in possession until the war of 1812, when in retaliation for the burning of newark, the fort was assaulted and taken by storm by the british under col. murray on the night of 18th december, 1813, and the union jack was once more raised above it. matters remained in this position until in february, 1814, under the treaty of ghent, fort niagara was once more gracefully given over and again, and in peace, the stars and stripes took the place of the red cross jack. the name niagara appears during the opening period of the british occupation to have been used generally for all parts of the neighborhood, but applied particularly to the old village on the east bank close under the walls of the old french fort. population now began to cross the river to the western side, and abner gilbert reports in 1761, the beginning of a village called butlersberg, on the west shore, named after colonel butler, the commander of the celebrated "butler's rangers" of the revolutionary war, and which was afterwards largely settled by united empire loyalists. this name was early changed to west niagara in order to distinguish it from fort niagara. at the advent of lieutenant-governor simcoe, in 1791, and presumably at his instance, a new name newark, after a town in nottinghamshire, england, was given to this town on the west bank, and in 1792, by royal proclamation, the name niagara was officially transferred from the town to the surrounding township. newark then became the seat of government, and capital of the province of upper canada, and the place of residence of the lieutenant-governor. this distinction and advantage it enjoyed unrestrictedly until 1793, when governor simcoe removed his personal headquarters to the north side of the lake at toronto, where he again indulged his fancy for changing names, by changing the then original name of toronto, to that of york, in honor of a recent victory of h.r.h. the duke of york in flanders. although governor simcoe had himself removed his residence to york, he received and entertained the duc de liancourt in 1795, at newark. the parliaments of upper canada continued to hold their sessions at newark, and the town to be the official centre of the province, until 1796, when governor russell, the successor of governor simcoe, finally removed the provincial headquarters to york. the loss of its prestige and official importance so incensed the inhabitants that they refused to continue the new name imposed upon them by governor simcoe and reverted at once to the name of west niagara. the official _niagara gazette_, which had hitherto been dated from newark, changed its heading to west niagara, and so continued until october, 1789, when it was first published from york. finally in 1798 an act of parliament was obtained by the municipality restoring to the town its old name of niagara. old names die hard, so we find john maude, in 1800, mentioning the name of west niagara, late newark. common usage seems to have generally retained the name of newark, at all events as used by strangers. john mellish, writing in 1811, says "i came down the opposite side of the river, the wind was blowing so hard that i could not cross to newark." on the 10th december, 1813, when every house in the town, except one, was burned by the american troops, who had obtained possession in the previous spring, but were now retreating from it in consequence of the advance of the british troops under col. murray; the american general writing on the spot to the united states secretary of war at washington and describing in his official report of the position of affairs writes: "the village of newark is now in flames." this destruction and the infliction of great privations upon the inhabitants and children, in the midst of a severe winter may have been justified under the plea of military exigency, but has always been considered inhuman. general mclure and his forces, however, retired so precipately across the river to the united states side that they left the whole 200 tents of their encampment at fort george standing, and the new barracks which they had just completed untouched, so that we may hope that some of the women and children were not without temporary shelter. with this total destruction in 1813 seems also to have passed away the name newark, and the town arose from its ashes as niagara. in after times, as the towns and villages in this niagara district increased in number, not a few difficulties were occasioned by a similarity of names, such as niagara falls, niagara falls centre, niagara south, niagara, etc. in 1900 the name of niagara-on-the-lake was introduced as being a geographical and distinctive name, appropriate to the lakeside position. this, while not at first accepted by some of the older citizens, yet having been authorized by the post office department, is now the correct address. the name is certainly one expressing the individuality of the town and its unexampled position as an interesting place of resort, and perhaps is better than that of old niagara, which some people still use in speaking of it. it was into this niagara river realm, with all its historic past and passenger possibilities that we were about to enter. negotiations for the running arrangements had been continued during the winter months. the _chicora_ having been brought to lake ontario, and accepted as satisfactory for the canadian southern railway, a term of years contract for the performance of the service in its combined rail and water route between buffalo, niagara and toronto was negotiated, and after much debate and consideration had been drafted and settled with the officers and engrossed for final execution. an arrangement was also made by hon. frank smith with the representatives of the milloy estate, the owners of the _city of toronto_, that the two steamers, the _city_ and the _chicora_ should run in concert, dividing the business between them and avoiding competition. everything looked well. the steamer herself as she approached completion increased in approbation, and the details for the traffic working had been satisfactorily arranged. the writer resigned his position as general freight and passenger agent of the northern railway of canada, and received appointment (26th april, 1878), as manager of the niagara navigation company. in the preceding year mr. robert kerr had been promoted from the charge of the through grain traffic to be assistant general freight and passenger agent of the northern, and now succeeded to the full office, a position which he held with increasing satisfaction until 1884, when he transferred and entered into the service of the canadian pacific railway. a ticket office was opened by mr. cumberland for the niagara route and the upper lakes, with captain thomas wyatt of the inman line, and c. w. irwin, customs broker, at 35 yonge street, under the then american hotel on the north-east corner of front and yonge streets, now covered by the building of the toronto board of trade. the agencies of all the ocean and inland steamship companies were at that time located either on front or on yonge streets, in this neighborhood. donald milloy, the agent of the richelieu and royal mail lines and the _city of toronto_ was on the front street side of the american hotel, while this for upper lakes and the _chicora_ was on the yonge street front. in the beginning of may came a bolt from the blue. the opportunities for another steamer in the niagara river route had evidently attracted the attention of other people as well as ourselves. there had been rumors that mr. r. g. lunt, of fredericton, new brunswick, might bring his fast river steamer the _rothesay_ up to lake ontario, or the st. lawrence river. his route on the st. john river between fredericton and st. john had been spoiled by recent railway construction; he was thus open for a new route. mr. donald macdonald of toronto was his brother-in-law, so that he was not without local advice and influence. the announcement was now made that an arrangement had been come to between the _city of toronto_ and the _rothesay_ to run together on the niagara route. the hon. frank smith at once sent for mr. donald milloy and was surprised to be told that the undertaking which had been made to run the _city of toronto_ in connection with the _chicora_, would not be fulfilled and that it was not binding on the owners of the steamer. needless to say mr. smith was enraged, and bringing his hand down with a decisive smash declared that he would see them through various places for their perfidy. [illustration: the chicora on lake ontario page 94] mr. donald milloy was then leaseholder from the freeland bros. of the yonge street dock, toronto, and refused to allow us to have a berth in it. the milloy estate owned the dock at niagara, and at first would not let us in but satisfactory arrangements were made. here we were within six weeks of the opening of business without either dock or partner. arrangements for our connection at lewiston were next sought. the only dock was owned by mr. george cornell. this was the connecting point with the new york central railway whose station was in the upper town about a mile distant from the landing; the passengers and baggage being transferred in the bus line run by mr. cornell. the _city_ had the exclusive rights of this dock at its upper end, close to the staircase, up and down which connection was made between the busses on the upper level and the steamers. cornell was not disinclined to favour the increased business which the new steamer would no doubt bring to his hotel and busses. we were thus enabled to lease the lower end of the dock, which was at once repaired and replenished, it not having been in use for many years--in fact, not since 1864-65, when all the large lake steamers were withdrawn and run down the rapids to be employed in service during the american civil war. then began a permanent and friendly relation with the cornells, father and son, which has been continued without a hitch or interruption through all these intervening years. at toronto, mr. donald milloy still refused to allow us to run from his yonge street dock in connection with the other steamers, although we would have been very glad to do so. this dock is in many ways a much superior boating point than any other, but as the next best place we secured entry at the west side of yonge street at "mowat's dock," afterwards called "geddes' dock," and now the "city dock," our berth being along the face fronting the bay. another bolt was now to come. all the details of our contract with the canada southern had been settled early in the spring, the documents drawn and requiring only the signature of the president. unfortunately at this juncture a change of control came and the canada southern passed into the hands of the michigan central, and under another president, who, on being interviewed at cleveland, was quite pleasant, sent for the contract, read it over, but said decisively that it had not been signed and there would be no contract! in his opinion it was not desirable to make a term of years contract, tying his company to any one boat, but under the special circumstances, agreed to give us a connection. i pointed out that we had gone to all the risk and expense and had brought the _chicora_ down on the faith of that contract, but as he said he wouldn't adopt it, he was at once assured that we would work just as hard for expansion of the traffic and would earn and win his company's support, so we parted on friendly terms. there was nothing else for it. we might just as well take it pleasantly for it was good to have even half a connection with one of the railways on the river. it certainly felt a disappointment not to have contract control of that section of the traffic, but one is disposed to think that it was for the best, and indeed has so proved. we have built our way up by providing, at the instance of the railways, all the requirements that that water traffic needs. it is better to deserve a route and hold it by efficient service for mutual advantage, trusting to just and amicable endeavor on both sides, rather than to the rigid terms of a formal contract. the importance of the ownership of landing places had been so impressed by the recent events that i availed of an opportunity, which offered to purchase the dock and water lot at queenston, although the traffic at that point was then so light that it could scarcely be considered a port of call. this british port at the head of lake ontario navigation at this upper end of "queen's-ton" was the loyally-named co-relative and partner of "king's ton" at the lower end. its glory had been great, but had long departed, leaving little but the noted "queenston spring," whose pure and running waters still pour perennially from the side of the bank alongside the dock. the purchase did not at that time receive much approval by some, but fully justified itself later on, and was the first step in that policy of acquiring the wharf properties at all points on our route, which has ever since been consistently followed by the company. as we had expected that our intended partner would provide us with railway connections on the river and with ticketing arrangements for foreign business, we had not done much except in local preparations. the "city" refused to present us to the railway companies and tendered the "rothesay" as her partner, as the railway companies loyally stood by their old connection, we were left out to do the best we could on our own account. we had now to prepare all these matters for ourselves, a pretty considerable work of organization, but with energy and much overtime it was at length pushed through. the main difficulty was in the railway connection via lewiston, and beyond buffalo, where the railways would neither accept tickets for us, nor issue tickets over us. the new york central authorities determined to stand by their old connections with the "city," and would not have any dealings with us. the hon. frank smith interviewed mr. tillinghart, who was superintendent and in charge of the central interests in this district, placing before him the position which had been anticipated but had been disrupted, with the "city," but to no avail. it was a serious position and seemed well night unsurmountable. some would have quailed and laid down. the _rothesay_ arrived. she proved to be quite an impressive looking boat, about 180 feet in length, good beam, very roomy decks and central cabin; a more commodious boat than the _city_. she was particularly well arranged as a "day" boat and was reputed to have a high rate of speed, as she soon proved she had. the _chicora_ shortly afterwards moved down the bay from the northern docks to her station. the contrast between the two steamers was most noticeable, the _rothesay_ with high walking beam engine and broad skimming dish appearance, with the sea-going ability, and double red funnels of the _chicora_. it was evident that the main contest would be between these two boats. the _city of toronto_, as had for many years been usual, a custom coming down from the time when there were no railways around the head of the lake, opened the season on april 18th, leaving toronto at 7 a.m., making only the one morning trip. we had made our appointments in march, captain thomas harbottle, the leading favorite of the royal mail line, was placed in command. a ruddy-faced, jovial personage, with flowing dundreary whiskers, inclining to grey, cordial manners, a good seaman, who held with ever-increasing respect and confidence the good-will of the royal mail company and of the travelling public. mr. j. ellis, who had a good connection in toronto and held full marine certificates, as captain on both atlantic and inland lakes, was appointed first officer, and george moore chief engineer. alex. leach continued as purser. the bookstand and lunch counter on the steamer were leased to a young man then in the employ of chisholm brothers, the proprietors of the similar privileges on the richelieu & ontario, and river st. lawrence steamers. as steamers were added by us, t. p. phelan grew with the line. subsequently he was entrusted with all the catering for the company. from this he advanced to similar business at all the refreshment stations of the grand trunk and grand trunk pacific railways, so that now the canada railway news co. (which is t. p. phelan) is the largest news and catering company in canada. chapter ix. first season of the niagara navigation co.--a hot competition--steamboat manoeuvres. the work of preparation had been completed and we drifted down to record the opening day of our first season. our hats were in the ring. a complimentary excursion to niagara, leaving at 2.30 p.m., was given by the company on may 10th to a large list of guests, an introduction of the steamer which was much appreciated and approved. the boat race in toronto bay between hanlan and ross on 15th may was availed of for an excursion to view the race. we were still solving the problems on the niagara river so our first business operation was in another direction, and it is somewhat interesting that this first trip was to hamilton, being introduced by the following advertisement: queen's birthday 24th may, 1878 grand excursion to hamilton magnificent steamer chicora will leave mowart's dock at 7 a.m. and 3 p.m. returning will leave hamilton at 10.15 a.m. and 6.15 p.m., calling at ocean house, burlington beach, each way. splendid band of the royal engineer's artillery battalion. for the convenience of passengers the steamer will call at queen's wharf on the outward trip in the morning. single return tickets 75c. double return tickets $1.00. barlow cumberland, agent, 35 yonge street. god save the queen. the results were highly satisfactory, the public being anxious to see the steamer and interested in its progress. another charter which was declined may be mentioned as being the establishing of a principle which was not departed from. a new roman catholic church had been erected at oakville, which was to be consecrated and opened with much eclat on a sunday. at that time there were no trains run on sundays on the hamilton and toronto branch of the great western railway, and the only way by which any very large contingent from toronto could be expected to join in the ceremonies would be by making arrangements for an excursion by water. there would have been no legal objection to this, as the rigidity of sunday legislation had not then been introduced. the oakville authorities made application to charter the _chicora_, and as the president of the company was a roman catholic, and the roman catholic archbishop of toronto strongly supported the application, they felt assured of compliance. a goodly offer was made for a trip on the sunday afternoon from toronto to oakville and back. the matter was considered by the board and it was unanimously resolved that the chicora would not be run on sundays. one will not say that this decision was entirely due to religious considerations, although these, no doubt, were not without weight, but it was also settled upon plain business principles. the steamer was entering a considerable contest and would need every care. in a competition with two steamers we needed to have our men and the boat keyed up to the highest efficiency. this could not be done if we ran the steamer across the lake on every day of the week. the maintenance of the regularity of the steamers and the reputation of the niagara river line has without doubt been considerably gained by confining the running to "week days only." the increasing requirements for through connections, particularly from the american railways on the south shore, where sunday trains have greatly increased, may some day bring about a change. on saturday, 1st june, _chicora_ left toronto dock at 2.30 p.m. for a first regular afternoon excursion to niagara, and on monday, june 3rd, began her regular double trip service leaving at 7.05 a.m. and 2.05 p.m. as matters on the niagara river were still in process of organization we did not at first run beyond niagara except on wednesday and saturday afternoons, when the full trip up the river to lewiston was made. it was very early found that the trip up the river is the main attraction to the route, giving, as it does, scenery unusual and without compare, a respite from the open lake and allowing a stroll on shore, either at niagara or lewiston, while awaiting the return journey. from the very beginning the competition was a whirlwind. mr. lunt was an adept at steamboat competition and it was our business to go him one better, and also to have our steamer and facilities made as widely known as possible to the travelling public. at toronto the entrances to the two docks, alongside one another on the esplanade, were trimmed with "speilers," who finally expanded up yonge street to front, and even to king street. one thing insisted on, so far as our men were concerned, was that there should be no decrying of the character or condition of the rival boats. our tickets were put into the hands of every ticket office, broker, insurance or real estate agent in toronto, whether up-town or down-town, who would take them in, provided one thing only, that he had an office opening on the street. every hotel porter, with his sisters, his cousins, and his aunts, was created a friend, and the itinerant cab was just as welcome as the official bus. we were out to get business from every quarter. the _city_ in previous years had issued a ticket at $10 to members of one family for ten round trips on any afternoon. we put a general rate on of $1.00 without any restrictions, and by gradual reductions it reached 50 cents on wednesday and saturday afternoons. this was a round trip rate which had been introduced by the _southern belle_ in 1877 for the afternoons of tuesday, thursday and saturday on her route from york street (tinning's wharf) to niagara and return. we now extended it to lewiston and return, giving a view of the really splendid scenery of the river which had never previously been opened at reduced rates. the public quickly took in the idea and gave us business. in addition to general business, we energetically worked up the society and church excursions, becoming an unpleasant thorn in the sides of those who had so summarily thrown us over and whom we were now obliged to attack. it was in this season that the caledonian society made their first excursion with us, a connection and comradeship which in all the thirty-four years has never once been interrupted. matters on the other side of the lake were somewhat different. we had no railway connections to issue tickets over us or direct passengers to our boat. we had to provide for this entirely of ourselves, having thus to promote business on both sides of the route. printer's ink was extensively used by newspaper advertisements, descriptive folders, dodgers and timetables. a large and excellent framed colored lithograph of the steamer was issued with the lettering: the niagara navigation company's steamer chicora plying between toronto--niagara--lewiston. hon. frank smith, barlow cumberland, president. manager. these being largely distributed to the hotels and ticket offices introduced the steamer in her new conditions. there was no use running the boat unless