a narrative of an attempt made by the french of canada upon the mohaques country being indians under the protection of their majesties government of new york : to which is added, 1. an account of the present state, and strength of canada, given by two dutch-men, who have been prisoner, 3. his excellency benjamin fletcher's speech to the indians, 4. the answer of the five nations of the mohaques to his excellency, 5. proposals made by the four chief sachims of the five nations, to his excellency, and his excellency's reply thereto, 6. an address from the corporation of albany to his excellency, returning thanks for his excellency's early assistance for their relief, &c. / a journal kept by coll. nicholas beyard and lieut. coll. charles lodwick, who attended his excellency in this expedition. bayard, nicholas, 1644-1707. 1693 approx. 49 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27073 wing b1461 estc w24412 12720341 ocm 12720341 66285 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27073) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66285) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 973:11) a narrative of an attempt made by the french of canada upon the mohaques country being indians under the protection of their majesties government of new york : to which is added, 1. an account of the present state, and strength of canada, given by two dutch-men, who have been prisoner, 3. his excellency benjamin fletcher's speech to the indians, 4. the answer of the five nations of the mohaques to his excellency, 5. proposals made by the four chief sachims of the five nations, to his excellency, and his excellency's reply thereto, 6. an address from the corporation of albany to his excellency, returning thanks for his excellency's early assistance for their relief, &c. / a journal kept by coll. nicholas beyard and lieut. coll. charles lodwick, who attended his excellency in this expedition. bayard, nicholas, 1644-1707. lodowick, charles. 14 p. printed and sold by william bradford, [new york] : 1693. reproduction of original in huntington library. caption title. imprint from colophon. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce 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good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng iroquois indians. united states -history -king william's war, 1689-1697. new york (state) -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a narrative of an attempt made by the french of canada upon the mohaques country being indians under the protection of their majesties government of new-york . to which is added , 1. an account of the present state and strength of canada , given by two dutch-men , who have been prisoners there , and now made their escape . 2. the examination of a french prisoner 3. his excellency benjamin fletcher's speech to the indians . 4. the answer of the five nations of the mohaques to his excellency . 5. proposals made by the four chief sachims of the five nations , to his excellency . and his excellency's reply thereto . 6. an address from the corporation of albany to his excellency , returning thanks for his excellency's early assistance for their relief , &c. a journal kept by coll. nicholas beyard and lieut. coll. charles lodwick , who attended his excellency in this expedition . sunday , the 12th of february , 1692 , about ten a clock at night , an express from lieut. coll. beekman of vulster county , gave his excellency an account of advice from albany of the french and indians , consisting of 550 being within 20 miles of schenectady on the 8th instant , an hour before day , ready to fall upon the two first castles of the mohaques . whereupon his excellency ordered the collonol of the militia of the city of new-york to draw out his regiment the next morning munday the 13th , orders were sent to coll. courtland of kings county , and coll. willet of queens county , to detatch out of their regiments a hundred and fifty men , to be forth-with ready to imbarque at the ferry . about eight a clock in the morning the city regiment being under arms , his excellency on horse-back , at the head of the regiment , demanded , who were willing to follow him to the frontiers against the enemy ? they unanimously threw up their hats , and cryed , one and all . upon which the collonol was ordered to detach 150 of the fittest men , to be under the command of 3 captains , with their subalterns , ready at the first beat of drum , and dismissed the regiment , and ordered all sloops for transportation to be secured . about ten a clock his excellency did send the express forward to coll. beekman , with orders to get all the horses in the county of vlster together in readiness , to carry his excellency and the detachments from kingstone to albany by land , in case the river was not open , and to forward any confirmation of the news to his excellency . tuesday the 14th , by break of day came an express from major ingoldsby , confirming the former news , and that the two first castles were taken by the french and indians . whereupon eight sloops were ordered , with necessary provisions and amunition to go round the fort , and be ready to sail , and the detachment of the city regiment did immediately imbarque . about four a clock afternoon the tide offering , his excellency attended with the officers of the detatchments , and several volunteers , did imbarque and set sail . friday the 17 , about 9 a clock his excellency arrived at albany , being 50 leagues distant from new-york , with five of the sloops , having met with much ice in the river , which gave some difficulty ; the rest arrived towards evening . as soon as they came on shore , his excellency ordered capt. schuyler to march 50 of the men for schenectady ; about 11 a clock his excellency followed , with 26 horse , leaving instructions with coll beyard to forward all the rest of the detachments , as they did arrive , 〈…〉 , without loss of time together with the amunition and provisions . about 3 a clock afternoon , his excellency met major ingoldsby about 8 miles from schenectady , on his return for albany , having gone from thence to visit schenectady that morning . his excellency arrived at schenectady , being 20 miles from albany , about 5 a clock . about 9 a clock at night capt. schuyler , with his men arrived , and found provisions & quarters in readiness for his men saturday morning the 18th , by break of day the men were ready to be transported over the river but a violent storm did hinder their transportation till afternoon , and sundry indian women loaden with provisions , were sent along with them . this day about noon major merrit , with the rest of the city detachment , did arrive at schenectady , and were immediately furnished with quarters , amunition and provisions , ready to march next morning . sunday the 19th , by break of day , the rest of the forces that were fit to march , did attempt to get over , but great quantities of loose ice did hinder , till about ten a clock the ice settling , they got over it on foot , which in two hours was dispersed , and the river open again . this partly carried a further supply of provisions and amunition . munday the 20th , by break of day , those of the city detachments , who were not able to march the day before , being refreshed , his excellency detached from the garrison of schenectady , so many of them as made 42 who did immediately march with 13 horses loaden with provision and amunition . about 2 a clock afternoon arrived at schenectady capt. stillwell , with the detachment of kings county , consisting of 50 men , who were ordered to refresh themselves till next morning , and three horses with provisions ordered to be in readyness to attend them . tuesday the 21st , the horses being carried over the river , and the men ready ●o to be transported , came an express from major schuyler , giving intelligence of his being near at hand on his return , who arrived about 4 a clock afternoon , upon which the men and horse were remanded , and sent back to their own homes . there marched by his excellency's order ( to joyn major schuyler ) since his arrival 208. effective men , besides guides and carriers of supplyes , with considerable quantities of provisions and amunition , which are since returned . wednesday the 22d his excellency returned for albany , accompanied with major schuyler , and several of the forces come from pursuit of the enemy , and arrived about 3 a clock afternoon , much dissatisfied at the enemies escape . his excellency did order major schuyler , with some other officers , to give the journal of their action in the woods . at 4 a clock arrived coll. willes at albany , with 120 men from queens county , who were next morning remanded home to their habitations , together with the rest of the detachments . at night his excellency sent to call those indians that were returned from the fight , to meet him next morning at albany . thursday the 23d , a proclamation issued , requiring all the out farmers to draw themselves into neighbourhoods , for their better security against the sculking enemy , and to fortify with stockadoes . fryday the 24th , his excellency received an address from the corporation of albany , congratulating his safe return , and returning thanks for his early assistance with his personal presence for their relief , &c. saturday the 25th , the indians being arrived last night , and giving their attendance , this morning his excellency , being accompanied with the magistrates of this city , and the souldiers and militia in arms , came to the city hall , and made his speech to the indians , which was interpreted to them by the interpretess helle. in the afternoon they gave their answer to his excellency by the same interpretess . sunday the 26th , about 8 a clock in the morning , four of the chief sachims came to his excellency , with some further propositions , which he immediately answer'd to their satisfaction . munday the 27th , his excellency caused a proclamation to be published , prohibiting the selling of rum to the indians , and did imbarque for new-york , where he arrived thursday morning following , and was received with such expressions of joy and thankfulness , as the place could afford . nicholas beyard , coll. charles lodwick , lieut. coll. in obedience to his excellency's command , peter schuyler mayor , with the other officers under his command , give this following account of their proceedings since the first intelligence of the enemy's descent into the country of the mohaques . february the 8th , being wednesday , about 2 a clock afternoon , we had the alarm from schenectady , that the french and their indians had taken the mohaques castles ; soon after we had the news , that a young man , called jan baptist van eps , ( taken at schenectady 3 years a go ) was run over from the french , as they were to attack the first castle of the mohaques , and come to schenectady , who related , that the french were 350 christians and 200 indians . major ingoldesby sent forth-with his warrants , to command in the farmers of capt. genits and capt. tunis's companies of militia . this night lieut. john schuyler and cornet abeel with 55 horse , marched to schenectady . february 9. cornet abeel came express from schenectady , and desired that major schuyler or major wessels might be sent thither to pacifie the indians , who were enraged that no christians went out in pursuit of the enemy . upon which major schuyler at his own request was permitted to go that evening . as soon as major schuyler arrived there , he sent out scouts to spy the forts , and the enemies motion , and withal to go & warn the tionondoge indians of the enemies coming , but they having gone 12 miles , returned , about 12 a clock at night , saying , they could not get over the river . feb. 10. major schuyler sent lieut. johannes schuyler and lieut. john sanders , and six more to view the mohaques fort that was possessed by the enemy , who brought news , that the french were in both the forts ; of all which he gave advice to major ingoldsby at albany . feb. 11. major schuyler sent 10 christians and 40 indians to lie near the enemy , and to watch their motion , who made a small fort to retreat into , and so spyed what the eenemy did . feb. 12. news was brought to schenectady by some of the said scouts , that they had heard firing at the mohaques forts , which was supposed the tionondoge indians against the french ; which news major schuyler sent forward to albany . whereupon major ingoldsby detached about 200 men out of the several companies of the militia fuzileers and troop , commanded by capt. peter matthews , capt. arent