we fully advised the public of herself and movements, but all this advertising, and introduction, cost much expense in money and energy. the ticketing arrangements on the south shore were somewhat difficult. passenger business thirty years ago was conducted under very different conditions from such as exist at present. there were no official regulations, no state or inter-state, authorized tariffs, no railway commissioners. each railway and each passenger department was a law unto itself to be guided and regulated by whatever conditions or rates might at the time be considered most desirable for the promotion of its own business by the officers in charge. ticket "scalping" abounded, being looked upon by the public as a protection against the uncontrolled ratings by the railways, and a promoter of competition where combination might otherwise be effectual. there were several associations of "ticket scalpers," some of much power and reliability, but all were equally denounced by the railways. yet there were in fact not a few instances where the regular issues of some of the (for the time-favoured) railway companies might be found in an under drawer of some of these unauthorized servants of the public. these energetic workers were our opportunity. all the principal scalping offices between cleveland, pittsburgh, new york, albany, rochester, and lewiston, were stocked with books of tickets reading over our steamer, or to toronto and return. the rates were, of course, such that they could obtain both profit and business. there was no use mincing matters, we were in the fight to win out. through these sources we managed to get quite a business, being represented in each town by from two to four scalp offices, in large cities even more, and, tell it not in gath, with very friendly arrangements in some of the regular offices as well. the amount of personal travelling and introduction was laborious, but was pleasant, in renewing acquaintanceships and connections formed as general passenger agent of the northern railway when working up the new couchiching and muskoka tourist business introduced in the several preceding years. it was in this season of 1878 that the converging railways in the districts spreading from the south and southwest towards buffalo, began a system of huge excursions for three days to niagara falls and return, on special trains both ways, and at rates for the round trip not far from, and often less, than single fare. most of these separate railways have since been merged into some one or other of the main trunk lines, but then they were independent and each sending in its quota on its own account to make up a "through special." the most successful excursions of these were the series which came every week from the then wabash district, from indiana and the southwest, and were known as the "friendly hand" excursions. the name arose from a special trade mark which appeared in all the wabash folders and announcements, of an outstretched hand with the thumb and fingers spread, on each of which was shown the line and principal stations of each one of the contributing railways that fed their excursions into the main stem. the excursionists were energetic, and although the "falls" was the focus of their route, we induced large numbers of them to cross over to toronto. a prevailing slogan was: "one day to falls, one day to stay, next day toronto and then 'get away.'" when the long special excursion train slowly came down the curve from the town station at niagara to the dock to join the steamers, it was gall and wormwood to the _city_ or the _rothesay_, lying in waiting, to see the crowd of linen duster tourists as they poured out of the train make straight for the _chicora_, "the boat with the two red funnels." we got them all, for we had many and right good friends. in those early days, before the "park commissioners" on both sides of the river had taken public possession of the surroundings, there were few places at the falls from which either the river or the rapids could be seen without paying a fee. the proprietors of these places issued tickets in little books, containing coupons for admittance to all, or to a selection, of these "points of interest," and put them all in the hands of the managers of the excursions. the advertisement "dodgers" announced: special inducement for this excursion to the falls { suspension bridge and return 25c. the regular prices { prospect park 25c. for admission are to { art gallery 25c. { museum and operators 50c. { garden of living animals 25c. one ticket purchased on the train for $1.00 admits the holder to all these regular prices. a good round commission on these sales was a helpful "find" or "side cut" to the energetic young railway men who personally accompanied these excursions, through their trains, on the way to the falls, carrying large satchels with their selections of "points of interest" and other tickets, and answering the multitude of enquiries made by their tourist patrons. an extension ticket to "toronto and return" was a pleasant addition to their wares, and a satisfactory introduction to us. some of these travelling passenger men, by their energy and successful handling of these excursions, brought themselves into notice, and afterwards rose to be heads of passenger departments, and even into presidents of railways! as a reminder of their trip each tourist was given by us a souvenir of toronto, and even if excursionists struck a rough day and rendered up their tributes to lake ontario, it was of novel interest to many who had never before seen a lake wide enough to have been "out of sight of land," and sailing over waves big enough to make a large steamer rock. in this way began what has since been so greatly developed, the reduced rate excursions to toronto, via the niagara river, and the making known of the features of the city as a summer resort by this advocacy, and the thousands of dollars which the niagara navigation company has devoted to its advertising in all parts of the united states. at lewiston we took everyone on board that wanted to come; in fact, our "runners" strenuously invited them. the moment the dusty two-horse "stages" from the new york central station unloaded their still more dusty travellers in front of cornell's hotel at the top of the bank at the staircase, they were appealed to by the rival touts of the competing steamers, either to take the "black funnel" steamer at the foot of the staircase, or the _chicora_, with the red funnels further down the dock. it was a little bit of pandemonium. no tickets were collected by us at the gangway--it was "come right on board," the tickets being collected while crossing the lake after leaving niagara. if the traveller had no ticket, we collected fare from him at full tariff; if he had a ticket over the other boats we accepted it and graciously carried him across free; if he had one of our own tickets we almost embraced him. what difference did it make to us whether the tickets reading over the other boats were cashed to us or not, we had the more ample space and better accommodation on ours. perhaps the passenger might esteem the compliment and be a paying traveller over us on some other day. besides, people like following the crowd, and the larger number helps to make a show. times have been known in competitions on the upper lakes where the central cabins prevent both sides of the steamer being seen at once, when in addition to the available passengers, everyone possible of waiters and crew have been spread out on the passing side of the upper cabin, when meeting a rival boat. it gives an appearance of prosperity and suggests the approval of the public. just here let me bear testimony to the ability and fidelity of purser aleck leach, who had been purser with me on the _cumberland_, and had now been transferred to the _chicora_. kindly and courteous, yet firm, he never dissatisfied a passenger. untiring, accurate, faithful, he never divulged anything of the company's business, and won and enjoyed the confidence and good-will of every member of the board and staff. a condition which was only severed by his death. at no time were these abilities more displayed than in this first strenuous year on this route. the competition grew hotter as the season progressed. the odds were greatly in favour of two boats with an established connection against a single boat without any, yet _chicora_ was gaining, and every point in the passenger ticketing game was being played against them by her management. the acrimony and the rivalry of the contest is fairly indicated by an advertisement in "the globe" on 5th august, 1878: toronto, niagara and buffalo steamboat line. the public are warned that spent checks of the steamers _city of toronto_ and _rothesay_ of their line, collected and issued by the steamer _chicora_, will not be accepted for passage on either of the steamers of this line. passengers going over by the _chicora_ on saturday last were furnished with such by the _chicora_, and were consequently deceived, as these checks were refused by this line. d. milloy, agent. the galled jade was wincing and inventing stories, for they could not and did not afterwards refuse their unused tickets whenever we found it advisable to use them. as the months passed _chicora_ improved herself in the good-will of the travelling public, being admirably handled by captain harbottle. at niagara it was a ticklish job to get into and away from the lower dock. the _rothesay_ always moved down in order to get as close as she could, frequently we had to warn her to keep further away. when coming into the river _chicora_ had to be driven sharp across from the point at the fort, on the united states side, to the dock on the niagara side, to be brought up, all standing, with her bow only a few feet below the _rothesay's_ stern. often it looked as though she must run into the other before the way could be stopped, and that a collision must take place. coming down the river it was a less dangerous, but a more difficult manoeuvre. the steamers always move swiftly in the quick current which sweeps past fort george to the docks. as on or each day, both the other steamers lay at the same time in front of their dock, their hulls extended far out into the stream, and _chicora_ coming down had to make a double curve, like an s, to get her place at the lower dock. it was a pretty thing to see, but harbottle always managed it by just skimming, but not touching, the other boats' side. the harmony between him on the bridge and monroe in the engine room apparently being complete, and besides, _chicora_ steers like a yacht. at lewiston things went easier, yet even here the _rothesay_ would edge back down the front. [illustration: niagara navigation co. steamer "spinning" in the rapids below queenston heights. page 105] in order to avoid all possibility of touching the steamer ahead when he was leaving lewiston dock, captain harbottle, instead of going up-stream and afterwards turning down-stream, always sprung the stern of his steamer out from the dock and backed over towards vroomen's bay on the opposite side of the river. it was from the upper point in this bay that the british battery played with much success upon the american boats as they crossed the river to attack queenston on 13th october, 1812. from here he turned and went down stream. it is said that this was the course which had been adopted in olden days by the large steamers _cataract_ and _bay state_ when leaving this lewiston dock. another manoeuvre introduced by captain harbottle is still continued. after making a first call at queenston the steamer on leaving the dock moves further up the river keeping in the eddy which here runs up along the shore to the foot of the queenston heights. when close under the heights, the steamer turns quickly outward towards the centre of the river and the engines are stopped. forging slowly ahead the bow enters into the whitened boilings and swirls of the surging currents of the rapids pouring out from the gorge. the bow is caught by the current and the steamer then rapidly "spun round" by its swiftness, almost as though on a teetotum, the engines meanwhile backing up. just as soon as the bow heads down the river the engines are at once sent ahead again and the steamer sweeps at an express train rate past the jutting points of the shore, and makes her landing at lewiston. it is a very pretty manoeuvre and surprising to see the rapidity with which the stern circles round. on the open lake _chicora_ by degrees won her way. being much the faster boat she could hold or pass the _city of toronto_ at any time or in any weather--with _rothesay_ it was different. on a fine smooth day there was little between them; on a hot, sultry day, without any wind to assist a draught for the fires, the _rothesay_ could beat the _chicora_ by one, to one and a half minutes toronto to niagara, but if there was even the slightest motion, _chicora_ could walk by her, and on a rough day _rothesay_ couldn't run at all. she was a very light tamarac hull, built purely for enclosed river service in perfectly smooth water, and therefore in no way fitted for outside wave action. we set out by starting behind the time of the other steamers. when running a competition, it is not a bad thing to let the other boat get away first. it makes the fellow in front uneasy. he doesn't know when the boat behind may be going to have a dash at him, it makes him fretful and it is hard to tell how fast he is going. both engineers and firemen feel the strain. boats often run better on some days than they do on others; it may be the character of the coal, the direction of the wind, or the disposition of the firemen, thus the boat behind can choose her own day for a spin. watches are sometimes different, yet from all one hears the fastest trips of boats are generally made when there is no other boat near. we had determined, and had given instruction, that there was to be no racing done by _chicora_. we were aiming at regularity of service. one presumes the rule as to speed was kept, but the public generally fancies a race whether there is one on or not. one breathless saturday afternoon trip is remembered. instead of, as on most days, giving us a wide berth, on this one being such as suited her, the _rothesay_ came over close alongside. for some time it was neck and neck between the boats but gradually the _rothesay_ began gaining an inch or two and, and after see-sawing back and forwards for a while growing to a foot or more. sitting in the after deck among the passengers, listening to marcicano's orchestra, one could not help noting the relative positions, as marked by the lines of the stanchions. just then a little knot of men came over and one of them bringing out a roll of bank bills said:--"mr. cumberland, we know there is no racing, but if you're keeping down the speed for sake of the price of coal, we'd like to pay for an extra ton or two." of course the kindly offer was declined with thanks, but with much appreciation. whether they were more successful on the lower deck where the firemen cool off, or whether it was a little riffle that sprang up, that made the difference, i do not know, one cannot say, but the _chicora_ that afternoon entered the river first. so the season waxed and waned. _chicora_ did her work well and winning, it might almost be said, the affection of the travelling public. her appointments so far exceeded those of any other steamer at that time as to make her a specialty, but it was through her sea-going qualities which won their favor. the regular "pat-pat" of her feathered paddles almost framed themselves into rhythmic melody with the full mellowed tone of her whistle whose clear resonance carried its sound for miles through the city every evening, with such regularity as almost to be accepted in the homes as the signal for the children's bedtime. when rough days came the _rothesay_ stopped in port and the _city_ completed her trips, while the _chicora's_ fine qualities as a seaboat, easy on herself, grew more and more into acceptance. at length the season closed and we made our last trip on 29th september, having maintained the two trips per day throughout without any cessation. every one concerned in the competitive boats, no doubt, glad when the season's contest was over. it had been, for us, one of intense activity, and never ending labor and anxiety. a whole system, both within the steamer, and for outside solicitation, and ticketing arrangements, had been devised and installed, as well as the sufficient work of the daily running duties. a new company had to be introduced on an old route. we had fairly succeeded in getting into it, but it had been at a pretty expense. the _chicora_ was laid up at the northern railway docks, and accounts for the year were made up. what the competition had cost the others one does not know, but _chicora_ was a long way on the wrong side as the result of the season. this was a very serious thing for one of the undertakers, for instalments had to be paid up on the investment and at the same time the losses met. chapter x. change partner--rate cutting and racing--hanlan and toronto waterside--passenger limitation introduced. during the winter of 1878-79, changes came. the _city of toronto_ had tired of her partner. the railway companies had recognised the value to their route of the steamer of the niagara navigation company, and the ability of its organizers to promote additional business. thus in the new negotiation the _rothesay_ was dropped by the _city_ and the line for 1879 was to be the _city of toronto_ and the _chicora_. we had lost money but had won our way into the route. to enable obligations to be fulfilled monies had to be earned elsewhere, so another position was sought and obtained as general traffic manager of the "collingwood-lake superior line" to sault ste. marie and lake superior, at the same time continuing the general ticket and freight agency, at 35 yonge street. in april, mr. cumberland resigned his position as manager of the niagara company, retaining the original position and salary as vice-president and assistant in passenger and executive work and mr. john foy, the secretary and son-in-law of sir frank smith, was appointed manager as well as secretary. sir frank smith, recognizing the good work done, in bringing the steamer down, the organization of the company, and in the strenuous contest which unexpectedly had been forced on us, but had been won by active ability, carried the liabilities created, which in course of time were duly shared and met. mr. john foy, who hereafter gave his whole time to the company, although not technically educated in the passenger business, had very many excellent qualities and a genial personality which did much in subsequent years for the advancement of the company's interests, and in the new connections which arose. as each new connection developed, he was able to enlist their good-will, and so harmonize and satisfy them by effective service. the season of 1879 was a comparatively easy one, so far as executive work was concerned, for with _city of toronto_ as a partner we were included in direct connection with all the railway companies, who therefore provided all the passenger requirements, and in the regular route with her from the yonge street dock, the trips being divided between the steamers, and each taking its own earnings. the time tables for the season 1879 were:--may 16, _chicora_ 7 a.m., single trips. june 9, _chicora_ 7 a.m., 2 p.m. june 16, _chicora_, or _city of toronto_, 7 a.m., 1.45 p.m., 3 p.m. the steamers in summer time tables alternated, the one leaving at 3 p.m., remaining over night and making the early trip from the river in the following morning. the _rothesay_ having been dropped by the _city_ still continued running to lewiston, but afterwards only to niagara and youngstown, communicating with lewiston by a small river steamer. captain wm. donaldson was in command; she sailed at 7 a.m. and 2 p.m. from yonge street dock, the same dock as the other two steamers, a concession in her favor made by mr. d. milloy as lessee. from the very beginning mr. lunt adopted a policy of rate-cutting, and created a lively excitement in passenger prices. his opening rates were:-in books good for all regular trips. 20 round trips $ 5.00 50 round trips 11.00 100 round trips 20.00 these tickets were unrestricted and were available to any holder. to this policy of unremunerative prices was developed that of annoyance, by too close proximity of the steamers both at the docks or when running, which had in some degree been introduced in the previous season. so noticeable and dangerous did this become that the directors of the niagara company felt it necessary to make public protest and the following announcement was published in the toronto morning papers of august 6th, 1879: steamer chicora. efforts of her owners to prevent racing and avoid collision. minutes of a meeting of the directors of the niagara navigation company, held monday, august 4th, 1879: president, hon. f. smith; col. f. w. cumberland, barlow cumberland, john foy. (1) captain harbottle made a full report respecting the occurrence of saturday, august 2nd, and of the circumstances in which the _rothesay_ twice crossed the course and bow of the _chicora_. that in the first occasion he was obliged to slow the engine, and in the second he stopped in order to prevent collision. (2) that before the season opened capt. harbottle proposed to mr. lunt, the owner of the _rothesay_, that in order to prevent all possibility of racing the first steamer clear of the queen's wharf, or niagara river should be allowed to keep her place across the lake, but this mr. lunt declined. (3) that as there seemed to be a determination on the part of the _rothesay_ to provoke racing, the above offer was repeated by the directors in a letter dated 16th june, and then mr. lunt in his reply dated 19th june, again declined to accept the proposition. (4) that under all the circumstances the solicitor be instructed to take all known and possible proceedings at law to put an end to the dangers arising from the action of the captain and the owners of the _rothesay_. (5) that the thanks of the board are due to capt. harbottle for the care and skill he has exercised in avoiding the _rothesay_, and that he be requested to continue on the principle that safety is the first consideration. (6) that these orders of the board be published for the information of the public. (sgd) john foy frank smith, manager president. it is to be remembered that the present eastern channel from the harbor did not at that time exist, but that the western channel, by the queen's wharf, was the only one which was open, and was not then wide enough for two steamers to pass out together. the proposition was that the first through this channel should hold its lead. toronto had then a population of only 70,000. there were very few steamers running out of the harbor, lake excursion business may be said to have been only in its introduction and infancy, so that very much personal and family interest was taken in the several steamers on the routes, thus accounting for the public announcement of the regulations proposed. the publication had the desired effect of preventing the _rothesay_ from coming into too close proximity, but did not reduce the monetary competition, in fact only increased it. the _city_ and _chicora_ were running three trips daily, 7 a.m., 1.45 p.m., 3 p.m., and on saturdays four trips, the advertisements announcing "_no overcrowding, as both steamers return in the evening_." on the four trips being made the alternating steamer left at 8.30 p.m. for niagara to make the first trip from there at 8 a.m. on monday. while other rates were maintained, a special excursion rate of 25 cents was made for round trip on saturday afternoon. in early august _rothesay_ put on a return rate at 25c. for every afternoon, heading its announcements "_keep down the rates_." the milloys were averse to reduction and favored holding up the rates, considering that better equipment deserved better money. in this mid-summer season the _rothesay_ was getting a pretty good batch of passengers every afternoon, a process which would help her to continue the competition. she was then running from the yonge street slip on the west side of milloy's dock, the _city_ and _chicora_ both being on the east side out of sight behind the buildings. we had the next move under consideration. the hon. frank smith came down on the dock one hot afternoon when the people were swarming down the street for the 2 p.m. steamers. we were standing and watching the streams dividing to go on board the two steamers, the _chicora_ and the _rothesay_, the latter being in sight in the yonge street slip, the other further down the dock and behind the buildings. there was quite a stream taking the _rothesay_. "by heavens," said the hon. frank, suddenly and decidedly, "there's one of the men from my own warehouse going on board the _rothesay_, he's holding down his umbrella, so that i shan't see his face, but _i know his legs_." we forthwith called and held a joint meeting with the milloys in the office on the dock, when the round trip rate of 25c. for every afternoon was at once adopted, and all other rates were thereafter to be the same at the _rothesay_. one of the most eventful days in this season was the reception given to edward hanlan on his return from winning the sculling championship of england from edward trickett on the thames in july, 1879, thus becoming the champion oarsman of canada, the united states and england. many champions have since been welcomed but never such a welcome as this, for it was the city's first offence, her first world's champion. the civic committee headed by mayor jas. beatty, jr., ald. a. r. boswell chairman reception committee and the members of the hanlan club, a coterie of men of standing and sporting instincts, who financed and managed hanlan's early career, met the champion at lewiston, on july 15th. it was one of the most wonderful scenes ever occurring on toronto bay. the _chicora_ had been specially chartered to bring the _champion_ into toronto at 5 p.m. we were met outside the harbor by a fleet of steamers, _filgate_, _empress of india_, _maxwell_, _jean baptiste_, and many others, crammed with excited and shouting people. headed by _chicora_, the procession entered the bay, which was covered by a crowded mass of boats of every description, sailing, rowing or steam, making it necessary to bring the steamer down to dead slow. hanlan was put by himself on the top of the pilot house, where he stood, easily seen, holding one hand on the pinnacle and waving a return to the enthusiastic greeting of his fellow citizens. never was there such a din of welcome. every steam whistle on the boat and on shore that could speak, shrilled its acclaim, bells rang, guns fired, the city, half of which was afloat, hailed its island born son and champion who had brought laurels and renown to both himself and them. the citizens of toronto had always been partial to boating and taking their pleasure in water sports, but these victories of hanlan gave a renown to the city and a zest to rowing which greatly increased that interest in boating and rowing races which has ever since been a dominant feature in the sports of the city and the pleasurings of its young people. yet it is open to question whether in these later and more mechanical days, the leisure-rowing and paddling section is not somewhat on the wane, under the influence of the puffing, stench-spreading and lazy-luxury motor boat. at the same time it is a matter of congratulation that the competitor in the racing shells and canoes become still more numerous, and in every way energetic as of yore, mainly under the splendid influences of the argonaut, don, and other amateur boating clubs. the _rothesay_ held on through the season. mr. lunt being an energetic and capable opponent, apt in attack and with much experience in the ways of steamboat competition. he was hard to shake off and while making no money himself he prevented others from making any. the managers of the _city_ were now reaping the reward of their broken faith and their having introduced him to the route. her owners were obliged to make an assignment toward the close of the season and _chicora_ finished alone on october 18th. competitions such as was this, carried on with intention, only, of doing damage to an opponent's investment, and without any regard as to the number of passengers who might be induced by low rates to go on board the steamer cannot be conducted at other than with greatest risk. this was further intensified by the fact that the government inspection limited itself to inspection of engines and boilers and no discrimination was exercised as to the service in which a boat was to be employed. such a condition would seem strange in these present days when all routes are specified and regulated, but in those days it was different. once physical inspection was passed it made no difference as to the passenger service in which the boat was to be run, whether on the open lake or in river service, nor was there any limitation upon the number of passengers who might be taken on board. this condition was not a fair one, either for the public, who are not always discriminating and look mostly at the lowness of the rate, or for the owners, who were not being given any consideration for their larger expenditures in producing steamers fit for the routes upon which they were to be employed. this gave the _rothesay_ a good handicap and one which enabled her to longer continue a contest. movements were, therefore, initiated by us for the introduction of regulations for the limitation of numbers, and restriction of steamers to appointed routes, but it took much time to bring about any result. the season of 1886 found the _city of toronto_ under capt. donaldson and _chicora_ under capt. harbottle, still running together between milloys wharf and lewiston; the _chicora_ opening the season on 4th may. the _rothesay_ opened her season with renewed vigor on the 24th may, 1880. mr. lunt announced: "the steamer _rothesay_ having been thoroughly refitted will on and after monday the 24th leave yonge street wharf at 7.15 a.m., and 2.30 p.m. for niagara connecting with the canada southern railway for falls, new york and all points. "_quick time._--five hours at falls and return same day, arriving at toronto 7.15 p.m. "picnic parties will be taken by train to niagara grove. tickets on sale by w. a. geddes, custom house wharf, and charles morgan, 64 yonge street." in addition to running to niagara, _rothesay_ this year dropped over to youngstown on the american side, from where connection was made to lewiston by a small american steamer. she also worked up an excellent excursion business for the youngstown and fort niagara park. the _city_ and _chicora_ divided the route as previously with one trip and a half each, all trips being run the full length of the river to the foot of the rapids at queenston and lewiston. during this season an opportunity offered for the purchase of a dock frontage alongside the lewiston dock. the new york central had not then been extended from its upper station to the edge of the river above the dock, and it was also under consideration whether the railway would make a new move to reach the bank of the river at lewiston nearer to the steamers, or would replace the rails and again operate its seven miles extension branch to youngstown. if they should resume this latter route to the mouth of the river, conditions at lewiston would be changed. it was, therefore, considered best to await further developments before making any purchase. the strain of the competition was beginning to tell. the steamer _city of toronto_ was in august advertised for sale at niagara, "thoroughly equipped, handsomely furnished and inspected ready for sea." _rothesay_ ended her season on 15th of september, and _chicora_ on the 8th of october, having run the latter part alone and kept up the connections for the railways. the public had enjoyed the pleasures of lake travel to the utmost, but the steamers were none the better off, for the magnitude of steamboat business is not to be gauged by the crowds carried on the boats, but by the net results in the purser's accounts. during the winter 1880-1881 the negotiations for limitation were continued and met with success, and as the _rothesay_, in the spring of 1881, could only get a certificate for "river" work, for which she had been constructed and was well adapted, she was withdrawn to the st. lawrence river, where she ran between kingston and the thousand islands until in 1882 she grounded and was abandoned. at length our competitor was gone, having made no money for himself and having caused much loss to others, including his first partners who had introduced him. chapter xi. niagara camps formed--more changes and competition--beginnings of railroads in new york state--early passenger men and passenger ways. the _chicora_ opened the season of 1881 on may 21st, connections being made with both canada southern, and new york central railways. during this season the first "niagara camp" was held. on the 5th of june, the _chicora_ took over on the morning trip the toronto field battery, mayor gray, lieut. beatty, surgeon mcdonald, sixty-five non-commission officers and men, twenty-seven horses, four guns and five companies of the 31st battalion, col. brown, major cameron, capt. and adjt. pollard and surgeon barnhart. from modest beginnings began this annual gathering of the volunteer militia of ontario, which has since assumed such considerable proportions and greatly extended in its sphere of operations. it has been found by experience that the attraction of a visit to the "falls," which is possible while at this camp, brings more willing recruits, and the coming into actual touch with the battle fields of the defence of canada in 1812, creates a sense of duty and of fervour which is very helpful to the service. many lessons are learned from the remarkable collection of relics of early days, and of stirring times, contained in the museum of the niagara historical society.[2] recently the acreage of the camp has been largely added to and fort george the embanked ancient fortress, just above the steamboat dock has been repaired and renewed. just below the ramparts is to be seen a long one story wooden building--the last remaining portion of the old "navy hall," the headquarters of lieut.-governor simcoe, where the meetings of the first parliament of upper canada were held in 1792 and where he entertained the duc de liancourt in 1795. the other buildings of the group, as shown in the drawings of mrs. simcoe, were destroyed or removed in the construction of the erie & ontario railway. the business on the collingwood line had so much increased to lake superior that another steamer was now needed, and the steamer _campana_ was purchased in england. her career had been a romantic one. while running on the river plate in brazil, she had been chartered to take a cargo of 700 mules to south africa for the kaffir war of 1878. the mules were landed at capetown, but the supercargo, or purser, who was in charge, collected the purchase money and the freight earnings and then disappeared. the steamer was summarily sold to pay the wages of the crew and was then brought to the thames, where she was purchased by mr. a. m. smith, president of the company, and brought out to montreal. as the _campana_ was 225 feet long, 45 ft. beam, with tonnage of 2000, and all the lower st. lawrence canals had not been completed to welland canal size, four being still of the old length of 180 ft. only, mr. cumberland was engaged to superintend her cutting in two and bring up the two sections. [illustration: the cibola in the niagara river off queenston. page 153] with a vessel of such size this entailed great difficulties, she being the largest ship that had been up till then brought up the canals and rapids, but the novel problems were solved and the way paved for the canadian pacific steamers, _alberta_, _algoma_, _assiniboia_, built in scotland, which next followed on the same methods. _campana_ was the first twin-screw iron passenger and freight steamship to ply on the upper lakes, and introduced the system of making a round trip a week between ontario ports and lake superior. in this year the _maid of the mist_, 72 ft. long, 17 beam, depth 8 ft., startled the vessel world. her business from the elevator stairways to the foot of the horse shoe falls had fallen off. it was said that behind was the sheriff, in front the whirlpool rapids and beyond on reaching lake ontario a satisfactory sale. capt. robinson determined to run the risk and on 15th june started down the river. the first huge wave of the rapids threw the boat on her beam ends sending the smoke stack overboard, almost submerged by the next she righted, and by a quick turn evading the whirlpool emerged from the gorge in little over ten minutes. the watchful collector at queenston seized the opportunity for fees and had the _maid_ enter with him the customs, the first and probably the last steamer ever to register as having come _down_ from above the rapids. in august we met our first loss by the death of col. f. w. cumberland, general manager of the northern & northern western railways, and our senior director. having taken the utmost interest in the enterprise, his technical knowledge, energy and judgment had been throughout of infinite value, and his hearty personality was greatly missed not only in business but in comradeship. he was a man who had the forceful faculty of engaging the affection and loyalty of men who worked with or under him; severe but just, exacting yet encouraging, good service was sure to be noted by him and to receive his approval and reward. after his death the employees of the northern and north-western railway, since absorbed by the grand trunk railway, erected a monument to his memory at the junction station at allandale, presenting an excellent likeness in bronze of their late chief. mrs. seraphina cumberland, wife of the vice president, was appointed to the vacancy on the board. during the winter of 1881-82 further changes took place in the ownership of the _city_, whereby mr. donald milloy, who had been in charge of her up to this time, ceased to be her managing agent, and mr. william milloy and his mother, mrs. duncan milloy, of niagara, came into control. the new management declined to renew the previous arrangement and determined to run on their own and separate account on a new arrangement made with the canada southern. on may 20th, 1882 the _city_ with mr. william milloy as captain, opened the season with regular trips--"_leaving niagara on the arrival of the canada southern train 9.45; returning leave toronto 3 p.m., connecting with canada southern at 5.30 p.m. tickets from d. milloy, agent, 8 front street, east._" on monday 22nd may, 1882, _chicora_ resumed the usual trips from toronto at 7 a.m. and 2 p.m., connecting at niagara with canada southern and at lewiston with new york central railway.--"_tickets from w. r. callaway, 20 king street, east, and 25 york street, or barlow cumberland, 35 yonge street, and 24 york street._" mr. callaway then represented the credit valley railway in toronto, and on their company being absorbed by the canadian pacific railway as part of a through line from windsor to montreal, he became its western passenger agent. his wonderful faculty for attractive advertising and catching phrases had immediate effect in creating the company's passenger business against its older rival, and when the "soo" road was added to the c.p.r., mr. callaway's genius for developing traffic was transferred to minneapolis, where he achieved similar results. the ticket offices at york street were principally for steerage, and italian business. passenger business toward the west was at that time exceedingly active. the canadian pacific then under active construction around the north shore of lake superior, and to the further west, called for large importations of laboring men, making the beginning of our italian population. manitoba and our north-west were attracting much attention and the railways beyond chicago, not having been merged into large corporations but working independently, were offering large ticket commissions, each acting on its own account. the contest across the lake now created was not pleasant, there being an introduction of a certain amount of local rivalry which was undesirable. the season was a rough one and towards its close the _city_ grounded on the boulders at the entrance to the niagara river, and was successfully pulled off, but did not finish out the season. notices were inserted in the public papers that the _city of toronto_ "would be rebuilt for next season and that work would commence directly navigation closed." _chicora_ therefore finished the season alone. the season of 1883 found the steamers running in the same manner--_chicora_ under capt. harbottle to niagara and lewiston: the _city_, capt. w. milloy to niagara only. the season was an unfruitful one, weather cool and disagreeable. for sake of notoriety the steamers under the leadership of the _city_ were often sent across the lake on days when they had better have remained in port and saved money. it was this mistaken course which led to close of the competition. a heavy storm from the east was blowing, toward the end of september. the seas were running heavily on the island, and even sweeping up on the dock fronts in the harbor, no business offering and weather cold with sheets of rain and sleet at intervals. the _city_ had come across from niagara but _chicora_ had not been sent out for the morning trip, nor had we any intention of sending her out for the afternoon. about 3 o'clock it was noticed that the _city_ appeared to be firing up. i was at the time in charge and had given instruction that if the _city_ went out _chicora_ was to follow but on no account to pass her. capt. harbottle and self were walking up and down the front of mowat's dock, where the _chicora_ lay, watching the other steamer which was lying at milloy's yonge street dock, from which we had for the third time been ousted at the beginning of the season. "by the lord," said the captain, "she's moving; i'm off." there were few or no passengers to go, but the _city_ started out down the bay followed by _chicora_. they had a very rough passage and when about two miles out from the river the _city_ rolled out her mast and was otherwise damaged, but managed to make her way into port. this was her end, for she was sent to port dalhousie for repairs, and while lying up in the dock she was burned at 9 p.m., 31st october, 1883, and so closed a long and eventful career. 1884 found us without any further partners and alone on the route. it had been a long strife. no wonder we had loved the _chicora_ for like a good lass she had always cheerfully responded to whatever she was called upon to do. her seaworthiness gained the confidence of the public to such an extent that there were not a few families in the city who preferred the rough days for their outings, and some men, among others, mr. wilson of the bank of montreal, who always had notices sent to them when "there was a real heavy sea on," so that they might make the afternoon 2 p.m. excursion. capt. harbottle having been appointed to a position on shore in the marine department, his place on the _chicora_ was given to capt. thomas leach, of halifax. it was he who in 1866 had brought up the blockade runner _rothesay castle_ and had run her between toronto and niagara in competition with the _city_ under arrangements with the canada southern. the season of 1884 had barely begun before we learned of another intended competitor. the steamer _rupert_ was being brought up to run in connection with the canada southern at niagara-on-the-lake. this steamer duly arrived at milloy's dock and was found a good-looking sizable boat, with much deck accommodation for many travellers. going on board the sand barrels on the broad deck seemed somewhat numerous. one of these was held at midship at blocks. taking out the wedge and turning the barrel a kick set it rolling toward the ship side. as it went the boat keeled over to it. without saying or seeing anything more, the investigator walked off and going up to the office told mr. foy, "john, you needn't be afraid of the _rupert_. she'll frighten her passengers some day, she's crank,"--and so she was. the competition did not last the whole season, but business was increasing on the route, so the small steamer _armenia_ was chartered to make an early morning trip from the niagara river to toronto. it was not a success, but she was useful when the fruit season opened. this year 1884 began also another route in competition. the welland railway had passed into the hands of the grand trunk, and the _empress of india_ was engaged to make the lake service between port dalhousie and toronto in connection with a fast train from buffalo and niagara falls. no doubt this diverted some business from the through route, but the principal earnings were from its own local district. with the superlative attractions of the scenery of the niagara river, this port dalhousie route will never successfully compete for through or excursion travel with the niagara river route, but it has the city of st. catharines and an aggregate of thriving towns which will give a fine local and paying business with toronto. in 1885 we were at last in sole possession, having won the established connection with both the railways, at niagara with the michigan central, which had absorbed the canada southern, and at lewiston with the new york central. it had been eight long years of anxious and intense application of wits, energy and expense. one year in bringing the steamer down, and seven in constant competition, in wearing out competitors and winning the route. we were now able to turn all our energies to the more pleasant work of development. the officials of the railways had learned to have confidence in us and appreciated that we were not only ready to give good service, but to add to it, and to improve as the traffic needs of the route showed to be requisite. when we entered upon the route, mr. c. b. meeker was general passenger agent of the new york central--a man patterned after the old commodore's taste, namely, that there was only one railroad in the world and that was the new york central. this faith permeated not a few of the minor officials, so that in their opinions, to be permitted to travel on the n.y.c., was to be considered by a passenger as a high privilege, and the utmost courtesy was to be used toward the immaculate and superior conductor, who honored him by taking up his ticket. yet there was some reason for it. it was the beginning of great things in railway enterprise and service, for out of a series of small separated local roads it had been from between 1853-55, gathered together under a master hand and thereafter was continuing to be built up into a great and united system, giving the travelling public facilities they had never dreamed of, advantages which would have been impossible without the combination. in the earlier days of steam railroad enterprize, there was little thought of the possibility of creating communication between far distant centres, as was afterwards found practicable, when the working of the steam engine became better understood. building short local railroads by local subscriptions joining neighboring towns, appears to have been the method most prevalent. these railroads were in fact only improved stage routes. some idea of the then conditions is afforded by the list of railroads opened or under construction in 1836 in the state of new york, given in tanner's american traveller, 1836:--"buffalo and niagara falls railroad, 14 miles; mohawk & hudson railroad, from albany to schnectady, 16 miles; schnectady & sartoga railroad, 20 miles; ithaca & oswego railroad, 20 miles; rochester railroad (now in progress) from rochester to a point below the falls of geneva; schnectady and utica railroad (now in progress), 80 miles: rochester & batavia railroad (in progress), 28 miles; troy & ballston railroad (now in progress), 22 miles. several other railroads are proposed." these and others were gradually brought into combination, in the one central system for their mutual advantage and the convenience of the public.