schuyler , capt. benj. phips , capt. kihad van renslaer , and capt tho. gartin , who arrived at schenectady about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clock afternoon ▪ and joyned major schuyler : the waggons with bread arrived that night . this day our scouts brought us the news , that the french were there still , & that they had also cut off the third castle of the mohaques , called , tionondoge , and that none of the upper indians were come down ; all which was advertised to major ingoldsby forthwith , and major schuyler sent to him for orders to march . feb. 13. this morning having received no answer of the said express , major schuyler sent another for orders to march , and being pressed with the indians , who threatened else to desert us , was forced to march the men over the river without orders , which came about 4 a clock in the afternoon , when most of the men were got over the river . this very time we had news by our out scouts , that the french had burnt the mohaques three castles , and were marched away , which major schuyler ordered lieut. young to signifie to major ingoldsby we marched 12 miles that evening , being 273 christians . in the night about 10 a clock one of our scouts came in , and told us , that 600 of our uppermost indians were coming down ; major schuyler forthwith sent the same messenger , that brought us the news , to major ingoldsby , and desired that provision and amunition should be sent after us , not knowing what the indians might have occasion for . feb. 14. about 1 or 2 a clock in the morning we decamped , and marched to the small fort which was made by our 50 scouts , about six a clock in the morning , where we had advice , that the enemy was not above eight mile from us ; upon which lieut. harme van slyk and two indians were sent to discover the enemy , who brought us word , they were marched ; two indians came to us with news , that there were 300 of our upper indians within 20 mile of us , whereupon we sent two indians back to hasten them up , and to let them know we were there to joyn them . we sent out three mohaques to discover the enemy ; about 4 a clock in the afternoon we decamped , and marched to the place where the enemy had lain the night before . feb. 15. in the morning two of our indian scouts returned ( the third being run over to the enemy ) who brought us news they had seen the enemy within ten miles . our indians came up with us about 12 a clock , being 290 men and boys , some armed , and some without arms , a consult being had , we marched about 4 a clock , and encamped all together , having marched about ten miles that afternoon . this night a consult was held , and spyes sent to discover the enemy . feb. 16. we marched early in the morning , and having gone ten miles , sound the place where the enemy had lain two nights before ; we halted there , an on●yde indian came from the enemy , being sent to our indians to debauch them over to the french , which messenger we did not think sit to send back , being one of the prisoners taken at tionondoge . we sent an express to major ingoldsby to acquaint him that the enemy had built a fort , and were resolved to fight us , and sent for supplies of provision , amunition and men. we marched on toward the enemy , and met with one of our wounded indians , who informed , that the enemy stayed for us in a fort ; upon which we marched about two miles , where a christian boy ( arnaut the interpreters son ) came to us , who had been three years a prisoner among the french. he gave account , that the enemy were about 6 or 700 men , and within three miles , we marched forward to find some convenient place to encamp , and to fortifie our selves from the enemy that night ; we had scouts out ( christians and indians ) all night to watch the enemies motion , who brought account in the morning that we were within a mile of their fort. feb. 17. we decamped , and marched toward the enemy , with scouts before us , and did not take a direct line , but went round , for fear of an ambuscade , and came in sight of their fort about eight a clock in the morning , where our scouts came and shewed us where the ●nemy lay , upon which all the officers were commanded to take their posts , and make ready to engage , being 250 christians , and 290 indians , the enemy seeing us , gave three 〈◊〉 , which we answered with as many , and as loud as they , and made the woods ring ; our indians went to work to fall trees and fortifie , but the enemy sallyed out immediately , we engaged them , and beat them back into their fort , our indians fell to work again , and desired our christians to help , which they did ; the enemy sallyed out with all their strength a second time , encouraging their men , crying , they run , we ●ill cut them all off , and get their provisions : we received them briskly , & beat them back into their fort , with the loss of several of their men : our men fell to work again about the fort ; the enemy sallyed out the third time , but were as well repulsed as before , and beat into their fort , with considerable loss , our indians bringing several of their heads and scalps into our fort ; after this the enemy was quiet , and we finished our fort ; as soon as this skirmish was over , we sent an express to major ingoldsby , to acquaint him what had passed , praying him to hasten our recruits with provision and amunition , for that greatest part of our men had not had any provision in two days time ; we sent out scouts of christians and indians all that night , to discover the enemy's motion , and lay all night in our fort ; it was extream bad cold snowy weather . feb 18. being cold stormy weather , and snow , insomuch that we could scarce see any tract , our scouts came in this morning , which gave account that the enemy were in their fort , some being still popping at our people . about nine a clock an indian that left the french in their fort told us , he thought the enemy would retreat , that they were packing up their baggage . upon which major schuyler ordered the captains to draw out their men to march round the enemy's fort to stop them ; but the same time had an account they were fled ; he commanded the officers to pursue them , and to hinder their retreat , till men and provisions came up ▪ but the men wanting provision , refused to march ; the officers , with 60 christians and some indians pursued the enemy till they had made a small fortification , but the officers not having men to engage them , nor to make a fort , returned back ▪ leaving two officers with 40 men and 100 indians to watch their motion , expecting our provision to come up that night . feb. 19. about 7 a clock in the morning we had an acoount , that our provisions were near at hand , which came up to us about nine or ten a clock , with 80 men , commanded by capt. simms ; the provisions being immediately distributed among the men , those that were first served , were commanded away after the enemy . with five biskets a man : about four a clock , the van being commanded by capt. peter matthews and capt. arent schuyler , came up near the rear of the enemy , the scouts telling us , the enemy were within less than an english mile ; we desired the indians to joyn with us to fall upon their rear , till the rest of our men came up , sending in the mean time to our people , to march up in all haste , but the indians halted , and could not be perswaded to march , the mohaques being most unwilling , because the enemy had dropt several prisoners , who told them , that if they pursued them , they would kill all their wives and children , whom they had prisoners ; after an hours consultation of the indians , most of our men came up , we marched with all speed , thinking to overtake the enemy before they got to the river side , but there being a flake of ice in one part of the river , and all open above and below , the enemy got over before we got up ▪ we encamped by the river side that night . feb. 20. in the morning major schuyler resolved to march over the river , to pursue the enemy , ordering the officers to get the men ready for that purpose , but many of the men being wearied with fatigue , their shoes being quite wore out , and provisions 〈◊〉 , were not able to make any further pursuit ▪ but that which did most of all discourage us , was , that the indians had great averseness to pursue or fall upon the enemy , because of their wives and children ; whereupon we marched back . in this engagement we lost four private souldiers , & four indians , two officers and twelve christians , and indians wounded ; and we had an account by some of our indian prisoners that made their escape , that we killed of the enemy 33 , whereof we found but 27 , among which was their commandant , one captain , and two others officers , with two of their commanding indians , and 26 wounded . we rescued between forty and fifty prisoners . since their retreat we are informed by divers of the prisoners , who come home daily , that all our men prisoners except five , have made their escape , or are set at liberty , and but few women and children left with them , not being able to carry the prisoners off , by reason of their wounded men , whereof they carry thirteen . as we did not hear , so we could not expect that your excellency should in so shorttime ( at that season of the year ) be advanced so near us as to schenectady , and that so considerable supplies could be so speedily got together : and we observed it was no small encouragement to our indians to see your excellency at the head of 300 men , besides volunteers , for our relief , and theirs ; of which we are all sensible . peter schuyler , major . peter matthews , capt. arent schuyler , capt. k. v. renselaer , capt ▪ benj. phipps , capt ▪ the examination of andries casparus & cornelius claese van den bergh , both dutchmen , taken before his excellency benj. fletcher , governour , who have made their escape from canada , who were prisoners there , and have been 32 days by the way . the said cornelius claese van den bergh was taken at canactagiere in july 1691 ▪ a little before the mayor , peter schuyler went to canada , and andres caspares who was gone out with some of our river indians last fall to hunt , and withal to see how the far natians , called , the turchtuicks lived , was taken last march by a party of turchtuicks and davaganhaes , and brought to a castle where said indians lived , and was there to be burnt and eat by said indians , from whence he run away that very day he received his cruel sentence , and was sixteen days in the woods , and came to a place where monsieur tontys people were making a fort , and the said mons . tonty and mons . la free brought him to canada . the said prisoners say , that the french informed them , that there were ten ships come from france with provision and amunition , but no men , scarce so many as could sail their ships , that they had brought 120000 pound of flower , and 160000 pound of pork , also some great guns , and two morter pieces . that there is a fort built below quebeck , in a narrow passage where ships must pass ; the french spoke of two forts ( but an english man told him only of one fort ) and twelve guns in each fort. they had 1600 souldiers three year ago , of which 1000 are killed and taken ; this is besides 200 inhabitants who are killed . the said cornelis has lived all this while at the governour of mont royal his house , called monsieur d'cellier , & judges there are about 400 men in mont royal with souldiers and all , altho' the said monsieur d' cellier often told them , they had 700 men there . the inhabitants seem to be much wearied of the war , and cry much for peace , and pray that god would turn the prince of orange's heart , and incline him to make peace , for it is his fault that all these miseries are come upon them . there is a man come over with those ships to be mons . d' cellier's cock , who says , that the english had fallen upon the french fleet unawares , and done them some damage , and pursued them to brest , and if they had come but a quarter of an hour sooner , they had taken brest , and all the province of brittanine the french have lost this summer 37 french and 70 indians at one time , going up the falls to ottawawa , and at a second time they lost 30 french the same way , and often times smaller parties killed by our indians . the said andres casparus says further , that when he came to the french house , after he had escaped from the indians , the french tyed h●m two dayes , but he being so lean and mager , having had no food all that time , but 11 eggs he found in a turkies nest , and 6 swan eggs he found in another place , so that the french did unty him . about eight days after monsieur tonty came ( who is in the manner of a governour among them ) and he went down with said tonty to ottawawa , which was 200 leagues from that place ; the said tonty depatched about 25 or 30 great canows full of beaver to canada ; and after they had been two days from ottawawa , they met one monsieur de lille , who had been out a skulking upon the great river ▪ and had taken two prisoners , who told that 300 of our indians lay at a carrying place on the great river , waiting for the ottawawa company , and 200 were near mont royal island upon the same design . they stopt said company till m. tonty sent for them back , and resolved to go to canada with 200 men indians and french without beavers , in which company the said andres casparus came , being reckoned 300 leagues between ottawawa and canada . as soon as the said andries came to mont royal , m. tonty delivered him to the governour of mont royal , who put him in prison four days , and then released him to work in his house ; but as soon as he got out , consulted with his comrade cornelis to run away , which they did accordingly . after they had been about a moneth or five weeks together in said m. d' celliers house , the said andries says , he saw a great prodigious quantity of beavers at ottawawa ; an inhabitant of canada , called jaques de tallie , told him , he had 3000 beaver of his own there , and that there was as many beavers now in ottawawa as would load 200 canows to canada , and each canow generally holds nine or ten hundred beavers ▪ which the said andries doth credibly believe to be true , there being none gone from thence to canada in a great while . there is a fort at ottawawa burnt by accident this spring , where mons . la free had the command , wherein was great store of beavers and peltry , and several goods and merchandize . this is the account the said two prisoners gave at albany the 4th of october , 1692. and is entred down from their mouthes , by his excellency's command . robert livingstone . the examination of joachin lebert , a french man of canada , and native of mont royal , taken before his excellency benjamin fletcher , at albany the 4th of october , 1692. that he lived at prerie de lay magdelain . that it is 60 leagues from mont royal to quebeck . that mr. de cellier is governour of mont royal. that there is 2000 men carrying arms in his government , souldiers and inhabitants . that the town of mont royal is inclosed with stockadoes . that there is 53 pieces of canon , brass and iron , eight companies of souldiers , unequal in number , 50 men being the most . that the fort of magdelaine contains 23 families , 400 men in arms , 2 pieces of canon , and 5 patteraroes . there is 200 men in the indian fort , called , ganawagne . that there is ten men of war arrived at quebeck , from france , laden with amunition , & that he saw the said ships . that he hath been taken 43 days , and says , that the day before his being taken he being at mr. celliers house , he saw a canow arrive there from mr. le count , sent to mr. cellier to demand the collers of beeds , which are usually presented at the concluding a peace , the which occasioned him to say there was ambassadours coming to treat a peace . upon the objection made , that there could not be so many people in canada ▪ he says , that the two french men that were sent to york some time since , being now at canada , did inform mr. le count , that the english had assembled all their nations , with a design upon canada , which obliged mr. le count to raise all the men he could possible , which was that number he said . and says , he knows nothing more . his execellency benjamin fletcher's speech to the indians at the state-house in albany , february 25 , 1692. brethren , it is not unknown to some of you , that i came last october into these parts upon no other occasion than to view the fronteers , and put them in the best posture i could , to secure us and you , from the attempts of the french and their indians , our enemies and yours . and in order to this i sent a supply of amunition , artillary , and christian souldiers , sufficient to prevent any insult from our enemies , and it had the effect i expected , for they durst not face the weakest of our garrisons . i came now for your relief , and have lost no time ; the same day that i had an account from hence that our enemies were in this country . i put my self on board a sloop , and brought with me 150 christian souldiers , besides volunteers , and arrived here before i could be expected ; i then immediately marched to schenactady , from whence i sent you supplies of 200 and odd men , amunition , provision , &c. with which those that joyned you before , under the command of major schuyler , might have secured an entire victory , and prevented the french and their indians from any possibility of getting back to their own houses , but it has pleased god to order it otherwise . i had also 200 christians more upon their march , who arrived here , and would have been a considerable reinforcement to us , but the action being over , i commanded them back to their former residence , till further orders . it is obvious to me , and i believe to you all , that this calamity is fallen on you by your own faults . i could never suppose my brethren , the mohaques , would be so supine and careless , as to suffer the french , and their indians ▪ to enter their castles without the least resistance . these men that have an enemy near , must sleep with arms in their hands , and one eye open , that is , they must keep scouts and spves , so as never to become a prey to their enemies , by their own negligence . i must advise you , that for the future , you keep strict watch , so that i may have timely notice of the enemy's motion , and you will then see how easily they will be defeated . i hope it is now apparent to you , that the great of king of england is ready to apply his arms for your defence , when you consider , that in a very few days i am come personally to your assistance , with near 400 christian souldiers . i have had the honour to bear command under the great king of england , my master ▪ where i have seen the french fly before his victorious arms ; and last summer it pleased god to add to his victories , by the defeat and destruction of their fleet , in which most of their ships were burnt or sunk . i came now in great haste , and brought no presents with me , but design ( by the blessing of god ) to be with you at the beginning of summer , to give you something to wipe off your tears for the brethren that are lately lost , to renew the antient covenant chain , and to give you further assurances of the great king of england's favour , and of my own readiness upon all occasions to appear as his servant , for your protection against our enemies and yours . my present care now is , to provide for the mohaques nation , about which i have given my directions to major sehuyler , who will appoint them a place for their residence ; i have also ordered some corn for their present support , which they will receive from him . i must add , that it concerns your honour & reputation to make some brisk attempt upon our enemies , and this with what secrecy and expedition you can , that those people may see you retain the antient courage of your ancestors , and i do not question but god will give you success by a severe revenge on our enemies and yours . i am informed , that your young men have killed the horses of some christian souldiers , who were upon the same service with you ( it is not brotherly ) and i desire for the future , you will take care to prevent such outrage , that the antient covenant chain may be preserved inviolably on your parts , as it will be on the part of my master , the great king. to conclude , i must tell you , that i doubt there is some false brother among us , who keeps intelligence with our enemies , concealing their designs , and exposing ours ; if you have one french man among you , he will be true to his country ▪ by betraying you . i have order'd you some bread and bear , and desire you will drink the healths of my great mr. and mrs the victorious king and most illustrous queen of great brittain , france and ireland , and all their majesties territories in america ; and so bid you farewell . the answer of the five nations , viz. the mohaques , oneydes , onondages , cayouges and sinnekes , to his excellency benjamin fletcher , captain general and governour in thief of their majesties province of nèw-york , &c. in albany this 25th of february , 1692. sadeganaktie , saehim of the onondages , speaker . interpreted by hille , the interpretess . brother cayenquirago , which signifies a great swift arrow , a name the five nations have given his excellency , because of his speedy arrival here , with so many men for their relief , when the enemy had fallen upon the mohaques country . when we arived at schenectady , after our march against the enemy , you was pleased to desire us to come hither , where we heard you , great swift arrow , speak , and participated of your favours , we acknowledge that the enemy , the french of canada have fallen upon our brethren , the mohaques , and destroyed their three castles , which we can attribute to nothing else but their not hearkening to the great swift arrow's good advice , which was to keep good guard and out scouts . we return you , brother great swift arrow , our hearty thanks for your care in providing for the mohaques , that they may not starve , nor be in want in this extremity . brother , great swift arrow , you propose to us the atracking the enemy in their country , to shew them that we have not lost the courage of our ancestors ; we return you our hearty thanks for your good encouragement , for we are in a manner drunk with the blood lately shed by them . it is not usual for us , while we are in that grief and annixity , as now we are , to proceed to revenge our selves of the enemy ; you have lost your blood as well as we , there ore that blood ought to be revenged unanimously by both sides . brother , great swift arrow , you recommend us to go and attack the enemy where they are at home in canada , but you are acquainted with us of old , that it hath alwayes been our custom , first to bewail & condole the death of them ki●led by the enemy ; for we are all one heart , one blood , one soul ; nevertheless we design to go out and to fall upon the french , but we must first secure our castles , since we know , that the governor of canada is intended to send out a considerable party , but whither we know not . brother , great swift arrow , while you press us to go and attack the enemy of canada by land , we expect , according to the many promises and engagements made to us , to hear of a considerable force to go with great guns by sea , that the enemy might be assaulted both ways , and so over-come ; we press this the harder , because a great part of our strength is now broke , and therefore take it not amiss that we push this point of taking canada by sea , since its impossible to be done by land alone . brother , great swift arrow , we return you our hearty thanks , that you are so ready to assist us upon any occasion , and for the good advice to be watchful , and keep out good scouts and spyes ; it is probable , that we would have done a great deal more damage to the enemy had we been so well provided with all sorts of amunition , as the indians of canada are ; but some of our men have guns , and no powder nor ball , and some but bows and arrows , as major schuyler saw , when we came up to him ; but the governour of canada supplies his indians with all sorts of arms and amunition , which we found now when we engaged them . we pray you , great swift arrow , to have a careful eye over us , since this party of the french that has destroyed the mohaques castles , is but part of his strength , he is working with the ottawawa and dowaganhaes indians , where he has a great magazeen , and supplies them with all sorts of amunition , and we fear that that force will come down upon us still . brother , great swift arrow , we return you thanks for remembring our dead , and that you will condole their death , when you come up in the beginning of summer , but you can expect no return from us , being in so mean a capacity and condition . brother , great swift arrow , you inform us of the great victory that our lord of lords ( meaning the great king of england ) has got upon the french , the common enemy at sea , which is admirable , and all the nations are heartily rejoyced at it , and we hope that the great