[3] it seems strange to think that in the sixties there had been no sleeping cars and no through trains between buffalo and new york. the trains stopped and started at albany, where the passengers either laid over at an hotel for the night, or leaving the cars walked along the station platforms to the decks of a large ferry steamer, on which they were taken across the river to join the connecting trains on the other side. on reaching the outskirts of new york the railway cars were uncoupled, and then each drawn separately by six horse teams some miles down sixth avenue on the horse car tracks to the terminus at twenty-second street, then only a simple two-storey brick building. with the construction of the railway bridge at albany in 1870, the railway had sprung up at once into a great through route, the only one landing its passengers in the city of new york, and thus over-passing and over-topping all its competitors. it is not surprising, therefore that there was some pride and self esteem in those employed upon it. when sleeping cars were first introduced on the new york central it was in the most primitive fashion. the cars were the same coaches in which the passengers rode during the day. the whole of one corner was occupied by a great pile of mattresses and blankets and a number of posts and cross bars. when sleeping time came the posts were brought out, the berths built up and bolted together before the eyes of the passengers. it can be well understood how these improvised constructions creaked and groaned during the night. they supplied a need, but were soon supplanted by the pullman inventions. with mr. meeker we had the most personally pleasant relations, but when we had made our application to him for a connection, he was staunch to the old steamboat connections of his company and would only deal with us through them, even if he did think we had been hardly treated, but when we had won and deserved our way into an official connection he was equally staunch toward us; recognizing the continuous interest which the steamboat lines have in the mutual business which they have aided the rail in building up. to him succeeded in may, 1883, mr. e. j. richards, his highly efficient and much younger assistant, whose knowledge of the passenger business of his railway was unsurpassed by any. from this time began an association with the principal officers of the new york central, which has widened and deepened with years. this year, 1885, capt. mccorquodale was appointed to the _chicora_, succeeded capt. t. leach, whose business engagements rendered it necessary for him to return to halifax. having come into assured position the railway officers willingly co-operated with us when we spent considerable time and money in sending out travelling representatives and distributing advertising matter respecting the route and toronto, to all parts of the united states. mr. steve murphy being the efficient travelling passenger agent since 1888. i question very much whether the city and the citizens of toronto have any conception of the wealth of advocacy in advertisement and expense which the niagara navigation company has given to the city and its attractions, and particularly to its "exhibition" during the past twenty-five years. one after another the, then separate, railways were induced to put lines of tickets on sale reading over the niagara river line to toronto, the list of these having been added to each year. in mentioning this it is to be remembered that in these early years, in the "eighties," there were a very large number of minor railways operating on their own and separate account. the great consolidations into the fewer hands and control of the main trunk lines had not then been effected, and yet more, the system of general traffic associations, joint rate meetings and combined agreed traffic associations had not been devised. the officers of each railway did what each thought was best for the interests of his own line, and were controlled only by their being open to the possibility of adverse competition from some other line. the grand field day was the _spring meeting_ usually held in buffalo, to consider "summer excursion rates." as there were many more independent roads the attendance was considerably greater and perhaps there was more of conviviality and social intercourse than in the more staid and business meetings of these subsequent days. moreover it was a battle of wits between the newer and weaker roads striving to create and attract business from their more longly established competitors. will anyone who was present at them, forget the mental activity and agility of the general passenger agent of the ogdensburgh and lake champlain railway, then a little one "on its own," striking into the middle of its great competitors; a menace, ambitious, and played with a free hand. its able representative was like a little terrier snapping in the midst of a surrounding crowd, and he frequently got his way. the claims for "differentials" by some roads not so well established as others, or where representatives thought their earnings might be thus increased, were perennial, and the demands for more special excursions at "cut rates" voluminous. the discussions were lively and well worth hearing. in the hours of relaxation of this annual gathering which brought men of the fraternity from distant places into friendly contact, there were men who since have risen into the restraining influence and stateliness of highest offices, but who in those younger days did not disdain to dance a can can in a night shirt, or snap fingers in a highland fling, with an elderly but active steamboater from montreal. all could sing in a chorus or join in a rout. the foundations of the present great lines of passenger trade were laid in those days, but the railway world to-day does not find quite so much fun in its work as it used. the days of individuality of minor roads have gone, and for all railway officers those of over pressure against increasing costs of expenses have come. the demand of the public of the day is not only for lower rates but for greater facilities, so that the increasing strain of business needs absorbs all time and attention, although at the same time much pleasant intercourse prevails. gradually the scope of our courses of traffic leading to the niagara river were thus widened but not with ease; what in these present days can be done in a single joint meeting, or by the issue of a single joint rate sheet, required in those days, years of work, visiting the distant parts, and much personal address. it was in these last that mr. john foy particularly shone. he had a happy way of gaining and keeping new friends and allies. in our own local and home city sphere we began working for new business. "book tickets" for families, with coupons for the trips, were introduced, an entirely new development, enabling citizens of toronto to live at home during the summer and yet give their families lake travel and fresh air at remarkably cheap rates. in this we received the aid of the medical profession. one doctor is remembered as putting it this way: "i tell my people," said he, "that when they want to wash their hands clean they must use clean water, and similarly if they require, as i wish them, to clear out their lungs, they must get fresh air where the clearest and freshest air is to be got, by crossing the lake on your steamers to niagara." another doctor with a large family practice said: "when i find the digestion of the children of any of my families getting out of order i prescribe a 'book ticket on the niagara route.' it provides in such cases a splendid natural emetic." there is many a well grown citizen in toronto whose vigor has been promoted or life saved in infant days by the pure air gained by these trips across the lake. excursions by societies, sunday schools, national and benevolent bodies were sought out and encouraged to devote their energies to providing outings for their associations and friends. every possible method was employed to get new business. we certainly needed it, as we certainly had not, so far, a very profitable time. gradually the business on the route showed signs of growth until we saw that if we were to deserve our position with the railway companies and meet the increasing traffic we must add to our equipment. the railway officials had also expressed their opinion that another steamer would soon be needed and stated that in adding it the navigation company would receive the continued support of their companies. the first year of peace closed satisfactorily, and 1885 was marked in white upon the milestones of our progress. footnotes: [2] which in itself is a monument to the energy and years of faithful service of miss janet carnochan, the valued historian of the district. [3] passenger train schedules- _local railways, 1843._ albany. syracuse. buffalo. lv. 6.00 a.m. arr. 5.15 p.m. arr. 7.00 a.m. 1.30 p.m. 2.00 a.m. 3.00 p.m. 7.30 p.m. 8.00 a.m. 9.00 p.m. _new york central, 1855._ albany. syracuse. buffalo. lv. 6.30 a.m. arr. 12.00 noon. arr. 7.00 p.m. 7.30 a.m. 1.25 p.m. 7.00 p.m. 9.00 a.m. 3.50 p.m. 1.00 a.m. 6.00 p.m. 12.30 a.m. 6.30 a.m. chapter xii. first railways at lewiston--expansion required--the renown of the "let her b"--a critic of plimsoll. the original terminus of the lewiston branch, after it had emerged from the cuttings in the gorge, was at the upper end of the town, about a mile and a half from the steamboat dock at the shore of the river. during the season of 1886 the new york central began again to consider the advisability of extending their rails so that the trains might be brought to the steamer's side. this location had been a relic from the earliest travelling days. the rills of travel from all parts of the west converged at niagara falls and then passed on to join the steamboats for lake ontario. davison's "travellers' guide," published at saratoga springs in 1834, says:--"a stage leaves buffalo every morning at 6 o'clock, passing through the village of black rock, 3 miles; tonawanda, 9 miles; niagara falls, 11 miles. fare $1.60. this line, after giving passengers an opportunity of witnessing the falls for two or three hours, proceeds to youngstown, or fort niagara, passing through lewiston." the _buffalo and niagara falls railroad_ had been organized and surveyed, and the first steam trains commenced running in 1836 with a speed of 15 miles per hour, a rate which was considered notable. the track was laid on wooden sills faced with scrap iron, and during the first winter was so heaved by the frost, that the steam engines had to be taken off, and horses used to haul the cars, these being only little ones with four wheels each, modeled largely after the stage coaches of the period. in 1839, this railway having been equipped with all-iron rails, had grown to two steam trains per day each way, between buffalo and niagara falls. a further extension followed when another small railway company, the _niagara falls and ontario r.r._ was organized in 1852 to build a railway of 14 miles from the falls to the shores of the lake at _youngstown_, where the steamers would be joined. benj. pringle, president; john porter, vice president; bradley b. davis, secretary. the company, at an expense relatively much greater in those days than at the present, excavated the rock cuttings and cut the shelf in the side of the cliff upon which the new york central railway now runs through the gorge, alongside the courses of the niagara river, and the railway was graded and opened to lewiston in 1854. construction was continued further to youngstown and the track laid in 1855, but only one train was run down to the lower port. it has been said that this was necessary in order to complete the terms of the charter, and appears to have been a final effort. the means of the company were no doubt impaired, so that shortly afterward all further work on this extension was suspended, the track taken up, and thus in 1855 the balance of the line being leased to the new york central, the lewiston station had become the terminus of the railroad, where it had ever since remained. as the transfer to the steamers was originally intended to be made at youngstown, there had been no need, at that time, for the station at lewiston being constructed any nearer to the river bank. from the very first the break in connection between train and boat had been found inconvenient, and in the fall of 1855, mr. gordon, of the steamer _peerless_ wrote to the superintendent of the new york central railway, saying:--"you must get the road down alongside the water at once." this unpleasant transfer of passengers and their baggage in both directions by road and bus had existed all these years. the extension now proposed, would, it was expected, certainly be of advantage both to railway and to steamboat, as facilitating travel. it would mean a considerable expenditure to the new york central railway, yet they stated that if we would undertake to put on another boat, they would build the extension. the michigan central at niagara-on-the-lake, which had now become one of the new york central lines, had had quite enough trial of their "any boat" arrangement and now desired a permanent service, which the putting on of another boat would supply. decisions had, therefore, to be come to by both parties. "the first thing for us to decide," said the hon. frank, "is whether _chicora_ is good enough to build a partner for her. this settled, we will then do our share on the water, for advancing the traffic of the route while the railways do theirs on the land." [illustration: the corona leaving n. n. co. dock at toronto. page 178] immediately on the season closing in october, 1886 the steamer was put into muir's dry dock at port dalhousie and every atom of lining in her hull removed so that the plates could be seen from the inside as well as from the outside. the government hull inspector, and w. white of montreal, shipbuilder, were brought over to make the inspection. from the beginning and throughout as well as assisting in traffic matters the charge of the hulls and engines had been my particular care. led by webster, the chief engineer of _chicora_, we entered the hull. webster was a quiet sort of fellow, sometimes nervous and at times excitable, perhaps a bit over-intense in his work. he was lean and with a loose waistcoat. it has been said by some that a steamboat engineer, to be successful, should have a decent sized stomach to help steady him through the changing conditions in his running days. the suggestion is well founded. we went under deck. webster was striking somewhat lightly on a plate which showed some signs of inner scale when white broke out at him. "mon ar' ye feart o' goin' through? gie ma t-hammer." whereupon he rained his forceful blows upon the plate with such vigor as to make the din ring. "hoot," said he as he stopped, "i'd 'a got through gin 'a could, but 'a couldn't." at the end of the afternoon the inspecting party came out. "well, white," was asked, "what's the verdict?" wiping the sweat off his forehead with the sleeve of his shirt he answered: "wull, ye may tell mr. smith that when he, and i, and you are 'a in our graves _chicora_ will still be runnin' gin ye keep her off the rocks." we therefore accepted the position set out by the railway companies and undertook to build a new steamer to be ready for the season of '88, and run the risk of profit on the investment while waiting for more traffic to grow up. we determined that speed was the essential requisite. first to perform the service with ease and regularity. second to meet any competition which might afterwards arise. there were then in canada no builders of fast marine engines of the size we required. these were only to be found on the clyde, so mr. john foy and i sailed the next week on the _lahn_ of the north german lloyd for southampton. we inspected the principal day boats on the lower thames, and english channel, making notes and enquiries. thence to liverpool for isle of man steamers. here we called on the head office of "lairds," the builders of the _chicora_, and made enquiries of her from the manager. "chicora: chicora, i don't remember any steamer of that name--ah: did you say the _let her b_? yes, she was the best ship of her class we ever built. there she is," and raising his hand he pointed to the model of the _let her b_, still hanging on the wall. he said they had built several steamers for service in blockade running into the ports of the confederate states during the american civil war. three of these were named _let her go_, _let her rip_, _let her b_. of all the steamers which they had built the last named and the last turned out was the most successful. fast, seaworthy, of a model which was a thing of beauty, she had not been surpassed. he was quite enthusiastic about her and added "she had a stronger frame than usual, so that she would be worth replating should it ever be desirable.[4]" he gave us every attention and much information and for the requirements which we detailed to him, advised us to go to the clyde, giving us letters to some of the best yards there. in travelling one makes strange acquaintances. on the day express between liverpool and glasgow when we were running at high speed down the grades into carlisle and the carriage was banging from side to side a gentleman, the only other occupant with us, who had never said a word since we started suddenly broke into speech, at the same time throwing his feet up on the seat opposite to him. "pit yer legs up! quick!" the necessity for doing this he explained by adding "gin we leave the line yer legs might be cut off by the seats comin' tegither." a good laugh at his fears and earnestness dispelled the silence which had previously reigned. he was a scotch shipowner, and finding we were in the same line became communicative. how earnestly he blamed plimsoll for his legislation in putting his "mark" for load line on british ships but leaving the foreigner free, with all the privileges of trading between british ports, and of loading as deeply as he pleased. the effect, he said, on the british coasting trade was, that as the foreigner could load as far as he liked, and therefore carry larger cargoes, he could accept lower rates. many british vessels were in consequence of this competition sold out, and transferred to foreign ownership. "i suppose he thinks it's not his business to keep the furriner from bein' drooned, yet he ties our hands and helps him take our trade, and noo he's at it agin." mr. plimsoll was just then introducing a new bill into the house of commons at westminster, proposing to make it illegal for marine insurance companies to insure the hulls of vessels for more than two-thirds of their value. with this legislation our scotch friend was very irate. "does the man think i want to lose my vessels. i'm in the business as my fayther was, and i want to stay in the business. as things are i can insure for full value. if i meet an accident either i get my vessel back again, fit for her service, or i get the money and build a new and larger one. if every time i have a total loss i am to be docked of one-third of my capital, then it wouldn't be long before i'd be out of business. ye never can keep up the british merchant marine that way." but wouldn't it be better for the insurance companies? "no, not at all. the insurance companies make their money, not on the ships' hulls, but on the cargoes which the ships carry. a single ship in one season will carry dozens of cargoes. we are the shuttles which carry backwards and forwards the cargo values on which the companies earn their rates. in fact, we help to earn their money for them. where would be the cargoes without the ships? 