god that has his seat above the heavens , will give the same success to our great lord of lords arms in this part of the world , over his and our enemies , the french of canada . we pray that you would be pleased to acquaint our great lord of lords , who lives over the great great lake , of our mean condition , and what posture we are in , and how easy it is to destroy canada , if all our great lord of lords subjects in these collonies would unite and joyn together , with some ships that carry great guns , which our great lord of lords can easily spare us , after this late victory over the french at sea. we desire that you would be pleased to order a smith to be with us in our country to repair our arms , that we may defend us from the french. his excellency replyed , that he hoped they were sufficiently satisfied of his readiness to assist them , and that the force the french had now sent was the most they could make ; and if they would but keep out scouts , and advertise his excellency timely of the enemies coming , his excellency does not doubt , with the strength he has in his province , to deal with the governour of canada , and all his power . the governour granted their request of the smith to be in their country to repair their arms. proposals made by four of the chief sachims of the five nations , to his excellency benjamin fletcher , in albany the 26th of february , 1692. brother , great swift arrow ; we are come to acquaint you , that one of our men has last night in a drunken fit , killed an indian that came over from the french , at which we are much concerned , and therefore come to see how our brother great swift arrow resents it . we desire that you would be pleased to prohibit the selling of rum while the war is so hot , since our souldiers cannot be kept within bounds , if they be drunk . brother great swift arrow , we answered your excellency's proposals yesterday , but had not time to consult with that deliberation as we ought , and if therefore there be any thing omitted , or if we failed of our duty , we beg that you would be pleased to pardon that omission ; for we must declare in behalf of all the nations , that we are singularly obliged to you , brother great swift arrow , for your so extraordinary dispatch and suddain arrival here for our relief , with so considerable a force , the like never having been done before , whereby we see your readiness and allacrity to help and assist us . and we do also return you thanks for leaving your directions with major schuyler to take care of the mohaquas nation . we are thankfull for your kind expressions , to be so ready to come for our relief , and that you warn us to come and acquaint you as soon as we see the enemy a coming a far off , not doubting of your power to protect us , since we have seen a sufficient proof of that already by this late expedition . brother great swift arrow , we do emgage to make a narrow enquiry as soon as we come into our country , about the french prisoners , who we supect may betray us : we have had two bouts with the onedeys about the priest milet that is among them , and we intend to try the third time . we desire that you , brother great swift arrow , may come up as soon as the bark is loose upon the trees , since we have a design upon the enemy . we forgot to answer you in that business about the young men killing the horses we acknowledge , it s not brotherly , but very ill done , and as soon as we come into our country we will take such methods that it may be prevented , by finding out them that have done it , causing them to make satisfaction . his excellency replyed , that he was much concerned that they should exercise their arms one against another , while there is an enemy in the field , and hopes they will for the future endeavour to prevent such irregularities : that they may be now sufficiently convinced how ready the arms of the great king of england is to succour them ; & that his excellency , for his own part will never spare to expose his person for their security . that the rum shall be prohibited upon their request ; and that the most he requires of them , is to be vigilent and careful , and not suffer themselves to be surprized , and then they need not fear the french. to his excellency benjamin fletcher , captain general and governour in chief of their majesties province of new-york , vice-admiral of the same . the humble address of the mayor , aldermen and commona●●ty of the city of albany . may it please your excellency ; we are extreamly sensible of your excellency's special care , not only for the safety and security of your excellency's government in general , but in particular for the extraordinary regard taken for this city , being the utmust frontier thereof , seated near one hundred and fifty miles up in the country ▪ whilest the same was attacked by the enemy of canada , who had surprized and burnt the three castles of the mohaques , killed divers of their fighting men , and lead in captivity upwards of 130 women and children , and that your excellency should within two days after notice received from hence , make that dispatch as to be here so suddainly with 300 men , and sufficient provisions and stores of war for our immediate relief , which was more than ever could be expected in this winter season . we therefore out of a deep sence of your excellency's unparralleled affection to and care for us , cannot but esteem our selves highly obliged to your excellency , and beg of you to accept our unfeigned thanks , assuring your excellency , as we shall never forget your extraordinary care of us , so shall we ever admire and beg the continuance of your excellency's benigne government over us ; and since the mohaques nation is wholly dispersed by the enemy's burning all their three castles , and our farmers live stragling up and down the gountry , in great danger to be cut off by the skulking indians , we pray that your excellency in your wisdom will be pleased to order some convenient place where the remnant of said nation may be convened together , and fortified for any attack of the enemy , and that the f●rmers may be ordered to fortifie themselves in companyes together ▪ that the enemy may not have an advantage of them . and we humbly beg your excellency to believe , we are always ready to venture our lives and fortunes for their majesties service , the defence of this province , and with all chearfulness and allacrity shall endeavour , when-ever it lies in our power , to demonstrate our true affection to your excellency in particular , and to approve our selves , your excellency's most dutiful , and most obedient servants , peter schuyler , mayor , l●vinus v. ●chaick , alderman , rymen barentse , asistant . dirk wessells , recorder , evert banker , alderman , johannis roseboom . the house of representatives for the province of new-york , wednesday a. m. march 22. 1692 / 3. ordered , that the thanks of this house be given unto his excellencys for his favourable speech , and his care of the frontiers of this province , by the great dispatch he made in his personal appearance there , upon the late invasion of the french. ordered , that mr. wessells , mr. pell , mr. kipp , capt. whitehead , mr. rutsand , mr. theunissen , mr. tuthill , and mr. barnes do wait upon his excellency and council with this message . by order of the house of representatives , james graham , speaker . finis . printed and sold by william bradford , anno 1693. a journal of the late actions of the french at canada with the manner of their being repuls'd by his excellency, benjamin fletcher, their majesties governour of new-york / impartially related by coll. nicholas reyard [sic], and lieutenant coll. charles lodowick, who attended his excellency during the whole expedition ... bayard, nicholas, 1644-1707. 1693 approx. 52 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27071 wing b1458 estc r2289 12015587 ocm 12015587 52521 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27071) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52521) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 81:15) a journal of the late actions of the french at canada with the manner of their being repuls'd by his excellency, benjamin fletcher, their majesties governour of new-york / impartially related by coll. nicholas reyard [sic], and lieutenant coll. charles lodowick, who attended his excellency during the whole expedition ... bayard, nicholas, 1644-1707. lodowick, charles. fletcher, benjamin, 1640-1703. new york. governor (1692-1698 : fletcher) [4], 22 p. printed for richard baldwin ..., london : 1693. "licensed sept. 11th, 1693. edward cooke" reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. (from t.p.) i. an account of the present state and strength of canada -ii. the examination of a french prisoner -iii. his excellency benajmin fletcher's speech to the indians -iv. an address from the corporation of albany, to his excellency. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng iroquois indians -government relations. united states -history -king william's war, 1689-1697. canada -history -to 1763 (new france) new york (state) -history -king william's war, 1689-1697. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a journal of the late actions of the french at canada . with the manner of their being repuls'd , by his excellency , benjamin fletcher , their majesties governour of new-york . impartially related by coll. nicholas reyard , and lieutenant coll. charles lodowick , who attended his excellency , during the whole expedition . to which is added , i. an account of the present state and strength of canada , given by two dutch men , who have been a long time prisoners there , and now made their escape . ii. the examination of a french prisoner . iii. his excellency benjamin fletcher's speech to the indians . iv. an address from the corporation of albany , to his excellency , returning thanks for his excellency's early assistance for their relief . licensed , sept. 11th 1693. edward cooke . london , printed for richard baldwin , in warwick-lane , 1693. the preface . as this following small treatise is a short narrative of some little check given by the english gallantry to the arms and attempts of france , so far off as the indian territories ; so it gives us an occasion of considering , how the great lewis may justly plume himself with a title peculiarly his own , viz. the great disturber of the world. for , tho the bloodiest and most active scene of that monarch's ambition seems bounded within the confines of europe ; yet is there hardly that most distant region or nation , the very utmost corner of the universe , but has some footsteps of his aspiring arms. for , besides the tragick theatre he has made within the bowels of christendom , not to instance his leagues with mahomet , the unnatural subjection of his most christian cross to the most anti-christian crescent , his ambition has been a little busie too in the american quarter of the globe . 