'gin plimsoll had his way he'd wipe all the british ships off the seas, but we're no so bad as he wad paint us." there was a good deal of truth in what he said, for given that the repute and moral hazard is good, it matters little so far as the owners exercise of care for the avoiding of loss is concerned, whether the insurance carried is for total value or only partial. needless to say the plimsoll bill did not carry. as evidence of our faith i may mention that in the early days, when the niagara company was simply a family ownership, we insured only against fire and collision, carrying the whole of the marine risk ourselves. but we watched with infinite closeness the ships and our men, as is equally done now when the company insures for a portion of the value. november in glasgow! a mixture of smoke, fogs and grime. never was such gloomy weather experienced. a soot of blue murkiness seemed to pervade the atmosphere. we visited and consulted with the builders of the fast steamers particularly the fairfield co. at govan and the denny's of dunbarton. nothing could exceed the freedom with which the fullest information was laid before us. we also inspected the fast day steamers of the david mactryne and the caledonian s.s. companies among them the _columba_ and _lord of the isles_, whose repute as day steamers for speed and equipment stood on the highest scale and are still (1912) performing their regular service. while there was much to admire in them, yet we found they were lacking in many things in both exterior and interior fittings which our summer lake passengers would consider important. for instance--in making a trip one day on one of these steamers there was a nasty drizzling rain. it dribbled down the main stairway which was open to the sky, and there were no awnings or coverings over the upper deck. as a result the passengers, who wished to have fresh air, sat along the deck seats, either huddled together under umbrellas, or wrapped up in the scotch plaids with which almost everybody seemed to be supplied. "what for why?" said the captain in reply to a suggestion that a deck awning might be a good thing. "to keep off the rain," was the reply. "ah mon," said he, "it wad keep aff the sun." perhaps in the contrast between the scotch climate and ours in canada, he was right, for they cannot spare any of the glimpses of the sun so sparingly vouchsafed to them. after fullest enquiry and consideration, we came to the conclusion that the best thing we could do was to repeat a highly successful day passenger paddle steamer, the _ozone_ which had been built on the clyde, and sent out to australia a year and a half previously, and had there obtained a splendid record for speed and commercial success. she was just the size we wanted, 250 feet long, 28' 6" beam in hull, or 52 feet over guards, draft 6 ft. 6 in. compound engines with two cylinders of 47 inches, and 87 inches, developing 2000 horse power, and sending the steamer at the officially certified speed of 20 miles per hour on the scotch trials on the clyde between the _cloch_ and the _cumbrae_. this would be a step larger and a step faster than _chicora_. we arranged with mr. robert morton, the designer and supervisor of the _ozone_, for a set of plans and specifications for the hull, which, constructed of dalzell steel, would be put together on the shores of lake ontario, where the upper cabin works would be added according to our own requirements. they offered to deliver a fully completed steamer at montreal in four months, but we would have had to cut her and take off one of the guards to get her up through the canals. for my part, i had had quite enough of bringing steamers in parts up the st. lawrence river on which the smaller canals were still incompleted, so we decided to erect our new steamer on the shores of lake ontario. the engines would be built by rankin, blackmore & co., of greenrock, from whose shops had come some of the fastest engines on the clyde. these would be a repetition of the engines which had been so successfully built by them for the _ozone_ and would be shipped out in parts to montreal by the first steamer in the spring. footnotes: [4] _chicora_ was put in dry dock at kingston in the winter of 1904 and largely replated at an expense of $37,000. chapter xiii. winter and whiskey in scotland--rail and steamer alongside at lewiston--how "cibola" got her name--on the route--the u.e. loyalists ongiara added. after decisions had been made it still took some time for the arranging of tenders and completion of contracts. during this wait we whiled away the time by seeing football played in seas of mud, and half lost in fogs, women by the thousands with heads uncovered except when they pulled their shawls over them, and children innumerable with feet entirely bare. poor kiddies how they suffered when on one day there was a fall of snow. such snow, damp, heavy clots, which moistened as they touched anything, exuding cold, and slobbering over the stone pavements. the children wrapped their red frosted feet with rags, or bits of carpet, to keep them off the stones, while their elders hunched themselves together and shivered. no wonder these people feared the snow and cold of canada, for they thought that if they felt such suffering in a temperature only just at the freezing point, what must it be when the thermometer went below zero. yet did they only know it, as many have since learned, the dry salt-like winter snow of canada is pleasant for the children to play in, and the sensation of cold not to be measured by the figures on the thermometer. it is the dampness which brings the suffering, which, needing to be met by heat from within, inclines to the suggestion, expressed by some, that whiskey is a natural beverage for scotland. that it is a usual one i learned in actual experience. in our "steamboat samplings" we had made a trip through the "kyles of bute" and to tarbert, where we took carriage across the mull of cantire to the outer sea. stopping for lunch at a neat little inn about half way across. the mid-day meal was being served in a large room with one long table down the centre. at this all the company sat, one, apparently a commercial traveller, occupying the seat at the head and doing the carving. a large open fireplace with glowing fire gave comfort and pleasant radiance. the one maid, a cheery looking young girl, did all the serving and was busy in her attentions to the guests. when she had got them all served i asked her, as she passed by, if she would please get me a cup of tea. pausing for a moment she gave me a searching look and then without speaking passed on. a little while later i again caught her attention and suggesting that perhaps she had not understood me, said that i would like to have a cup of tea. bending forward over me with a puckering of the forehead she said abruptly, "where do ye coom frae?" "from canada," i answered. "dye ye hae tea 'i the noon in canada?" "yes," said i in my most pleasing tone, "we have tea three times in the day in canada--at morning, mid-day and evening." with a sniff she retorted, "wull, y're no in canada the noo, y're in scotland. y' cannot hae tea i' the middle o' the day in scotland--ye can hae whiskey." i didn't so i'm afraid canada fell greatly in her estimation. [illustration: sir thomas lipton on chicora. page 175] [illustration: h.r.h. the duke and duchess of york going on board corona. page 183] the contracts were at length completed and we hastened for home, taking the guion line _alaska_ as the fastest ship on the atlantic. she held the "record" for the then fastest passage, 6 days, 21 hours, 40 minutes from queenston to new york. we had a frightful passage, during one 24 hours making only 52 miles. when the captain of a first-class atlantic liner enters on his log, as ours did next day, "_dangerous sea_," one may feel satisfied that something unusual had been going on. instead of not over eight days, as had been expected, we took twelve days, much to the alarm of our families, and reached toronto only three days before christmas. so _chicora_ and her successor had twice run the home-coming festival pretty close. in 1887 the services were opened by _chicora_ alone, with capt. mccorquodale in command. construction of the new steamer was begun early in april in the yards of the e. w. rathbun company, at deseronto on the bay of quinte, there being then no other shipyard on the shores of lake ontario. the facilities here were excellent, in convenience of access by rail to the waterside, and in complete iron and wood-working factories for the cabin construction. the hull was erected by w. c. white, of montreal, who also had built the steamer _filgate_, and the wood-work done by ourselves and the rathbuns under the charge of our foreman carpenter, mr. j. whalen. the engines arrived in good shape and were erected in the hull by rankin, blackmore & co., who sent out men for this purpose. the cabin work was being made in sections in the workshops, so that it could be erected as soon as the decks were ready. in the early part of the season of 1887 the new york central completed the extension of its tracks to the shore line at lewiston, just above the steamer dock. the relief to the traffic was welcome and immediate. the passengers were saved the weary jolting for the mile and a half transfer through enveloping dust, or of red bespattering mud, according to the varying conditions of the weather, and the through time between niagara falls and the steamer was also much shortened. ever since the branch railway had emerged from the gorge this trial of temper and nerves had continued just in the same state as it had when lewiston was the focus centre for the quickest routes to rochester, ogdensburgh, and to albany and new york, via lake champlain, and the only route to toronto, kingston and montreal. at length, after a meritorious service of so many years, their duty being over, the lumbering old transfer coaches, which looked as though they had never felt another coat of paint since their first, were consigned to the retirement of broken bottles and old tins. no traces of them are now to be found. there are, however, some notable memorials still left in the old town of its earliest days of tourist and travel activities. on the old road between lewiston and the dock, once traversed by the transfer coaches, and part of the main road from bataira when the village was known as "lewis-town," is the "frontier house," built in 1825, and for many years considered the "finest hotel west of albany." it was once the stopping place of many early celebrities, and with its broad stoop and great pillars is still a very prominent building. the residence of captain van cleve, one of the earliest navigators on the lakes, and who sailed from the port on the _martha ogden_, is on the hillside not far from the present terminus of the railway. at last the railway and the steamers had been brought alongside. this facility of interchange, and the shortening of the schedule time much improved the volume of traffic in both directions and a start was made which indicated that, when made more fully known to the general public, would justify the expenditures being made by both the railway and the steamer interests. a new era was being opened for the niagara river route. we had brought about the first steps, had taken part in the bringing of the railways and the river together, and now were to add the new steamer. consideration of what should be the name of the new addition was much occupying the attention not only of ourselves but of many others. it was conceded that the name must begin with a "c," and end with "a," and not exceeding eight letters in length, so that proper balance in advertising display might be preserved. a good deal of public interest was taken in the matter and many names suggested. a number of these were selected, and a somewhat novel method adopted for coming to the final decision. the members, both male and female, of the two families interested in the company, were invited by hon. frank smith, to dine at "rivermount," his residence on bloor street. we sat down about twenty-five in number, being all the adult members of the frank smith, foy and cumberland connections, and at a splendid repast good fortune to the new steamer was heartily toasted. i had had some twenty posters printed in the same size and wording as we then used for street advertising purposes. on each of these was displayed the name _chicora_ together with one of the new names which had been suggested. these posters were then set in a line along one side of the spacious hall, so that the exact effect of the contiguity of the two names could be seen. after dinner a sort of dutch auction was held. the adherents of each name stated the reasons for their preference, promoting some amusing discussion. each of the posters was then voted on in succession and with varying majorities ordered down until finally the one with _chicora_ and _cibola_ gained the preference. there would seem good reason for this selection, for in addition to the suitability in appearance and emphony of the two names, a very interesting historical connection between them had been unearthed in the archives and annals in the beginning of spanish-american history, after following up the exploits of pizzaro in south america. the early spaniards had made a foothold in the island of cuba. ponce-de-leon had visited the shores of florida, but it was not until 1539 that hermando-de-soto, heading an expedition from the island, established the first permanent occupation upon the mainland for the spanish nation. a settlement was formed and a fortress built at ste. augustine. spanish influence thereafter gradually extended around the northern shores of the gulf of mexico toward the mississippi and inland through the intervening indian country which was then called the _chicora country_--"_the land of pretty flowers_." beyond this and on the other side of the far shores of the mississippi lay the widespread grazing territories where the spanish adventurers conceived would be opportunity for further exploits. somewhere about the year 1580 a coterie of these venturesome ones carried over with them to spain a party of the native indians including among them the principal chief of the chicora indians, the occupants of the country between florida and the river. these they presented at their sovereign's court as visible evidences of their travellings and enterprises. in those early days of discovery on this western hemisphere, and for long years afterwards, it is noticeable in how lordly a manner the sovereigns and magnates of europe parcelled out the new found territories, making wholesale grants of land to their own followers with or out the leave of the original indian occupants. in this case the representative chief was present. the king created him "don francisco de chicora," and a grant was confirmed to his introducers of all the country lying adjacent to the gulf of mexico, on the far side of the mississippi. returning with this authority the spaniards extended their enterprises to their new opportunities. as they advanced westward they found on the terraces of the great plains, and on the foothills of the mountain ranges, the countless "cibolos," or buffalo, ranging in mighty bands over the nature pastures. it was in consequence of this that when giving a name to the new province which was being added to their previous domain, they named it "_cibola_," "the buffalo coun_try_." this name is still preserved by a ranching hamlet in a part of that territory now in the state of texas. as another steamer was to be added in partnership with _chicora_ "the pretty flower," what more appropriate name could we give to her than that of "cibola," "the buffalo," in reminiscence of the old time territorial expansion. so _cibola_ it was to be. there was also a further propriety in the selection that this "buffalo boat" was to be one of the line of steamers which were to form the greatly improved connection between toronto, and the great and modern city of buffalo. on 1st of november the steamer was successfully launched in the presence of a large party brought down by special train from toronto, the name _cibola_ being given, and the traditional bottle of champagne smashingly broken on the bow, by miss constance cumberland, the youngest sister of the vice-president, and who subsequently married mr. a. foy, a brother of the manager. the firms engaged on the construction were:--designer, robert morton, glasgow; steel hull, dalzell co., dalzell, scotland; erection of hull, w. white & co., montreal; marine engines, rankin blackmore & co., greenock; wood-work, rathbun co., deseronto; interior mahogany and decoration, wm. wright & co., detroit; electric lighting, edison co., new york. the _chicora_ season of 1887 had been exceedingly active. the opening of the new york central to the bank of the river largely increased the facilities and the movement of traffic. the steamer _hastings_ was chartered to make the early trips from niagara and late from toronto, and to carry the increasing fruit business. we had acquired the rights of the international ferry between queenston and lewiston and chartered the small steamer _kathleen_ to perform the service and to transfer passengers to the main line steamers. a new excursion feature in connection with the extension of their line was introduced by the new york central by "shuttle trains" with _observation cars_ run frequently between the falls and lewiston. these cars were open on the side next the river and the passenger seats set length-wise, facing the view, were raised in tiers one above the other, securing an unimpeded view of the scenery of the wonderful rapids and niagara gorge. the kathleen ran in connection with these trains, giving the tourists the full length of the lower river to niagara and also calling at youngstown for the fort and town passengers. business at queenston, where we had improved the dock, was much increased, due to our working up the excursions which were rendered more attractive by the great improvements made by the queen victoria niagara park commissioners in the park upon the queenston heights and around brock's monument. an excellent season closed without further incident. during the winter of 1887-88 the cabin work had proceeded assiduously on _cibola_. during this period we came much into personal contact with mr. e. w. rathbun, the head of the rathbun co., and, one might say, the physical embodiment of deseronto and of everything within its borders. in the prime of life, genial, incisive, he was the focus centre of vibrant energies. it seemed to be his ambition that no by-product in his enterprises should escape undeveloped. he was interested in every public and benevolent project in the vicinity and although not himself entering into parliamentary duties, his opinion was much sought and valued in political development. with intense devotion to his work, and much continuous strain on his energies it was not to be wondered that his years were not many. at length the spring of 1888 had come. the work was well advanced but, as usual, the carpenters and painters lingered on in possession. _chicora_ had opened the season and it was absolutely necessary that _cibola_ should be on hand to take part in moving the troops to niagara camp on 10th june. the only thing to do was to bring the whole working force away with the steamer. capt. mccorquodale was in command, capt. mcgiffin having been appointed to the _chicora_. a small party of friends had come down for the trip up, among them alderman john baxter, of toronto a genial soul, whose girth was not far from equalling his height, he was the very embodiment of merriment and was a most excellent singer. as the most elderly member we dubbed him the chaplain, although perhaps he was not the most sedate. mr. ross hayter, a tea planter cousin, lately come from assam, and who was the first to introduce indian package tea to canada, was installed as the doctor, and mr. gus foy, brother of mr. john foy, ably acted as steward. we left in the morning with the decks encumbered by every description of material for all trades. as each rounded point, and changing turn of this island-studded channel came in view one could not but recall that along these waters once came from montreal, and cataraqui, the fleet of canoes carrying the families of the six nations indians to the new homes, which had been given them by the british government, to replace those in the state of new york, which they had lost by their loyal adherence to the king's cause during the war of the revolution. one party under chief deseronto had determined to stop at a reservation which had been selected on the shores of the bay of quinte. before leaving _cataraqui_, the communion service which had been given to their ancestors by queen anne in 1712, for their chapel in the mohawk valley in the colony of new york, had been divided between the bands, the larger share being given to the more numerous party under chief brant, which separating from their deseronto companions went onward up lake ontario to their reservation upon the banks of the grand river. [illustration: the chippewa in toronto harbour. page 174] these reservations are still occupied by their descendants, who are ardent militia men, serving with intense activity in the indian companies of the 37th haldimand rifles, one of the most efficient in the canadian militia. all canadians, should remember that these quiet featured men are the lineal descendants of those steadfast ancestors, who gave up their homes and all for the british cause, and were the first united empire loyalists to come to canada. later after 1783, other migrations came up these inner channels. these were the united empire loyalists, descendants of the british pioneers and settlers who had founded the english colonies in america, but who having fought on the king's side in the revolution were driven out of their homes and their property confiscated, but who chose, rather than foreswear their allegiance, to come north into the forests of canada where they could live beneath the british flag under which they and their fathers had been born. it was a meeting, too, with the first steamboat ventures of upper canada, for on "finkle's point," which we passed, the _frontenac_, the first steamer to sail on lake ontario, had been built in 1815. _chicora_ and _cibola_ together carried the troops to camp and performed the services of the route for 1888. the leaving times from toronto were 7 a.m., 11 a.m., 2 p.m., 4.45 p.m., the _chicora_ taking the morning trip from lewiston. this was a very considerable increase, being in fact a doubling of the previous service, and although the traffic did not at first justify it, the trade soon began to show signs of building up, the new steamer proving herself a valuable addition by her higher speed, larger capacity for passengers and with running expenses practically the same. the arrangements for the militia at the camp at niagara in these early days were in the charge of lt.-col. robert denison, one of the denison family, who have taken so large a part in the military annals of the country, and an uncle of lt.-col. george t. denison. col. "bob" as he was most frequently called, was the brigade major for the western district with his headquarters in the "_old fort_" at toronto in the original "officers quarters" building which had been military headquarters for the province since 1813. this old building is still in existence and is to be preserved as part of the restoration of the old fort. unconventional and breezy in his ways, he used, referring to the fact that he had entirely lost one eye, to say that he "had a single eye to her majesty's service," and sitting straddled, as was his habit, on a four-legged saddle shaped sort of seat that "he was always in the saddle, ready for a call to action." in 1889 _cibola_ and _chicora_, continued their usual services with satisfaction and regularity. the observation train service of the new york central railway increased much in importance as also the transfer between lewiston and queenston. a smart little steamer was purchased to specially fill these services. following our habit we searched for some name which would be appropriate to the conditions. the "relations des jesuits" are the reports sent back to france between 1616 and 1672 by the devoted jesuit priests who had come over in the early french regime and worked among the indians for their christianization. much information is given in these conditions among the tribes, and concerning the geography of the country. one of these, _pere lallement_, reports that in 1642 an "_onguiaara_" tribe of indians were living between the two lower lakes on a river bearing the same name as the tribe. later on the great falls on this river are mentioned as the "_ongiara cataractes_." this name of _ongiara_, which was the earliest by which the river was known among the indians, has since been transmuted by the whites into its present name niagara. we therefore named the little steamer _ongiara_ as being appropriate to the history of her surroundings, and to her duties between the original portage routes of indian and historic periods at the landings at lewiston and queenston. chapter xiv. running the blockade on the let her b.--as told by her captain-owner. during 1889 we had the pleasure of a visit from captain george b. boynton, the former owner of _chicora_ in her blockade running days, who was delighted to renew acquaintance with his early ally. he gave us many reminiscenses of that stirring period, the narration of them cannot be done better than by giving extract by courteous permission of the publisher from his narrative as afterwards contained[5] under the heading "looking for trouble." copyright, 1911, by _adventure magazine_, the ridgway company. after giving an account of his earlier life and share in the american civil war, and of a project to join some adventures in cuba he says, "while i was wondering how i could get into communication with cespedes, my interest was aroused by a newspaper story of the new blockade runner _let her b._ the _let her b._, whose name was a play on words, was a long, powerful, schooner-rigged steamship, built by lairds on the mersey. though classed as a fifteen-knot ship she could do sixteen or seventeen knots (19 miles) which was fast going at that time. there was so much money in blockade-running that the owners of one could well afford to lose her after she had made three successful trips. "in five minutes i decided to become a blockade-runner and to buy the new and already famous ship, if she was to be had at any price within reason. i bought a letter of credit and took the next ship for bermuda. on my arrival there i found that the _let her b._ had been expected in for several days from her second trip and that there was considerable anxiety about her. a fresh cargo of munitions of war was awaiting the _let her b_, and a ship was ready to take to england the cotton she would bring. "i got acquainted with the agent for the blockade-runner, and offered to buy her and take the chance that she might never come in. he wanted me to wait until the arrival of her owner, joseph berry, who was expected daily from england. "after waiting several days i said to him one morning, "it looks as though your ship had been captured or sunk. i'll take a gambler's chance that she hasn't and will give you $50,000 for her and $25,000 for the cargo that is waiting for her; you to take the cargo she brings in. i'll give you three hours to think it over." "it looked as though i was taking a long chance, but i had a "hunch" that she was all right, and i never have had a well-defined "hunch" steer me in anything but a safe course, wherefore i invariably heed them. at the expiration of the time limit there was not a sign of smoke in any direction and the agent accepted my proposition. in half an hour i had a bill of sale for the ship and the warehouse receipts for the cargo of war-supplies. "at sunset that day a ship came in from england with her former owner. he criticized his agent sharptly at first, but when two more days passed with no sign of the anxiously-looked-for ship, mr. berry concluded that he had all the best of the bargain, and complimented his agent on his shrewdness. "on the third day the _let her b._ came tearing in, pursued at long range by the u.s.s. powhatan, which proceeded to stand guard over the harbour, keeping well off shore on account of the reefs and shoals that were under her lee. "the _let her b._ discharged a full cargo of cotton and was turned over to me. i went over her carefully while her cargo of arms was going in and found her in excellent condition. she was unloaded in twelve hours, and all her cargo was safely stowed in another forty-eight hours. i took command of her, with john b. williams, her old captain, as sailing master, and determined to put to sea at once. "i knew the powhatan would not be looking for us so soon, and planned to catch her off her guard. there was then no man-of-war entrance to the harbor and it was necessary to enter and leave by daylight. with the sun just high enough to let us get clear of the reefs before dark, and with the powhatan well off shore and at the farthest end of the course she was lazily patrolling, we put to sea. "the powhatan saw us sooner than i had expected, and started but she was not quick enough. the moment she swung around i increased our speed to a point which the pilot loudly swore would pile us up on the rocks. but it didn't and when we cleared the passage we were all of four miles in the lead. as i had figured, the powhatan did not suppose we would come out for at least a week, and was cruising slowly about with fires banked, so it took her some time to get up a full head of steam. she fired three or four shots at us, but they fell far short. "at sunrise we had the ocean to ourselves. "i started in at once to master practical navigation, the theory of which i knew, and to familiarize myself with the handling of a ship. i stood at the wheel for hours at a time and almost wore out the instruments taking reckonings by the sun and stars. navigation came to me naturally, for i loved it, and in three days i would have been willing to undertake a cruise around the world with a chinese crew. "we arrived off charleston late in the afternoon and steamed up close inshore until we could make out the smoke of the blockading fleet, which was standing well out, in a semi-circle. then we dropped back a bit and anchored. all of the conditions shaped themselves to favor us. it was a murky night, with a hard blow, which came up late in the afternoon, and when we got under way at midnight a good bit of a sea was running. "with the engines held down to only about half speed, but ready to do their best in a twinkling, we headed for the harbor, standing as close inshore as we dared go. we passed so close to the blockading-ship stationed at the lower end of the crescent that she could not have depressed her guns enough to hit us even if we had been discovered in time. but she did not see us until we had passed her. then she let go at us with her bow guns and, while they did no damage, we were at such close quarters that their flash gave the other ships a glimpse of us as we darted away. "they immediately opened on us, but after the first minute or two it was a case of haphazard shooting with all of them. the first shells exploded close around us, and some of the fragments came aboard, but no one was injured. when i saw where they were firing i threw my ship farther over toward sullivan's island, where she could go on account of her light draft, and sailed quietly along into the harbor at reduced speed. at daylight we went up to the dock and were warmly welcomed. "before the second night was half over we had everything out of her and a full cargo of cotton aboard, and we steamed out at once. i knew the blockaders would not expect us for at least four days, and we surprised them just as we had surprised the powhatan at bermuda. it was a thick night, and we sailed right through the fleet at half speed, but prepared to break and run for it at the crack of a gun. not a shot was fired or an extra light shown. "as soon as we were clear of the line we put on full speed and three days later we were safe at turk's island, the most southerly and easterly of the bahama islands, off the coast of florida, which i had selected as a base of operations. these islands were a haven and a clearing-house for the outsiders who were actively aiding the confederacy for a very substantial consideration. "most of the blockade-runners, including the _banshee_, _siren_, _robert e. lee_, _lady sterling_, and other famous ships, were operating out of nassau, which had the advantage of closer proximity to the chief southern posts, being within 600 miles of charleston and wilmington, while turk's island was 900 miles away, but i never have believed in following the crowd. it is my rule to do things alone and in my own way, as must be the practice of every man who expects to succeed in any dangerous business. the popularity of nassau caused it to be closely watched by the federal cruisers that patrolled the gulf stream, while the less important islands to the south and east were practically unguarded. "though precarious for the men who made them so, those were plenteous days for the bahamas, compared with which the rich tourist toll since levied on the yankees is but small change. the fortunes yielded by blockade-running seemed made by magic, so quick was the process. cotton that was bought in charleston or wilmington for ten cents a pound sold for ten times as much in the bahamas, and there were enormous profits in the return cargoes or military supplies. the captains and crews shared in the proceeds and the health of the confederacy was drunk continuously and often riotously. "by the time i projected myself temporarily into this golden atmosphere of abnormal activity, running the blockade had become more of a business and less of a romance than it was in the reckless early days of the war. "before leaving bermuda i had ordered a cargo of munitions of war sent to turk's island. we had to wait nearly a month for this shipment to arrive, but the time was well spent in overhauling the engines and putting the _let her b_ in perfect condition. "my second trip to charleston furnished a degree of excitement that exalted my soul. while we were held up at turk's island the blockading fleet had been strengthened and supplemented by several small and fast boats which cruised around outside of the line. without knowing this i had decided--it must have been in response to a "hunch"--to make a dash straight through the line and into the harbor. and it was fortunate that we followed this plan, for they were expecting us to come up from the south, hugging the shore as we had done before, and if we had taken that course they certainly would have sunk us or forced us aground. "we were proceeding cautiously, but did not think we were close to the danger zone, when suddenly one of the patrol ships picked us up and opened fire. her guns were no better than pea-shooters, but they gave the signal to the fleet, and instantly lights popped up all along the line ahead. "in the flashing lights ahead i saw all of the excitement that i had been longing for, and with an exultant yell to the helmsman to "tell the engineer to give her ----l," i pushed him aside and seized the wheel. i fondled the spokes lovingly and leaned over them in a tumult of joy. it was the great moment of which i had dreamed from boyhood. "i had anticipated that when it came i would be considerably excited and forgetful of all of my carefully-thought-out plans for meeting an emergency, but to my surprise i found that i was as cool as though we had been riding at anchor in new york bay. the opening gun cleared my mind of all its anxieties and intensified its action. i remember that i took time to analyze my feelings to make sure that i was calm and collected and not stunned and stolid and that i was silent from choice and not through anything of fear. "as though spurred by a human impulse, the little ship sprang forward as she felt the full force of her engines and never did she make such a race as she did that night. in the sea that was running and at the speed that we were going we would ordinarily have had two men at the wheel, but i found it so easy and so delightful to handle the ship alone that i declined the assistance of captain williams, who stood behind me. "though i am not tall, being not much over five feet and eight inches, nature was kind in giving me a well-set-up frame and a powerful constitution, devoid of nerves but with muscles of steel, and with a reserve supply of strength that made me marvel at its source. "the widest opening in the already closing line was, luckily directly in front of us, and i headed for it. the sparks from our smokestack gave the blockaders our course as plainly as though it had been noon-day, and they closed in from both sides to head us off. shot and shell screamed and sang all around the undaunted _let her b._ "first the mainmast and then the foremast came down with a crash, littering the decks with their gear. a shell carried death into the forecastle. one shot tore away the two forward stanchions of the pilot-house, and another one smashed through the roof, but neither captain williams nor i was injured. all of our boats and most of our upper works were literally shot to pieces. "from first to last we must have been under the terrific fire for half an hour, but it seemed not more than a few minutes, and it really was with something of regret that i found the shots were falling astern. when we got up to the dock we found that five of our men had been killed and a dozen more or less injured. the ship had not been damaged at all, so far as speed and seaworthiness in ordinary weather were concerned, though she looked a wreck. "the blockaders expected we would be laid up for a month. consequently when we steamed out on the fourth night, after making only temporary repairs, they were not looking for us and we got through their line without much trouble. "we refitted at turk's island, where we laid up for three weeks. "i made two more trips to charleston without any very exciting experiences, though we were fired on both times, and then sold the ship to an enterprising englishman at turk's island. i made a comfortable fortune with her and sold her for more than i paid for her." the _let her b._ was never captured, but the war closed the year after her arrival and upon its conclusion she was brought north and registered as a canadian vessel at the port of pictou, nova scotia, and her name at the same time changed to _chicora_. footnotes: [5] "adventure magazine," new york, jan. 1911. chapter xv. the canadian electric to queenston--an old portage route revived--history of the two portages--the trek to the western states--chippewa arrives--notable passenger men. no wonder that after his recital of her prowess, much as we had esteemed the bonnie ship, we now thought all the more of her, for as ill the times of her previous owners, so now in ours, there appeared to be a sort of living sprite within her frames, evidencing a spirit of life, and consciousness, as that of a fond friend, as well as a faithful servant. perhaps it is this very affection which arises between a man and his ship that has led to all vessels being spoken of in the feminine, and familiarly as "she." perhaps, however it may be that it comes from their kittenish "kittly-cattly" ways, for you never know what a vessel will do, until you have tried her. 1890 brought us still further on the way to success. the business was fast increasing, under the more frequent services and the spread of advertising, and solicitation. so much was this the case that the possibility of placing another steamer on the route began to be debated, not only by ourselves, but by other people who were looking on. a small american steamer had been running between lewiston and youngstown, and there was some talk of putting on another. rumors also spoke of an electric line to be built between these points to more closely connect the troops of the american garrison at fort niagara with the forces of the state of new york. we thought, therefore, it would be as well to obtain the dock at youngstown, to which rail connections could be made, and also to create an american company, under which american steamers could be owned and operated by us, should it at any time be thought well to do so. the "niagara river navigation co., limited," was then formed under a charter obtained from the state of new york, and the stock subscribed and paid up by members of the niagara navigation co. families, the board being,--john foy, president; barlow cumberland, vice-president, and three gentlemen of buffalo, directors. the youngstown dock, which had been privately purchased, and is the dock down to which the railway track of 1885 ran, was taken over by this american company, and some people, whom it had been suggested might put on american steamers to run in competition with the niagara navigation company, were informed that we were empowered, and quite ready to meet them under their own condition, so they drew in their horns and nothing more was heard of the matter. a policy was formulated which has ever since been maintained, of adding steamers as the traffic, and new developments showed might be required and to add them even in advance of actual requirements. from the position of its ports, and the variable requirements of the connecting lines, the niagara river line can be best handled by one stable company, in full control of docks at all the landing places, and with a number of steamers sufficient to meet all possible emergencies of sudden demands of travel as they arrive at different times on the several railway connections on both sides of the lake. the very flexibility of the service ensures adequate provision to keep the largest excursion business moving without delay, and with convenience from whatever quarter or connection it may at any hour come. in 1891 captain mcgiffin was promoted to command of _cibola_ in succession to captain mccorquodale, who after having given fullest satisfaction and faithful service, had died during the previous season. captain w. h. solmes, of picton, was now appointed to _chicora_. in this year began the project for the construction of the _niagara falls park and river railway_ on the canadian side, following the bank of the river from niagara falls to queenston and being the first electric railway to be built in this vicinity on either side of the river. electrical traction was then in its infancy. no better evidence of this can be given than the fact that although the canadian electric railway company had ample surplus power in their development at the horseshoe falls, yet the electrical engineers of the day, reported that the cost of wiring and the loss in transmission of power for the only seven miles to queenston, would be prohibitive to commercial economy. an additional equipment for development of electricity by steam was therefore installed on the river side at queenston to help the power current from the falls in operating the cars up the zig-zag to the top of the queenston heights. this power house is shown in the view taken from the heights and continued to be used until 1898, when the improvements in electrical transmission enabled it to be abandoned and full power brought from the company's water power house at the falls. the zig-zag series of curves by which the double track railway winds its way up the face of the niagara escarpment from the dock to the summit at brock's monument is considered one of the achievements of mr. jennings, who was the engineer for the construction of this canadian power and electrical r.r. company, and had previously done some notable work for the canadian pacific railway on the fraser river and rocky mountain sections. as the cars wind up and approach the summit, a splendid and far distant landscape is opened to the view, one which the duke of argyle considered to be one of the "_worthy views of the world_." below are the terraces and color-chequered fields of the vineyards, the peach and fruit orchards of this "garden of canada." through these variegated levels the niagara river curves in its silvered sheen to lake ontario where the blue waters close in the far horizon. from queenston heights this electric railway skirts the edges of the cliffs above the great gulf in the depths of which the niagara rapids toss and foam, and then circling around the sullen swirlings of the fatal whirlpool, lands the tourist within the spray of the great cataract itself. our ownership of the dock and the waterfront at queenston, purchased so many years before, now proved its foresight and facilitated the making of arrangements with the new electric railway for an interchange of business. as a result it was now determined that a fourth steamer should be added to the niagara river line, and thus provision was made for the new connection and the increased business which would arise from its introduction. this new connection apparently to the river was, after all, but the revival of the old _portage route_ on the canadian side, which had so long existed between chippawa and the head of navigation at this point, but not exactly on the same location and had passed away upon the diversion of business to other routes. [illustration: the chippewa in drydock at kingston, bow. (page 184)] [illustration: the chippewa in drydock at kingston, stern.] as the steamer lies at the queenston dock, the eye naturally sweeps upward over the cedar clad slopes of the niagara escarpment toward the striking monument which crowns its heights. the reminiscences are those of martial strife, when on the 13th of october, 1812, contestants met in mortal conflict. in fancy we can see the foemen moving upon the slopes, the american forces gain the heights, the heroic general brock leads his men in bold attack to regain possession, and falls at their head mortally wounded. reinforcements under general sheaffe come from the west along the summit of the cliffs, the contest is renewed; indians are seen gleaming among the trees, they drive the invaders over the brink to fall into the rapids below, and at length the american forces with two generals and seven hundred men lay down their arms and are taken prisoners. but there are other phases much more ancient of this head of navigation and its portages. under the hill there can be discerned beneath the shadow of the height the old road leading up from the lower level of the dock to the upper level upon which, what is left of the town of queenston stands. it is marked and scarred with the ruts of many decades and full of memories. upon these slopes the indian made his way to the waterside at the chippewa creek. here came the trappers with their bales of furs brought down from the far north-west. here came the _voyageur traders_ of france with beads and gew-gaws for barter with the indians, and later the english with blankets and firearms. in the earliest days two portages were available, one on each side of the river, but during the french period and for long, long after the one on the past side from lewiston was mainly used, its terminus at lake erie being called _petite niagara_ as distinctive from the great _fort niagara_ at its lower end. with the end of the war of the revolution, capt. alexander campbell of the 12th regiment, was sent by lord dorchester to report on the portages. in reporting in 1794 he mentions that the american portage was at a steep bank just below the rapids, to the foot of which the batteaux were poled with difficulty and the contents raised by winch and hawser to the upper level some 60 feet above. on the canadian side at queenston the eddy was more favorable and there were, he said, four vessels waiting to be unloaded and sixty waggons working on the portage. in consideration of the expected transfer of fort niagara