't is true , his strength has neither been formidable , nor his stars favourable in this remoter stage . justice seems , at least , to the american climate , to reign lady of the ascendant , in carrying victory to the honester side ; witness the several advantages obtain'd , not only in the following expedition , the subject of our present treatise ; but in divers other advances of their majesties prosperous arms in those parts . but , as this preface is only a compliment to my readers introduction , i shall leave him to the entertainment he finds , only assure him ; we have this credit to the truth of our narration , that 't is no more than what has been already printed at new-york by his excellency's ( the commander in chief in the expedition ) particular authority there ; and now made publick here , for the satisfaction of all such honest english readers , as can take pleasure in the success of their countrey 's arms and interest . a journal of the late actions of the french of canada , &c. sunday , the 12th of february , 1692. about ten a clock at night , an express from lieut. colonel beecknam of vlster county , gave his excellency an account of advice from albany , of the french and indians , consisting of 550 , being within twenty miles of schenectady on the 8th . instant an hour before day , ready to fall upon the two first castles of the mohaques . whereupon his excellency ordered the col. of the militia of the city of new-york to draw out his regiment the next morning . monday the 13th , orders were sent to col. courtland of kings-county , to detach out of their regiments a hundred and fifty men , to be forth-with ready to imbarque at the ferry . about eight a clock in the morning the city regiment being under arms , his excellency on horse-back , at the head of the regiment , demanded , who were willing to follow him to the frontiers against the enemy ? they unanimously threw up their hats , and cryed , one and all . upon which the colonel was ordered to detach 150 of the fittest men , to be under the command of three captains , with their subalterns , ready at the first beat of drum , and dismissed the regiment , and ordered all sloops for transportation to be secured . about ten a clock his excellency did send the express forward to col. beecknam , with orders to get all the horses in the county of vlster together in readiness , to carry his excellency and the detachments from kingstone to albany by land , in case the river was not open , and to forward any confirmation of the news to his excellency . tuesday the 14th , by break of day came an express from major ingoldsby , confirming the former news , and that the two first castles were taken by the french and indians . whereupon eight sloops were ordered with necessary provisions and ammunition to go round the fort , and to be ready to sail , and the detachment of the city regiment did immediately imbarque . about four a clock afternooon , the tide offering , his excellency , attended with the officers of the detachment and several volunteers , did imbarque and set sail . friday the 17th , about 9 a clock his excellency arrived at albany ( being 50 leagues distant from new-york ) with five of the sloops , having met with much ice in the river , which gave some difficulty ; the rest arrived towards evening . as soon as they came on shore , his excellency ordered captain schuyler to march 50 of the men for schenectady ; about a 11 a clock his exellency followed , with 16 horse , leaving instructions with col. beyard to forward all the rest of the detachments , as they did arrive towards schenectady , without loss of time , together with the ammunition and provisions . about 3 a clock afternoon his excellency met major ingoldsby , about 8 miles from schenectady , on his return from albany , having gone from thence to visit schenectady that morning . his excellency arrived at schenectady ( being 20 miles from albany ) about 5 a clock . about 9 a clock at night capt. schuyler with his men arrived , and found provisions and quarters in readiness for his men. saturday morning the 18th , by break of day , the men were ready to be transported over the river , but a violent storm did hinder their transportation till afternoon , and sundry indian women loaden with provisions were sent along with them : this day about noon major merrit , with the rest of the city detachment , did arrive at schenectady , and were immediately furnished with quarters , ammunition , and provisions , ready to march next morning . sunday the 19th , by break of day , the rest of the forces that were fit to march , did attempt to get over , but great quantites of loose ice did hinder till about 10 a clock , the ice setling , they got over it on foot , which in two hours after was dispersed , and the river open again . this party carried a further supply of provisions and ammunition . monday the 20th , by break of day , those of the city detachments who were not able to march the day before ( being refreshed ) his excellency detached from the garrison of schenectady , so many of them as made 42 , who did immediately march with 13 horses loaden with provision and ammunition . about 2 a clock afternoon arrived at schenectady capt. stillwell with the detachment of kings county , consisting of 50 men , who were ordered to refresh themselves till next morning , and 3 horses with provisions ordered to be in readiness to attend them . tuesday the 21st . the horses being carried over the river , and the men ready to be transported , came an express from major schuyler , giving intelligence of his being near at hand on his return , who arrived about 4 a clock afternoon , upon which the men and horse were remanded , and sent back to their own home . there marched by his excellency's order , to joyn major schuyler , since his arrival 208 effective men , besides guides and carriers of supplies , with considerable quantities of provisions and ammunition , which are since returned . wednesday the 22d . his excellency returned for albany , accompanied with major schuyler , and several of the forces came from pursuit of the enemy , and arrived about 3 a clock afternoon , much dissatisfied at the enemies escape . his excellency did order major schuyler , with some other officers to give the journal of their action in the woods . at 4 a clock arrived col. willet at albany , with 120 men from queens county , who were next morning remanded home to their habitations , together with the rest of the detachments . at night his excellency sent to call those indians that were returned from the fight , to meet him next morning at albany . thursday the 23d . a proclamation issued , requiring all the out farmers to draw themselves into neighbourhoods , for their better security against the sculking enemy , and to fortify with stockadoes . fryday the 24th . his excellency received an address from the corporation of albany , congratulating his safe return , and returning thanks for his early assistance with his personal presence for their relief , &c. saturday the 25th . the indians being arrived last night , and giving their attendance , this morning his excellency , being accompanied with the magistrates of this city , and the souldiers and militia in arms , came to the city hall , and made his speech to the indians , which was interpreted to them by the interpretess helle. in the afternoon they gave their answer to his excellency by the same interpretess . sunday the 26th . about 8 a clock in the morning , four of the chief sachims came to his excellency , with some further propositions , which he immediately answer'd to their satisfaction . monday the 27th . his excellency caused a proclamation to be published , prohibiting the selling of rum to the indians , and did imbarque for new-york , where he arrived thursday morning following , and was received with such expressions of joy and thankfulness as the place could afford . nicholas beyard , col. charles lodwick lieut. col. a journal of the actions in the woods , between the french and indians . in obedience to his excellency's command , peter schuyler mayor , with the other officers under his command , gave this following account of their proceedings since the first intelligence of the enemy's descent into the country of the mohaques . february the 8th , being wednesday , about 2 a clock afternoon , we had the alarm from schenectady , that the french and indians had taken the mohaques castles ; soon after we had the news , that a young-man , called jan baptist van eps , ( taken at schenectady 3 years ago ) was run over from the french , as they were to attack the first castle of the mohaques , and come to schenectady , who related , that the french were 350 christians and 200 indians . major ingoldsby sent forth-with his warrants , to command in the farmers of capt. genits and capt. tunis's companies of militia . this night lieut. john schuyler and cornet abeel with 55 horse , marched to schenectady . february 9. cornet abeel came express from schenectady , and desired that major schuyler or major wessels might be sent thither to pacifie the indians , who were enraged that no christians went out in pursuit of the enemy . upon which major schuyler at his own request was permitted to go that evening . as soon as major schuyler arrived there , he sent out scouts to spy the forts and the enemies motion , and withal to go and warn the tionondoge indians of the enemies coming , but they having gone 12 miles , returned about 12 a clock at night , saying , they could not get over the river . feb. 10. major schuyler sent lieut. john schuyler and lieut. john sanders , and six more to view the mohaques fort that was possessed by the enemy , who brought news , that the french were in both the forts ; of all which he gave advice to major ingoldsby at albany . feb. 11. major schuyler sent 10 christians and 40 indians to lie near the enemy , and to watch their motion , who made a small fort to retreat into , and so spyed what the enemy did . feb. 12. news was brought to schenectady by some of the said scouts , that they had heard firing at the mohaques forts , which was supposed the tionondoge indians against the french ; which news major schuyler sent forward to albany . whereupon major ingoldsby detached about 200 men out of the several companies of the militia fuzileers and troop , commanded by capt. peter matthews , capt. arent schuyler , capt. benj. phips , capt. kihad van renslaer , and capt. tho. gartin , who arrived at schenectady about 2 a clock afternoon , and joyned major schuyler : the waggons with bread arrived that night . this day our scouts brought us the news , that the french were there still , and that they had also cut off the third castle of the mohaques , called , tionondoge , and that none of the upper indians were come down ; all which was advertised to major ingoldsby forthwith , and major schuyler sent to him for orders to march . feb. 13. this morning having received no answer of the said express , major schuyler sent another to march , and being pressed with the indians , who threatned else to desert us , was forced to march the men over the river without orders , which came about 4 a clock in the afternoon , when most of the men were got over the river . this very time we had news by our out scouts , that the french had burnt the mohaques three castles , and were marched away , which major schuyler ordered lieut. young to signifie to major ingoldsby . we marched 12 miles that evening , being 273 christians . in the night about 10 a clock one of our scouts came in , and told us that 600 of our uppermost indians were coming down ; major schuyler forthwith sent the same messenger , that brought us the news , to major ingoldsby , and desired that provision and ammunition should be sent after us , not knowing what the indians might have occasion for . feb. 14. about 1 or 2 a clock in the morning we decamped , and marched to the small fort that was made by our 50 scouts , about six a clock in the morning , where we had advice , that the enemy was not above eight miles from us ; upon which lieut. harme van slyk and two indians were sent to discover the enemy , who brought us word they were marched ; two indians came to us with news , that there were 300 of our upper indians within 20 miles of us , whereupon we sent two indians back to hasten them up , and to let them know we were there to joyn them . we sent three mohaques to discover the enemy ; about 4 a clock in the afternoon we decamped , and marched to the place where the enemy had lain the night before . feb. 15. in the morning two of our indian scouts returned , ( the third being run over to the enemy ) who brought us news they had seen the enemy within ten miles . our indians came up with us about 12 a clock , being 290 men and boys , some armed , and some without arms , a consult being had , we marched about four a clock , and encamped all together , having marched about ten miles that afternoon . this night a consult was held , and spyes sent to discover the enemy . feb. 16. we marched early in the morning , and having gone ten miles , found the place where the enemy had lain two nights before ; we halted there , an oneyde indian came from the enemy , being sent to our indians to debauch them over to the french , which messenger we did not think fit to send back , being one of the prisoners taken at tionondoge . we sent an express to major ingoldsby to acquaint him that the enemy had built a fort , and were resolved to fight us , and sent for supplies of provision , ammunition , and men. we marched on toward the enemy , and met with one of our wounded indians , who informed , that the enemy stayed for us in a fort ; upon which we marched about two miles , where a christian boy ( arnant the interpreters son ) came to us , who had been three years a prisoner among the french , he gave an account , that the enemy were about 6 or 700 men , and within three miles ; we marched forward to find some convenient place to encamp , and to fortifie our selves from the enemy that night : we had scouts out ( christians and indians ) all night to watch the enemies motion , who brought an account in the morning , that we were within a mile of their fort. feb. 17. we decamped , and marched towards the enemy with scouts before us , and