he thought it would be better to improve the mouth of the chippewa creek and adopt the all-canadian side instead of sending up supplies on the fort niagara side to _schlosser_ to be boated across to _fort erie_. mr. robert hamilton, afterwards hon. robert, sized up the situation and built a new dock and storehouse on what afterwards turned out to be government property at the _chippaway river_. he had early appreciated the value of the portage and had established a large transfer business across it. becoming the chief personage of the neighborhood he had in 1789 changed the name of its northern terminus to _queenston_ instead of the _west landing_ by which it had previously been known. with these increased facilities and to his own great profit he in time secured the bulk of the portage trade. in 1800 john maude mentions that three schooners and 14 teams were lying at the dock at queenston on one day, and that from 50 to 60 teams a day passed over the portage, the rate for freight being 20 pence new york currency per hundred pounds between queenston and chippewa. when the great _trek_ from maine and massachusetts began to the western states of michigan and illinois, this queenston road was mostly taken by the wandering land seekers, it being adopted by them then as the short cut across the peninsula to the detroit river instead of the long detour along the south shores of lake erie, just as at present the michigan central, wabash and grand trunk railways cross from the falls on this shortest route to the west. the waggons with their horses, having come to lewiston from albany and rochester by the ridge road, were placed upon the batteaux to cross the river, and although at first carried far down by the current on the eastern side were easily taken by the eddy up the west shore to the landing place at queenston. up this inclined road to the upper tier, in imagination one can see the lines of immigrants, with their teams and canvas topped wagons, in long extended line seeking the far west for their new homes and great adventures. so great was the traffic in this direction that, in 1836 a "horse boat" was employed on the ferry and the first suspension bridge at queenston was promoted in 1839 to accommodate the movement from the east towards the west. at present except when a niagara navigation co. steamer is alongside, all is so quiet it seems scarcely possible that this landing place could at one time have been the centre of such busy movement. the re-opening revived also the memories of an oft told narrative of a little family, which years before had arrived over the portage route, at this same dock at queenston, and made their first acquaintance with the niagara river and its navigation. mr. fred w. cumberland, our late director, and his wife had come to the opinion that the position which the held on the engineering staff, in her majesty's dockyard at portsmouth, did not represent such a future as they would desire, and therefore they determined to emigrate to canada. in the spring of 1847 they took passage on a sailing ship, bringing with them their ten-months-old baby. after a voyage of six weeks they reached new york, from where they came by hudson river steamer to albany, where they spent the night. from here they came by steam railroad at the unexpected speed of "twenty miles an hour." and again, as was usual, for there were no night trains, broke their journey and stayed over night at syracuse, 171 miles, where there was a fine large hotel, and the following day leaving 8.00 a.m., arrived at buffalo at 9.00 p.m. leaving buffalo next morning they came by steamer down the niagara river to chippawa, where they took the "horse railroad" for queenston to join the steamer for toronto. the terminus at queenston of the horse railroad was at the end of the "stone road," near the hotel above the road leading down to the steamer. just when arrived at this, the car went off the track, and while mr. cumberland was endeavoring to extract their belongings, mrs. cumberland, the baby, and a young clergyman, the rev. g. salter, who had crossed the atlantic on the same ship with them, were carried off on the steamer for toronto, and the father was left behind. it was amusingly told, how, after they had landed at the foot of church street, and were walking up into the town, mr. salter, who had been consigned to an appointment under the rev. dr. john strachan, then bishop of toronto, wondered what his bishop would say if he should chance to meet his new curate with another man's wife and carrying a baby as he entered his diocese. the baby was barlow cumberland, who then made his first steamboating on the niagara river, on which he was afterwards to be so actively engaged. it was determined that the new steamer should be a further advance in size and equipment to prepare for the increased traffic now to be fed from both sides of the river. additional capital was therefore required, of which part was provided by the niagara company, and part by the introduction of new stockholders, including mr. e. b. osler, and mr. william hendrie. here, in 1892, the purely family relationship of the first members of the company closed, the stock holdings being more widely spread and the board increased from five members to seven. the services of mr. frank kirby, of detroit, the most accomplished designer of passenger steamers, were engaged, the plans made, the tenders of the hamilton bridge & shipbuilding co. accepted for the hull, boilers and upper-works, and the engines contracted for with w. fletcher co., of new york, the builders of the fastest marine engines on the hudson and the upper lakes. mr. geo. h. hendrie left the next day for scotland to arrange for the materials. _cibola_, capt. mcgiffin, and _chicora_, capt. solmes, conducted the season 1892 with good success. work on the new steamer was commenced at hamilton. again the question of a new name arose, and this time it was considered that the name should still be indian, but of canadian origin. thus the name _chippewa_ was selected as that of a renowned canadian tribe of indians which had flourished in the niagara river district, and also as a renewal of the name of h.m. sloop _chippewa_, upon which general brock had sailed on lake erie. it will be noted that the name is not that of the village and postoffice of chippawa, but is spelled with an "e," being that of the indian tribe. a fine carving of a chippewa chieftain's head, taken from catlin's collection of indian portraits, is placed on the centre of each paddle box, similarly as a rampant buffalo had previously been placed on those of the _cibola_. on 2nd may, 1893, the steamer was successfully launched in the presence of many of the citi-townsman, mr. william hendrie, and of a number of visitors from buffalo, toronto and montreal. the name was given and the bottle gallantly broken by miss mary osler, daughter of mr. e. b. osler, and miss mildred cumberland, daughter of mr. barlow cumberland. _chippewa_, the _indian chief_, was the first of our vessels to be constructed of steel. her tonnage is 1,574 tons. length, 311 feet; beam, 36, and is authorized to carry 2,000 passengers in lake service. the interior arrangements were more convenient and spacious than any previously, and an innovation was the addition of a hurricane deck, upon which ample space for passengers is provided. the _chippewa_ had satisfactorily passed through her trial trips, and in may, 1894, the steamer, completed in every respect, sailed from hamilton to take up her station on the niagara route. a goodly number of railway and steamboating officials and friends were on board under the leadership of sir frank smith. our steamers were that year running from geddes' (now the city) dock, as we had again, for the fourth time, been turned out of milloys. mr. william fletcher, the builder of the engines, had come up from new york and was in charge of the motive department. it was a saturday afternoon. _chicora_ was occupying the face of the dock, so _chippewa_ had to come in on the west side. by some mischance she was not stopped soon enough and made her entry into toronto by driving her nose some five or six feet into the wooden timber of the side of the esplanade. the steamer seemed scarcely in motion, yet cut into the heavy timbers as though they had been matches. when backed out no damage was done excepting the loss of a little paint on the bow. the party landed, the buffalo and new york visitors with mr. fletcher going off on _chicora_ amid hearty exchange of greetings. the introduction of a third boat on the main line made an exceeding difference in the frequency of the services, and again was at first a good deal in excess of the demand, or of business offering. a new trip was introduced by the _chicora_ leaving toronto at 9 a.m., staying over at lewiston and returning in the afternoon, making one round trip. the whole departure being five trips; 7.00 a.m., 9.00 a.m., 11.00 a.m., 2.00 p.m., 4.45 p.m. this 9.00 a.m. trip was not a success during its early years, but gradually gained in importance. _chippewa_ (capt. mcgiffin), _cibola_ (capt. w. h. solmes), _chicora_ (capt. jas. harbottle), closed the season of 1894, in which much more activity was produced, and good evidences given of growth to be expected in the future. in effecting its growth the route continued to be exceedingly assisted by the energies and assistance of the connecting railway company's officers. _mr. d. m. kendrick_ had succeeded mr. meeker, and he in turn, in 1887, followed by _mr. henry monett_. a most notable advance was begun during this regime, an entirely new idea being evolved. the reputation of the new york central railway for the regularity and character of its trains and service had been well created, but up to that time the erie railway, by persistent advertising, had been established in the minds of the public as "_the only scenic_" route between buffalo and new york. mr. monett instituted a series of descriptive and illustrative announcements developing the _mohawk valley_, through which the new york central runs, as being "_the really most beautiful_" route, passing through the scenery of the romantic valley of the mohawk and the mountain heights of the hudson with all the advantages of _"a water-level line" following the coursings of the mohawk and hudson rivers_, and so giving a perfect night's rest. it was a novelty and an inducement which caught the public idea, and added attraction to efficient service. owing to the early death of mr. monett in 1888, _mr. e. j. richards_ followed as acting general passenger agent to 1889, with his intimate knowledge of the passenger requirements he gathered in and secured the business which mr. monett's methods had begun to attract. during his period _cibola_ was added to our line. with the career of his successor _mr. george h. daniels_, (1889 to 1905) there was a still further expansion of the advertising method of attracting business to the great railway, whose train service was of the highest development. the celebrated pamphlets known as the "_four track_" series under mr. daniels led the way in railway advertising publications, introducing methods which since then have been so extensively followed and applied by all the principal railways. as an instance of widespread advertisement, no less than four millions of the one issue of the "four track" series which contained "_the message to garcia_" were distributed to the public, the demand for copies exhausting edition after edition. _chippewa_ and _corona_ were both added during mr. daniel's term. during the later changes in the head offices the local passenger representation in the buffalo and western district had been held in succession by _mr. e. j. weekes_ and _mr. h. parry_. no railway was ever better served, nor its patrons more firmly secured in friendship. equally successful assistance was given by _mr. a. w. ruggles_ and _mr. underwood_ of the michigan central railway, which with its quickest route to buffalo direct from niagara-in-the-lake was specially developed. thus in a series of years, steamer after steamer had been added, each of the highest capacity, so that by mutual energy the good reputation of the route had been advanced and traffic gradually created, for, as each steamer was put on it created at first a surplus of accommodation, and an increase of running expenses until later the passenger trade had again worked up to the capacity. it is beyond question that the character and satisfaction of the steamers provided on a combined rail and water route have more to do with the attracting of business than even the land facilities on the railways. it is to produce this result that the railway companies steadily support the established steamboat lines in private ownership which have been developed in connection with them, as being the best way to secure fullest facilities for the public, and efficient service for themselves. chapter xvi. "cibola" goes; "corona" comes--the gorge electric railway opens to lewiston--how the falls cut their way back through the rocks--royal visitors--the decisiveness of israel tarte. with three "line" steamers and five trips a day, the route kept on steadily developing, the service being attractive, and the line kept well before the public, but the season's traffic produced nothing of particular notice. during 1895 came a set-back, and unfortunate loss, by _cibola_ taking fire one night when lying alongside the dock at lewiston. the upper works were entirely burned off and the hull, having been set adrift, floated down the river as far as youngstown, where it was secured and brought to the dock. _cibola_ during her career had proved herself an efficient steamer, fast, economical, and satisfactory in all weathers. business had not so greatly increased that the remaining two main line steamers could not continue to sufficiently meet the service, so far as it then required, but immediate steps were taken to replace her loss and make ready for the requirements of the new electric railway then contemplated on the american side from the falls to lewiston. mr. angstrom, who had already done some excellent work as a marine architect, made the new design, and a contract was let to the bertram engine and shipbuilding company, toronto, for a steamer 272 feet in length, 32 ft. 6 inches beam, 2,000 horse-power, with a capacity for 2,000 passengers, being larger than the _cibola_. there was not this time so much difficulty in the selection of a name, as that of _corona_ suggested by lady smith, was readily adopted. this name was all the more appropriate from the fact that the "halo of bright rays" which are shot out and appear on a total eclipse of the sun is called the "corona of the sun." in this instance the new steamer _corona_ was succeeding the eclipse of the _cibola_, and represented the hopes and new conditions of the "_bright sun ray_." the steamer was successfully launched at the yards at the foot of bathurst street, on the 25th may, 1896, the sponsors being miss mildred cumberland, daughter of the vice-president, and miss clara foy, daughter of the general manager. the season of 1897 with three steamers all making double trips brought the introduction of the six trips a day, a service which fully provided for the new connection then opened, and for the increases which gradually came in several subsequent years. the _niagara falls park electric railway_, then already in operation on the canadian side between the falls and queenston running on the upper level follows the river banks of the gorge, overlooking it from these heights and adding views of the far vistas of the surrounding country and up and down the river. the new electric railway, on the american side, put into full working operation in this year, and known as the _gorge line_, was constructed far down in the gorge, just a little above the waters edge, following the curvings of the river, beneath the cliffs, and giving opportunity for coming into immediate proximity with the tossing rapids on this lower part of its torrents. the construction of this railway from the falls to lewiston was the work of messrs. brinker & smith, of buffalo, and in boldness of conception, and overcoming of intense difficulties in construction, is a record of great determination and ability. [illustration: how the falls have cut through the gorge.] a round trip on both these lines, going up on one and returning by the other, and crossing the river on the cars at the upper bridge, reveals all the glorious scenery of the niagara river between the falls where they now are and the niagara escarpment at queenston heights, where the geologists tell us the falls once fell over the cliffs to the lower level. it is estimated that from this place of beginning of the chasm which they have cut out of the strata of the intervening rocks, from 16,000 to 25,000 years, according to different views, have been spent in reaching to their present position and they are still continuing to cut their way back further up the river. the process by which this has been done can be clearly seen by noticing on the sides of the cliffs that the several layers of limestone strata lie flat above one another, with large softer layers and deposits between each. the waters of the river at the upper level pour over the edge of the topmost rock ledge, and the reverberations and spray then wash out the intervening sand and softer layers, so that the rock strata becoming unsupported break off, and fall down into the gulf. in this way the chasm has year after year been bitten back. when leaving the dock on the niagara river line steamers at lewiston, or coming up the river from niagara-on-the-lake, it is enthralling to look up at these great cliffs, and in imagination casting the mind back into the centuries, see the mighty river as it once poured its torrents direct in one concentrated mass from the edge of these heights into the open river lying at their feet. what a stupendous spectacle it must have been; yet, though wondrous, not more beautiful than the distant glimpses now gleaming through the shadowed portal between the cliff-sides clad with verdure and cedar, dominated by the shaft of the monument to the heroes of the _queenston heights_. the acquiring of landing terminals on the niagara river was further expanded in 1899, by the purchase from the duncan milloy estate of the docks at _niagara-on-the-lake_. in addition to the wharves this property includes the shipyard of the old-time niagara dock company, whose launching slips for the many steamers which they constructed are still in evidence. on the doors of the large warehouse alongside the wharf, there were then still to be traced the faint remains of the names of some of the vessels, which of old time used to ply to the port. the ground floor of the building appears to have been divided into sections, in which space for the freightage or equipment of each of the several vessels was allotted. over the door of each section were the names for the occupants, as originally painted. _schooners--canada_, _commr. barrie_, _cobourg_, _united kingdom_, _st. george_, _william iv._, _great britain_. these names were now carefully restored. the steamers which ran regularly on the niagara route have already been mentioned, these others used the port as convenient for laying up for the winter, with the advantage of the proximity of the dockyard for repairs. the _cobourg_ built at gananoque in 1833, ran between toronto and kingston, with lieutenant elmsley, r.n. in command. the _st. george_ was built in kingston in 1834, and was mainly occupied between lake ports on the north shore route. these doorways and the names now easily read above them bring us into immediate contact with the early enterprises on the river and form connecting links between the navigation interests under the opening conditions and those of the present time. the route has the charm of a constant unravelling of history. another wraith there is in connection with this niagara dock which cannot be omitted. for many years a passenger on the incoming steamers would see a man in conductor's uniform standing on the dock watching the arrival. this was mr. miles, conductor of the mail express train, which ran on the erie and niagara branch between buffalo and niagara-on-the-lake twice each day; on which with never failing regularity he made his double round trip each day for almost twenty years. through three changes of ownership and several passenger agents "paddy" miles, as he was generally called, held his position and so dominated conditions that the train came to be known as "paddy miles' train," and the branch as "miles' railway." he was superintendent, train dispatcher, and general passenger agent, in his own opinion, all moulded into one, and acted accordingly. as he stood on the dock with hands thrust deep into his breeches pockets and a scowl upon his forehead, he seemed to consider it was rank treason for anyone to pass up the river and not get off and use his train. yet this was only on the surface, for paddy was at heart a good soul, who took a very personal interest in the earnings of his branch. the _buffalo exposition_ of 1900, bringing together as it did tourist business from all parts of the continent and of the world, threw exceptional business over the line. it may be said with certainty that every tourist who visits the american continent visits without fail the niagara falls, as one of the great wonders of the world. with the expanded facilities which have been given him, a very large proportion also visit the niagara river and its water attractions, and cross the lake to canada at toronto. this was clearly evidenced at the buffalo exposition, and the largely increasing traffic then arising, all of which was satisfactorily dealt with, without any shortcomings or mishap. in january, 1901, sir frank smith died, being the second of the original board to pass away. his judgment, forceful determination, and large capital, had been main-springs in the creation and establishment of the line of steamers whose beginnings he had promoted. mr. j. j. foy was elected president in his place. it was during this year, (1901) that their royal highnesses the _duke and duchess of york_ (now king george v. and queen mary) made their remarkable tour through the overseas part of the british empire. one portion of their visit to canada included the niagara district, and a rest of several days in privacy and quiet at niagara-on-the-lake, the _queen's royal_ being specially set apart for their use. on october 10th, they visited the queenston heights, brock's monument, and the niagara falls, by special cars of the niagara falls park electric railway. the _corona_ was used by the royal visitors as a private yacht from niagara-on-the-lake to queenston and return. it is a fact worthy of noting that both here and during the whole of their nine months of travel around the world, their royal highnesses never placed foot on any other than british ship or british soil. during the time the _chippewa_ was under construction in 1891, the dominion government had become proprietors of the dry dock at kingston, and were making considerable improvements. the attention of the department was drawn to the fact that if completed as then designed, the dock would not be of sufficient length to take in the _chippewa_, which would, when launched, be the largest steamer on lake ontario. further construction had therefore been made, by which the pontoon gate which closed the entrance, could be moved fifteen feet further out when required, to enable the steamer to be taken in. [illustration: the cayuga in niagara river off youngstown. page 188] in the spring of 1902 the time had come for the _chippewa_ to be placed in dock for the usual inspection. it was then found that the outer place for the gate had never been used, the local authorities stated that they could not change its position and that, therefore, the _chippewa_ could not be taken into the dock. this was a poser for the steamer was too long for the dock as it existed. with captain mcgiffin i visited ottawa to see if any influence could be brought up on the local authorities to get them to furnish us with the full length. we here met with a reception which was a specially valued reminiscence of an able parliamentarian. the hon. israel tarte, a french-canadian, had recently been appointed to be minister of public works, and here he fully sustained the wide reputation he had elsewhere acquired for quick decision and immediate instruction. we suggested that if the gate could not be moved back, a space could be cut out of the stone steps at the inner end of the dock, so as to enable the prow of the _chippewa_ to extent between them. on hearing our request, mr. tarte called in his chief, asked if it could be done, being assured that it could added "_can you go to kingston to-night and arrange for it?