did not take a direct line , but went round , for fear of an ambuscade , and came in sight of their fort about eight a clock in the morning , where our scouts came and shewed us where the enemy lay ; upon which all the officers were commanded to take their posts , and make ready to engage , being 250 christians , and 290 indians ; the enemy seeing us , gave three huzza's , which we answer'd with as many , and as loud as they , and made the woods ring : our indians went to work to fall trees , and fortifie ; but the enemy sallyed out immediately ; we engaged them , and beat them back into their fort ; our indians fell to work again , and desired our christians to help , which they did ; the enemy sallied out with all their strength a second time , encouraging their men , crying , they run , we will cut them all off , and get their provisions ; we received them briskly , and beat them back into their fort , with the loss of several of their men : our men fell to work again about the fort ; the enemy sallied out the third time , but were as well repulsed as before , and beat into their fort with considerable loss , our indians bringing several of their heads and scalps into our fort ; after this the enemy was quiet , and we finish'd our fort : as soon as this skirmish was over , we sent an express to major ingoldsby , to acquaint him what had passed , praying him to hasten our recruits with provision and ammunition , for that the greatest part of our men had not had any provision in two days time ; we sent our scouts of christians and indians all that night , to discover our enemies motion , and lay all night in our fort ; it was extream bad , cold , snowy weather . feb. 18. being cold stormy weather , and snow , insomuch that we could scarce see any tract ; our scouts came in this morning , which gave account that the enemy were in their fort , some being still popping at our people . about nine a clock an indian that left the french in their fort , told us , he thought the enemy would retreat , that they were packing up their baggage . upon which major schyler ordered the captains to draw out their men to march round the enemy's fort to stop them ; but the same time had an account they were fled ; he commanded the officers to pursue them , and to hinder their retreat , till men and provisions came up ; but the men wanting provision , refused to march ; the officers , with 60 christians , and some indians , pursued the enemy till they had made a small fortification ; but the officers not having men to engage them , nor to make a fort , returned back , leaving two officers with 40 men and 100 indians to watch their motion , expecting our provision to come up that night . feb. 19. about 7 a clock in the morning we had an account that our provisions were near at hand , which came up to us about nine or ten a clock with 80 men , commanded by capt. simms ; the provisions being immediately distributed among the men , those that were first served , were commanded away after the enemy , with five baskets a man : about four a clock , the van being commanded by capt. peter matthews and capt. arent schuyler , came up near the rear of the enemy , the scouts telling us the enemy were within less than an english mile ; we desired the indians to joyn with us to fall upon their rear , till the rest of our men came up , sending in the mean time to our people , to march up in all haste ; but the indians halted ; and could not be perswaded to march , the mohaques being most unwilling , because the enemy had dropt several prisoners , who told them , that if they pursued them , they would kill all their wives and children , whom they had prisoners ; after an hours consultation of the indians , most of our men came up , we marched with all speed , thinking to overtake the enemy before they got to the river-side ; but there being a flake of ice in one part of the river , and all open above and below , the enemy got over before we got up : we encamped by the river-side that night . feb. 20. in the morning major schuyler resolved to march over the river , to pursue the enemy , ordering the officers to get the men ready for that purpose ; but many of the men being wearied with fatiegue , their shoes being quite wore out , and provisions scarce , were not able to make any further pursuit : but that which did most of all discourage us , was , that the indians had great averseness to pursue or fall upon the enemy , because of their wives and children ; whereupon we marched back . in this engagement we lost four private souldiers , and four indians , two officers , and twelve christians , and indians wounded ; and we had an account by some of our indian prisoners that made their escape , that we killed of the enemy 33 , whereof we found but 27 , among which was their commandant , one captain , and two other officers , with two of their commanding indians , and 26 wounded . we rescued between forty and fifty prisoners . since their retreat we are informed by divers of the prisoners who come home daily , that all our men prisoners except five , have made their escape , or are set at liberty , and but few women and children left with them , not being able to carry the prisoners off , by reason of their wounded men , whereof they carried thirteen . as we did not hear , so we could not expect that your excellency should in so short time ( at that season of the year ) be advanced so near us as to schenectady , and that so considerable supplies could be so speedily got together : and we observed it was no small encouragement to our indians to see your excellency at the head of 300 men , besides volunteers , for our relief , and theirs ; of which we are all sensible . peter schyler , major . peter matthews , capt. arent schuyler , capt. k. v. renselaer , capt. benj. phipps , capt. the examination of andres casparus and cornelius claese van den bergh , both dutchmen , taken before his excellency benj. fletcher , governour , who have made their escape from canada , who were prisoners there , and have been 32 days by the way . the said cornelius claese van den bergh was taken at canactagiere in july , 1691 , a little before the mayor peter schuyler went to canada , and andres caspares who was gone out with some of our river indians last fall to hunt , and withal , to see how the far nations , called , the turchtuicks lived , was taken last march by a party of turchtuicks and davaganhaes , and brought to a castle where the said indians lived , and was there to be burnt and eat by the said indians , from whence he run away that very day he received his cruel sentence , and was sixteen days in the woods , and came to a place where monsieur tontys people were making a fort , and the said mons . tonty , and mons . la free brought him to canada . the said prisoners say , that the french informed them , that there were ten ships come from france with provision and amunition , but no men , scarce so many as could sail their ships , that they had brought 120000 pound of flower , and 160000 pound of pork , also some great guns , and two mortar pieces . that there is a fort built below quebeck , in a narrow passage where ships must pass ; the french spoke of two forts , ( but an english-man told him only of one fort , ) and twelve guns in each fort. they had 1600 souldiers three year ago , of which a 1000 are killed and taken ; this is besides 200 inhabitants who are killed . the said cornelius has lived all this while at the governour of mont royal's house , called , monsieur d' cellier , and judges there are about 400 men in mont royal with souldiers and all , although the said monsieur d' cellier often told them , they had 700 men there . there is a man come over with those ships to be mons . d' cellier's cook , who says , that the english had fallen upon the french fleet unawares , and done them some damage , and pursued them to brest , and if they had come but a quarter of an hour sooner , they had taken brest , and all the provinces of brittanine . the french have lost this summer 37 french , and 70 indians at one time , going up the falls to ottawawa , and at a second time they lost 30 french the same way , and often-times smaller parties killed by our indians . the said andres casparus says further , that when he came to the french house , after he had escaped from the indians , the french tyed him two days , but he being so lean and meager , having no food all that time , but 11 eggs he found in a turkies nest , and 6 swan eggs he found in another place , so that the french did unty him . about eight days after monsieur tonty came , ( who is in the manner of a governour among them ) and he went down with the said tonty to ottawawa , which was 200 leagues from that place ; the said tonty dispatched about 25 or 30 great cannows full of beaver to canada ; and after they had been two days from ottawawa , they met one monsieur de lille , who had been out a skulking upon the great river , and had taken two prisoners , who told that 300 of our indians lay at a carrying place on the great river , waiting for the ottawawa company , and 200 were near mont royal island , upon the same design . they stopt the said company till monsieur tonty sent for them back , and resolved to go to canada with 200 men indians and french , without beavers , in which company the said andres casparus came , being reckoned 300 leagues between ottawawa and canada . as soon as the said andres came to mont royal , monsieur tonty delivered him to the governour of mont-royal , who put him in prison four days , and then released him to work in his house ; but as soon as he got out , consulted with his comrade cornelius to run away , which they did accordingly . after they had been about a month or five weeks together in the said mons . d' cellier's house , the said andres says , he saw a great prodigious quantity of beavers at ottawawa ; an inhabitant of canada , called jaques de tallie , told him he had 3000 beavers of his own there , and that there was as many beavers now in ottawawa as would load 200 canows to canada , and each canow generally holds nine or ten hundred beavers , which the said andres doth credibly believe to be true , there being none gone from thence to canada in a great while . there is a fort at ottawawa burnt by accident this spring where mons . la free had the command , wherein was great store of beavers and peltry , and several goods and merchandize . this is the account the said two prisoners gave at albany the 4th . of october , 1692. and is entered down from their mouths , by his excellency's command , robert. livingstone . the examination of joachin lebert , a frenchman of canada , and native of mont royal , taken before his excellency benj. fletcher at albana the 4th of octob. 1692. that he lived at prerie de lay magdelain . that it is 60 leagues from mont royal to quebeck . that mr. de cellier is governour of mont royal. that there is 2000 men carrying arms in his government , souldiers and inhabitants . that the town of mont royal is inclosed with stockadoes . that there is 53 pieces of canon , brafs and iron , eight companies of souldiers , unequal in number , 50 men being the most . that the fort of magdelaine contains 23 families , 400 men in arms , 2 pieces of canon , and 5 patteraroes . there is 200 men in the indian fort , called , ganawagne . that there is ten men of war arrived at quebeck , from france , laden with ammunition , and that he saw the said ships . that he hath been taken 43 days , and says , that the day before his being taken , he being at mr. cellier's house , he saw a canow arrive there from mr. le count , sent to mr. cellier to demand the collers of beeds , which are usually presented at the concluding a peace , the which occasioned him to say , there was ambassadours coming to treat a peace . upon the objection made , that there could not be so many people in canada , he says , that the two frenchmen that were sent to york some time since , being now at canada , did inform mr. le count , that the english had assembled all their nations , with a design upon canada , which obliged mr. le count to raise all the men he could possible , which was that number he said : and says , he knows nothing more . his excellency benjamin fletcher's speech to the indians at the state-house in albany , february 25 , 1692. brethren , it is not unknown to some of you , that i came last october into these parts upon no other occasion than to view the fronteers , and put them into the best posture i could , to secure us and you , from the attempts of the french , and their indians , our enemies and yours . and in order to this , i sent a supply of ammunition , artillery , and christian souldiers , sufficient to prevent any insult from our enemies , and it had the effect i expected , for they durst not face the weakest of our garrisons . i came now for your relief , and have lost no time ; the same day that i had an acccount from hence that our enemies were in this countrey , i put my self on board a sloop , and brought with me 150 christian souldiers , besides volunteers , and arrived here before i could be expected ; i then immediately marched to schenactady , from whence i sent you supplies of 200 and odd men , ammunition , provision , &c. with which those that joyned you before , under the command of major schuyler , might have secured an entire victory , and prevented the french and their indians from any possibility of getting back to their own houses ; but it has pleased god to order it otherwise . i had also 200 christians more upon their march , who arrived here , and would have been a considerable reinforcement to us ; but the action being over , i commanded them back to their former residence , till further orders . it is obvious to me , and i believe to you all , that this calamity is fallen on you by your own faults . i could never suppose my brethren , the mohaques , would be so supine and careless , as to suffer the french , and their indians , to enter their castles without the least resistance . these men that have an enemy near , must sleep with arms in their hands , and one eye open ; that is , they must keep scouts and spyes , so as never to become a prey to their enemies , by their own negligence . i must advise you , that for the future you keep strict watch , so that i may have timely notice of the enemy's motion , and you will then see how easily they will be defeated . i hope it is now apparent to you , that the great king of england is ready to apply his arms for your defence , when you consider , that in a very days i am come personally to your assistance , with near 400 christian souldiers . i have had the honour to bear command under the great king of england , my master , where i have seen the french fly before his victorious arms ; and last summer it pleased god to add to his victories , by the defeat and destruction of their fleet , in which most of their ships were burnt or sunk . i came now in great haste , and brought no presents with me , but design ( by the blessing of god ) to be with you at the beginning of the summer , to give you something to wipe off your tears for the brethren that are lately lost , to renew the ancient covenant chain , and to give you further assurances of the great king of england's favour , and of my own readiness upon all occasions to appear as his servant , for your protection against our enemies and yours . my present care now is , to provide for the mohaques nation , about which i have given my directions to major schuyler , who will appoint them a place for their residence ; i have also ordered some corn for their present support , which they will receive from him . i must add , that it concerns your honour and reputation , to make some brisk attempt upon our enemies , and this with what secrecy and expedition you can , that those people may see you retain the ancient courage of your ancestors ; and i do not question but god will give you success by a severe revenge on our enemies and yours . i am informed , that your young men have killed the horses of some christian souldiers , who were upon the same service with you , ( it is not brotherly , ) and i desire , for the future , you will take care to prevent such outrage , that the ancient covenant chain may be preserved inviolable on your parts , as it will be on the part of my master , the great king. to conclude , i must tell you , that i doubt there is some false brothers among us , who keeps intelligence with our enemies , concealing their designs , and exposing ours ; if you have one frenchman among you , he will be true to his countrey , by betraying you . i have order'd you some bread and bear , and desire you will drink the healths of my great master and mistriss , the victorious king , and most illustrious queen , of great britain , france , and ireland , and all their majesties territories in america , and so bid you farewell . the answer of the five nations , viz. the mohaques , oneydes , onondages , cayouges , and sinnekes , to his excellency benjamin fletcher , captain general and governour in chief of their majesties province of new york , &c. in albany this 25th . of february , 1692. sadeganaktie , sachim of the onondages , speaker . interpreted by hille , the interpretess . brother cayenquirago , which signifies a great swift arrow , a name the five nations have given his excellency , because of his speedy arrival here , with so many men for their relief , when the enemy had fallen upon the mohaques country . when we arrived at schenactady , after our march against the enemy , you were pleased to desire us to come hither , where we heard you , great swift arrow , speak , and participated of your favours ; we acknowledge that the enemy , the french of canada , have fallen upon our brethren , the mohaques , and destroyed their three castles , which we can attribute to nothing else but their not hearkening to the great swift arrow's good advice , which was , to keep good guards and out scouts . we return you , brother great swift arrow , our hearty thanks for your care in providing for the mohaques , that they may not starve , nor be in want in this extremity . brother great swift arrow , you propose to us the attacking the enemy in their country , to shew them that we have not lost the courage of our ancestors ; we return you our hearty thanks for your good encouragement , for we are in a manner drunk with the blood lately shed by them . it is not usual for us , while we are in that grief and anxiety , as now we are , to proceed to revenge our selves of the enemy ; you have lost your blood as well as we , therefore that blood ought to be revenged unanimously by both sides . brother great swift arrow , you recommend us to go and attack the enemy where they are at home in canada ; but you are acquainted with us of old , that it is our custom , first to bewail and condole the death of them killed by the enemy , for we are all of one heart , one blood , one soul ; nevertheless we design to go out and to fall upon the french ; but we must first secure our castles , since we know , that the governour of canada is intended to send out a considerable party , but whither we know not . brother great swift arrow , while you press us to go and attack the enemy of canada by land , we expect ( according to the many promises and engagements made to us ) to hear of a considerable force to go with great guns by sea , that the enemy might be assaulted both ways , and so overcome ; we press this the harder , because a great part of our strength is now broke , and therefore take it not amiss that we push this point of taking canada by sea , since its impossible to be done by land alone . brother great swift arrow , we return you our hearty thanks , that you are so ready to assist us upon any occasion , and for the good advice to be watchful , and keep out good scouts and spies ; it is probable , that we would have done a great deal more damage to the enemy , had we been so well provided with all sorts of ammunition , as the indians of canada are ; but some of our men have guns , and no powder nor ball , and some but bows and arrows , as major schuyler saw , when we came up to him ; but the governour of canada supplies his indians with all sorts of arms and ammunition , which we found now we engaged them . we pray you , great swift arrow , to have a careful eye over us , since this party of the french that has destroyed the mohaques castles is but part of his strength , he is working with the ottawawa and dowaganhaes indians , where he has a great magazeen , and supplies them with all sorts of ammunition , and we fear that force will come down upon us still . brother great swift arrow , we return you thanks for remembring our dead , and that you will condole their death , when you come up in the beginning of summer , but you can expect no return from us , being in so mean a capacity and condition . brother great swift arrow , you inform us of the great victory that our lord of lord ( meaning the great king of england ) has got upon the french , the common enemy at sea , which is admirable , and all the nations are heartily rejoyced at it , and we hope that the great god that has his seat above the heavens , will give the same success to our great lord of lords arms in this part of the world , over his and our enemies , the french of canada . we pray that you would be pleased to acquaint our great lord of lords ( who lives over the great lake ) of our mean condition , and what posture we are in , and how easy it is to destroy canada , if all our great lord of lords subjects in these collonies would unite and joyn together , with some ships that carry great guns , which our great lord of lords can easily spare us , after this late victory over the french at sea. we desire that you would be pleas'd to order a smith to be with us in our country to repair our arms , that we may defend us from the french. his excellency replyed , that he hoped they were sufficiently satisfied of his readiness to assist them , and that the force the french had now sent , was the most they could make ; and if they will but keep out scouts , and advertise his excellency timely of the enemies coming , his excellency does not doubt , with the strength he has in his province , to deal with the governour of canada , and all his power . the governour granted their request of the smith to be in their country to repair their arms. proposals made by four of the chief sachims of the five nations , to his excellency benjamin fletcher in albany the 26th of february , 1692. brother great swift arrow , we are come to acquaint you , that one of our men has last night in a drunken fit , killed an indian that came over from the french , at which we are much concerned , and therefore come to see how our brother great swift arrow resents it . we desire that you will be pleased to prohibit the selling of rum while the war is so hot , since our souldiers cannot be kept within bounds , if they be drunk . brother great swift arrow , we answer'd your excelleny's proposals yesterday , but had not time to consult with that deliberation as we ought , and if therefore there be any thing omitted , or if we failed of our duty , we beg that you would be pleas'd to pardon that omission ; for we must declare in behalf of all the nations , that we are singularly obliged to you , brother great swift arrow , for your so extraordinary dispatch and suddain arrival here for our relief , with so considerable a force , the like never having been done before , whereby we see your readiness and alacrity to help and assist us . and we do also return you thanks for leaving your directions with major schuyler to take care of the mohaques nation . we are thankful for your kind expressions , to be so ready to come for our relief , and that you warn us to come and acquaint you as soon as we see the enemy a coming a far off , not doubting of your power to protect us , since we have seen a sufficient proof of that already by this late expedition . brother great swift arrow , we do engage to make a narrow enquiry as soon as we come into our own country , about the french prisoners , who we suspect may betray us : we have had two bouts with the onedeys about the priest milet that is among them , and we intend to try the third time . we desire that you , brother great swift arrow , may come up as soon as the bark is loose upon the trees , since we have a design upon the enemy . we forgot to answer you in that business about the young-men killing the horses ; we acknowledge , it s not brotherly , but very ill done , and as soon as we come into our country we will take such methods that it may be prevented , by finding out them that have done it , causing them to make satisfaction . his excellency replied , that he was much concerned that they should exercise their arms one against another , while there is an enemy in the field , and hopes they will for the future endeavour to prevent such irregularities , that they may be now sufficiently convinced how ready the arms of the great king of england is to succour them ; and that his excellency , for his own part , will never spare to expose his person for their security . that the rum shall be prohibited upon their request ; and that the most he requires of