_" the next morning work was begun in the dock so that the steamer could be taken in. vessel men who had been accustomed to the slow and deliberate methods which had previously existed, greatly appreciated the changes which for the improvement of our local business from the city of toronto. it has often been noted that a saturday half holiday is almost universally taken by the citizens of toronto. in fact not a few of the travelling men from the united states have said that there is no use coming to toronto to do business on saturday, as everyone is closing up for their afternoon trip. in the attaining of this condition the niagara navigation company has had much to do, as the result of persistent advocacy. with the increasing steamers we had abundant deck room which we desired to fill, particularly for the afternoon trip. this might be effected by getting the employers of some of the specific lines of business to close their establishments at 1 o'clock on saturdays. an "_early closing movement_" was quietly inaugurated, groups engaging in the same business were canvassed and agreements arranged for simultaneous closing. the retail music stores were the first to put up the notices, and were followed by other lines of trade, as the public took gladly to the idea, until in four or five years the practice became well nigh universal and a "_saturday afternoon for recreation, sunday for rest_" had been obtained. that it has been a boon to many is without doubt, and the city is the better for the many outings which are now available for the saturday afternoon holiday. thus do great things from little movements grow. mr. john foy was appointed president in february, 1902, and mr. b. w. folger, who had done splendid service in the steamboating interests in the thousand islands and st. lawrence river was appointed general manager. with him began a whole series of improvements and of expansion, which has continued with increasingly good results. the regularity with which the steamers of the niagara line have made their passages has always been proverbial, contributed to by the seaworthiness of the vessels and the seamanship of their officers. from earliest days, but since somewhat modified, we had adopted the principle learned from the _kingston_ and _holyhead_ mail steamers, whose route was somewhat analogous to ours, a quick run across open water with a narrow entrance at each end, that it was best to run the steamer at a regular gait and even in fog except in the vicinity of other vessels to hold her course, and when off the port to stop until certain. sometimes there have been longish passages. one saturday morning in august, 1903, the _chippewa_ left toronto at 7 a.m. during a strong gale with a heavy sea from the east. a thick fog was found enveloping the south shore extending some five miles out. on gaining the bell buoy off niagara and not being able to see anything, captain mcgiffin, rather than run any risk, determined to keep close to the buoy ready to run in should the fog lift. here during all day and evening he remained within sound of the bell, coming up to and dropping away again under the heavy sea, until at last the lights on the land could be seen and _chippewa_ came alongside the dock at 11.50 p.m., 16 hours from toronto! no other steamer was on the lake that day. mcgiffin kept his passengers well fed and for his carefulness and judgment was advanced to position of "commodore." a similar episode of carefulness had taken place in 1886, on the _cibola_ under captain mccorquodale, when he similarly held his place off the port in a fog from 6 p.m. to 3 a.m. both considered it was better to be sure than to be sorry. in those early days the engines of the michigan central, would in emergency be placed with their head lights facing out on the river, and their whistles blown to guide the steamers in, but since then the large range lights have been installed by the government, and made entrance easier. it was under the leadership of such men as these that the officers of the company were trained up, its rules and traditions formed, and stability of service encouraged. there are not a few officers and men who have been from ten to twenty years in the service, earnest in their profession, careful of the public and loyal to the company, which from the time of its inception has endeavored to treat them as members of a family gathering. on the death of mr. john foy in december, 1904, he was succeeded in the presidency by mr. e. b. osler (knighted 1913), who ever since he had entered the company, had always taken a very active interest in its progress and hereafter took a still more intimate share in directing its policy and development. chapter xvii. cayuga adds her name--niagara and hamilton joined--the niagara ferry completed--ice jams on the river--once more the united management from "niagara to the sea." under virile management the business on the route kept fast increasing and it became evident that more accommodation should be supplied even before it might become absolutely necessary. it was therefore determined to build another steamer, which in speed and size would be a still further step forward and would be ready for any adverse competitors should any happen to arise. mr. folger visited great britain to make inquiries and on his return mr. angstrom was again engaged to prepare the designs for the new steamer. contracts were let to the canadian ship building co., of toronto, for a steamer 317 feet long, 36 feet beam, 4,300 horse-power to carry 2,500 passengers. we were again faced with the necessity of a choice of a new name. requests were made for suggestions, and "book tickets" offered as a prize to those who might send in the name which might be accepted. two hundred and thirty-three names beginning with "c" and ending with "a" were contributed to us by letters and through the public press. out of these names the name _cayuga_ was selected in recognition of the indian tribes on the south shore of lake ontario, the district of the inner american lakes, in the state of new york, one of which bears the name of lake cayuga. it is also the name of an old and flourishing town in ontario, near the shores of lake erie, adjacent to the land reserved for the mohawks under brant, and still occupied by their descendants. a very interesting annal was at that time exhumed, being the record kept by the first postmaster of this town of _cayuga_, of the spellings of the name of his post office as actually written upon letters received there by him during a period of some twenty-five years. the list is curious. it seems strange that there could have been such diversity of spelling, but it is to be remembered that in the "thirties" there were not many schools, and by applying a phonetic pronunciation to the names in this list, and particularly by giving a k sound to the c and splitting the word into six syllables and pronouncing each by itself, some appreciation may be acquired of a similarity in sound, although the spelling is so exceedingly varied. the adherents of spelling reform will perhaps be heartened by the result of everyone spelling as they please. list of mr. isaac fry, the postmaster at cayuga, in the county of haldimand, giving 112 ways of spelling cayuga, "everyone of which" he wrote "have been received on letters at this office." cyuca cuba cayagua cuga kauguge cayga keugue cayega esquga cayhuga ceaugy ciyuga cayaga cayuhoga cayua cauaga gaugoke ciuga cajaga caiuga cyega kukey cuygey caucy cugga caugy cayago chaugy caugh cayugia caughe cauguay kiucky cayoha canuga kikuwa cayuago caugey cauyga cayueg kajuke cajuka payuga caugia cayuag cajauga kajuka cauguga kaucky cayaga cogugar cayuage caugua couga cuyahja cahucia cayuga kayuga keyuka cayuge cyuga cayug caoga ceuaga canugua caygua cayauga cuagua caouga gayuga caguga kiuga caugga kayga caiuka cayuka kugogue cycuga cayeugo couga caugay cayyuga cayugay kauga ceuga cayouga caluga cyug cayhaigue keugey keugeageh cuyuga cyugiah kyuga cayuah cauga cyuga chaquga cayugu caugy cayugua cayega cayugo ceauga cayugga cuyugo cayuig cahuga the steamer was successfully launched in the company's yards at the foot of bathurst street, toronto, on the 3rd of march, 1906. miss mary osler, daughter of the president, conferring the name. after the completion of the steamer, the speed trials which were of a most interesting and important character, were engaged in. the contract was that the steamer, under the usual conditions for regular service, should make the run between toronto and charlotte, and return, a distance of ninety-four miles each way, at an average speed of 21-1/2 miles per hour. a further condition was to make a thirty-mile run, being the distance between toronto and niagara, at a maintained speed of 22-1/2 miles per hour. both conditions were exceeded, greatly to the credit of the designer and of the contractors. when put upon the route in 1907, the _cayuga_ received the commendation of the travelling public, her weatherly capacity and speed enabling the leaving hour to be changed from 7 a.m. to 7.30. a competition which had been anticipated now developed itself, and the fast and able steamer _turbinia_ was in 1908 placed by her owners upon the lewiston-toronto route, making two trips per day. she put up a gallant fight, but, against a company making six sailings at each end of the route per day, there was no room left into which she could squeeze without finding a competitor alongside. it was found, too, that although her speed was greater than that of any of the other steamers on the lake, she was exceeded in speed by the _cayuga_. her attack upon the route was met, as the niagara navigation company intended it should be, by frequency of sailings and strict fulfillment of service, leaving no room for any competitor to find an opening, and by the high average speed maintained by all its steamers and particularly the new one. after keeping up a gallant struggle until the end of the mid-summer season, the _turbinia_ retired to her previous route between toronto and hamilton. another addition to our dock properties was now effected. we had for many years been lessees of the dock at lewiston, but now, in 1908, became its full owners by purchasing the whole frontage from mr. cornell, our lessor, with whom we had for so many years been in cordial working. the dock had fallen somewhat out of repair and very considerable improvements were requisite for the convenience of the increasing numbers of our passengers and for their comfort. fortunately the larger part of these improvements were postponed to the next season, for during the winter 1908-09, which was exceptionally severe, an extraordinary freshet and piling up of ice on the river occurred. the lower niagara river rarely freezes over in all places, much running water being left in evidence and as a rule the ice which has anywhere been formed during the winter goes out into the lake in the spring without any trouble. there are records of two great "ice jams" which had happened during the previous history of the river. the earliest of these was in 1825. during this winter the steamer _queenston_ was under construction in the ravine on the canadian side which opens up from the river just below the queenston dock. in the spring the preparations were being made ready for the launching when an exceptional ice jam suddenly formed, causing the waters of the river to rise. the pressure of the floes which were now carried by the water up against the steamer became so great and dangerous that it was necessary to block her up and by extending the ways inland to move her further back into the gully, from here, after the waters had subsided, she was successfully launched. [illustration: the ice jam. 1906, at lewiston. page 192] [illustration: the ice jam. 1906, at niagara-on-lake. page 193] another instance was in 1883, when the waters and ice rose exceptionally, but beyond sweeping the sheds off the lewiston docks no exceptional damage was done. this latest ice jam of 1908-09, was according to past records, and the traditions of the oldest inhabitants, the worst that had ever been experienced. the winter had been severe and much ice had formed in lake erie and on the upper river. this was brought down in successive rushes in the spring during alternating frosts and thaws, so that, the river between lewiston and the mouth had become jammed from bank to bank with huge floes of ice, heaving and heaping up on one another, and binding together with _serracs_, and _crevasses_ much like the ice river of an avalanche. as the successive ice runs came down they were driven under the floes until at length the masses grounded on the shallows at the mouths below niagara-on-the-lake. the river being now blocked up, the waters gradually rose fully twenty feet higher than usual bringing the ice floes with them. with the exception of a few places where small sections of water could be seen, the whole rapids from the whirlpool to the outlet of the gorge at lewiston was packed with ice and the rapids eliminated, a condition never previously known. as the spring thaws came, the ice mounds, being unable to get exit below, mounted still higher with mighty heavings and struggles, rounding up in the centre of the river, as had been noticed to some extent in 1883, and pushing and piling up on the banks but not making any progress down the river, until it became evident that nature was unable to break the barrier and immense injury was likely to occur. at that juncture the engineer corps of the united states regular army, at buffalo, initiated a series of explosions of dynamite, by electric mines, in the main blockade down near the river mouth opposite fort niagara. after several days of very difficult and dangerous work, as much as 4,000 lbs. of dynamite being exploded at one time, the blockade was broken, the seven miles of ice began to move in alternate rushes and haltings, until at length the river was clear. the situation had been at times alarming. at lewiston the docks were completely engulfed under 60 feet of ice, the ice pinnacles sweeping up high above the level of the swollen water and carrying away a portion of the gallery of the hotel. on the queenston side a mark has been placed about thirty feet above the usual water level showing the height to which the ice hummocks rose. at niagara-on-the-lake the ice mounted high above the level of the dock, but by happy fortune a good sized iceberg had grounded in the channel at the end of the dock leading into the inner basin. here it held out as a buffer outside the line of the "piling" along the bank, withstanding all the attacks from above, and thrusting the floes out into the stream, thus preserving the dock, lighthouse and buildings from destruction. when the waters subsided the shores of the river for twenty to thirty feet above the usual level were found to have been swept clear of every bush and tree from the rapids to the lake, a condition from which they have scarcely yet recovered. it was not until the end of may that the river was entirely free from ice. in reconstructing the dock we were able to introduce new improvements which would not have been previously possible. 1909 brought no further changes in the steamers, but a gradual increase in the travelling due to increased energy in the cultivation of new business and careful attention to the convenience and comfort of passengers by the management and efficient staff. for many years, from time to time, the company has been endeavoring to purchase the toronto docks which were the northern terminal of their system. four times we had been turned out of its occupation and obliged to find landing berths elsewhere. the necessity of holding their toronto terminal was constantly before the company and was the only and complete sequence of the holding of the several terminals at the ports upon the niagara river. at last, in 1910, the opportunity of purchase arose and was immediately availed of. with this purchase the company completed the policy which had been initiated from its very beginning. this yonge street dock property, extending from yonge street to scott street, has ever been the steamshipping centre of the city, for traffic to all ports on the lake. its facilities can be still more expanded so that, for the convenience of the public, all the lake passenger lines can be concentrated at its wharves to the mutual advantage of all, a policy which the niagara company desired to promote and which has been contributed to by the purchase and concentration of the steamers of the hamilton line. this, effected in 1911, concentrates into one management an important passenger business and brings direct connection, as of old, between hamilton, the head of the lake, and the niagara river. these, together with the opening of a new route to the south shore by service between toronto and olcott, in connection with the international electric railway, will open a new era of contributing traffic. beginning with one steamer, the "_mother of the fleet_," the line from one trip a day has, in its 35 years of endeavour, grown to be nothing short of "the niagara ferry," served by swift steamers, of increasing size, making six trips from each side, leaving every two hours during the day, and by persistent advertising and increasingly reputable service, the company has made the "_niagara river line_" known throughout the travelling world, and created a business and carrying capacity which has risen on heavy excursion days to no less than 20,000 to 26,000 passengers moved on one day. what the "_kyles of bute_" route is to the tourist public of great britain and europe, the _niagara river line_ is to the tourist public of america. toronto has trebled its population and in great industrial enterprises is forging ahead of all other cities in ontario. niagara falls, with its wonderfully increasing factories created by the concentration of the electric power in its midst, has grown from being solely a summer hotel town to a great manufacturing community. buffalo, with a population at present of 500,000, is expanding marvelously. the richelieu & ontario company, for which the niagara company collects the passenger business of the south shore through the gateway of the niagara and places it for them in toronto, has exceedingly increased their accommodation and made known their service as a contributor to the route from the st. lawrence to the ocean. whatever success there has been in the past, the prospects of the future shine brighter still. in 1912, while these pages were being written, has come the final phase. it will be remembered that in the early days the steamers for montreal sailed direct from the niagara river and that the guiding minds of the royal mail line were at queenston in 1847 and for subsequent decades. in the slump of steamboat traffic and the decadence of the river business the montreal steamers had shortened their route, and had made hamilton, for some time, and afterwards toronto, the starting point for their steamers for montreal. the introduction of the niagara navigation company had produced a change of conditions on the river, and by energy and bold investment, had created an effective local organization, as has been detailed in this narrative. gradually passenger business had been attracted and centralized until niagara falls had been created in their annual rates meetings by the railway companies as the starting point of all "summer rates excursions," and "the niagara portal" as the nucleus basing route for all summer tours. at the same time the richelieu & ontario navigation co., which succeeded to the royal mail line, has grown in scope and equipment to be the premier steamboat organization of canada, the controller of the passenger lines of the st. lawrence system of river, lakes and rapids, and operating the longest continuous route of any inland navigation company in the world. in all, this interval of years its old advertising heading of "_niagara to the sea_" had been continuously maintained, it was not unreasonable therefore that there should be a desire to make the old caption a present fact and by acquiring the local organization restore the old-time conditions. negotiations had for some time been in progress and at length in june, 1913, at a board meeting, presided over (in the absence of the president, sir edmund osler in england) by vice-president cumberland, the originator of the company, and its continuous vice-president during all its existence, the niagara navigation co. was formally transferred as a working enterprise in full operation to the richelieu & ontario navigation co. the directors of the company at this time and for several years previously were: president, sir edmund osler; vice-president, barlow cumberland; directors--hon. j. j. foy, k.c.; hon. j. s. hendrie, c.v.o.; w. d. matthews, f. gordon osler, j. bruce macdonald. these in succession transferred their seats to the nominees of the new owners and sir henry pellatt, c.v.o., became president of the company. the two systems were thus joined into one. the company operating the st. lawrence system came back to its old starting point at the head of navigation on the niagara river. with this is completed the century and this story of the early days of passenger movement on the river, and of the origin, rise and establishment of the niagara navigation company in its contribution to the records of sail and steam on the niagara river. another cycle of steamboat navigation has passed, another era has closed and a new one has begun, and once again there is one company and one management under the richelieu & ontario navigation company for the niagara river and the st. lawrence route, from _niagara to the sea_. 