them , is to be vigilant and careful , and not to suffer themselves to be surprized , and then they need not fear the french. to his excellency benjamin fletcher , captain general and governour in chief of their majesties province of new-york , vice-admiral of the same . the humble address of the mayor , aldermen , and commonality of the city of albany . may it please your excellency , we are extreamly sensible of your excellency's special care , not only for the safety and security of your excellencies government in general , but in particular for the extraordinary regard taken for this city , being the utmost frontier thereof , seated near one hundred and fifty miles up in the country , whilst the same was attacked by the enemy of canada , who had surprized and burnt the three castles of the mohaques , killed divers of their fighting men , and led in captivity upwards of 130 women and children ; and that your excellency should , within two days after notice received from hence , make that dispatch , as to be here so suddenly with 300 men , and sufficient provisions and stores of war , for our immediate relief , which was more than ever could be expected in this winter season . we therefore , out of a deep sence of your excelleny's unparallell'd affection to , and care for us , cannot but esteem our selves highly obliged to your excellency , and beg of you to accept our unfeigned thanks ; assuring your excellency , as we shall never forget your extraordinary care of us ; so we shall ever admire and beg the continuance of your excellency's benign government over us : and since the mohaques nation is wholly dispersed by the enemy's burning all their three castles , and our farmers live stragling up and down the country , in great danger to be cut off by the skulking indians , we pray , that your excellency , in your wisdom , will be pleased to order some convenient place , where the remnant of the said nation may be convened together , and fortified for any attack of the enemy ; and that the farmers may be ordered to fortifie themselves in companies together , that the enemy may not have an advantage of them . and we humly beg your excellency to believe , we are always ready to venture our lives and fortunes for their majesties service , the defence of this province ; and with all chearfulness and allacrity shall endeavour , whenever it lies in our power , to demonstrate our true affection to your excellency in particular , and to approve our selves , your excellency's most dutiful , and most obedient servant's , peter schuyler , mayor . levinus v. schaick , alderman . rymen barentse , assistant . dirk wessels , recorder . evert banker , alderman . johannis roseboom . the house of representatives for the province of new-york , wednesday a. m. march 22. 1693. ordered , that the thanks of this house be given unto his excellency , for his favourable speech , and his care of the frontiers of this province , by the great dispatch he made in his personal appearance there , upon the late invasion of the french. ordered , that mr. wessells , mr. pell , mr. kipp , capt. whitehead , mr. rutsand , mr. theunissen , mr. tuthill , and mr. barnes , do wait upon his excellency and council with this message . by order of the house of representatives , james graham , speaker . finis . souldiers counselled and comforted a discourse delivered unto some part of the forces engaged in the just war of new-england against the northern & eastern indians, sept. 1, 1689 / by cotton mather ... mather, cotton, 1663-1728. 1689 approx. 73 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50163 wing m1154 estc w19438 11781356 ocm 11781356 49073 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50163) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49073) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1488:1) souldiers counselled and comforted a discourse delivered unto some part of the forces engaged in the just war of new-england against the northern & eastern indians, sept. 1, 1689 / by cotton mather ... mather, cotton, 1663-1728. [10], 38 p. printed by samuel green, boston : 1689. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sermons, american -17th century. united states -history -king william's war, 1689-1697 -sermons. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion souldiers counselled and comforted . a discourse delivered unto some part of the forces engaged in the iust war of new-england against the northern & eastern indians . sept. 1. 1689. by cotton mather minister of the gospel in boston , in publico discrimine omnis homo miles est . boston printed by samuel green. 1689. to my much honoured friends ; the pious and valiant commanders , of the forces now engaged against our indian enemies . gentlemen , a request from one of you , was that which i esteemed a command , for my preaching of a sermon fill'd with counsils and comforts to part of the forces now under your auspicious conduct . i was too dull to apprehend it either an impudent or an improper thing for me to do that , while i found a minister ( and him none of the oldest neither ) charged with a very great solemnity , preach the word , be instant in season , out of season , watch thou in all things , fulfil the ministry . that which most wants an excuse is the printing of it ; which is a service that i have not been so much a voluntier unto . but the reasons that produc'd my labour in preaching , which were , my desire to save the souls , and mend the lives , and promote the edification of those , for whom my hearts desire and prayer to god , is , that they may be happy ; and my ambition to encounter and abolish what i can , the unchristian temper of those who take advantage from the other difficulties and entanglements of the country , to refuse doing their part in carrying on the indian war ; the same reasons have procur'd my consent to printing of this little sermon . as i never can endure that mischievous impertinency , of making the first or chief exercise after our hearing , to be upon that question , how did you like the sermon to day ? so i am not much concerned about the reception and entertainment which may be given to this poor sermon by the readers of it . my not having more than half a day to prepare it in , made it incapable of being thus written , till since the delivery of it ; and it is now written , as near as well could be to what it was when spoken : without many more additions , i suppose , than may somewhat ballance the omissions made in the transcription . the substaneous and so much extemporaneous uttering of a sermon , indeed i am so far from accounting a matter of applause , that i do esteem it evil and sinful , and never free from blame , unless gods providence , and not our election have made it unavoidable ▪ nor is any thing in the world more fulsome and nauseous , than for a preacher to value himself upon such a crime , as his not spending much time in study . i do therefore beg pardon , that i offer you what is no better studied ; not without expectations , that whether you pardon me , or no , there are those that will make me run the gantlets of their censures for it ; and yet had i never so much leisure for study , i would not , i could not offer you a more needful thing than the matter , however i might offer you a more curious thing than the method of this discourse . accept the sermon as a little messenger now sent into the camp , after my brethren , with a little parched corn , to refresh them , against their facing of the philistines ; and i beseech you , let none of them have their anger so kindled , as to tell me , why camest thou down hither ? i know thy pride ; for give me leave to say it , what have i now done ? is there not a cause ? gentlemen ! it is the war of the lord which you are now engaged in : and it is the help of the lord , that we are at home affectionately imploring for you . we have made a fair and just purchase of our country from the natives here ; not encroaching on them after the spanish fashion , in any of their properties and possessions . yet they are now molesting of us in the enjoyment of what our god ( because our right ) hath made our own ; which my pen cannot mention without jehoshaphats ejaculation , we destroy'd them not , but behold how they reward us , to come to cast us out of thy possession , which thou hast given us to inherit . o our god , wilt thou not judge them ? i believe , i am perswaded , and confident , he will. but your wisdom and courage is now to be employ'd in order thereunto ; and we all wish you such large measures of both , as the matter does require . yow are some of you , such as in the former war , ventured as far as any men alive ; and the god of armies then blessed you , not only with safety , but with a success also , which we should be very unworthy if we should be unthankful for . as you have thereby learn'd what a treacherous . barbarous , dangerous enemy you have to deal withal ; so you are not without a gracious invitation to trust in god for your future preservation ; you may animate your selves with such an hope as that , the lord that delivered me out of the paw of the lion , and out of the paw of the bear , he will also deliver me out of the hands of the philistine . your former deliverances whereof the honourable wounds upon some of you are perpetual monitors and memorials , are a dish of leviathans heads well drest , for your faith to feed upon . feed and fight now with a strong faith ; by that you may wax valiant in fight , and turn to flight the armies of the aliens . gentlemen ! your forces are happy in you ; none of you being that debauched sort of captains , which will drink and swear and curse and profane the sabbath and at the same time give out that perilous word of command , follow your leader ; alas , whither do they lead them ! but i assure my self that you are such as have long since listed your selves under the banner of the lord iesus christ ; [ let his banner over you be love ! ] and are concerned that all your men may under that banner oppose the lusts which war against their souls 't is the design of this publication that you may be as happy , in your forces ; and that those for whom and with whom you are every day pouring out your prayers to the lord of hosts , may not want encouragements to any of those combates , in which you would see them all victorious . you are in the head of companies , whom you are generously willing not only to live , but also to dy withal ; and the chief thing that i am pursuing is , that whether death join you to them , or part you from them , you may meet them all e're long at the right-hand of the lord jesus christ. i have had many fears upon my spirit , lest the wonderful deafness to , and contempt of the everlasting gospel found in the rising generation here , may not cause the lord iesus to say , that he will not have pleasure in our young men ; but that he will take them off , and lay them waste by the plagues of a destructive war. to prevent such omens , may be motive enough unto many such endeavours as you are here treated with . may these warnings reach some of them that had slighted too many others heretofore ! i have done when i have told you , that i hope you have not all your forces with you ; all the praying people of new-england have embarked themselves with you , and assist your present expedition . it was not at all displeasing unto his majesty , our most gracious and illustrious king william , to hear those words in a speech made unto him by one concerned for us , it may be humbly spoken to your majesty , the very prayers of your poor subjects in new-england , may do your majesty as much service as an army of forty thousand men. 't will surely be a satisfaction unto you , to think what an army of prayers ( quasi manu facta , as tertullian expresses it ) is every day besieging and beseeching of heaven for your prosperity . we are no ways tainted with a popish fancy , of i know not what , protection to arise from the bodies of the dead saints that are inhum'd among us ; though a very rich crop of them will be afforded by this little spot of ground , at the resurrection of the just. 't is foretold of antichrist , he shall honour the god of mahuzim , besides , ( for so i read it ) the god which his fathers knew not , : besides , the lord iesus christ whom they despise , our neighbours , the french , like other papists , have their mahuzim , that is , their defenders , or guardians ; and those are the saints departed . hence even some of the ancients ( or shall i call them by a contrary name ? for , antiquitas seculi est juventus mundi ) themselves , betimes became so vain , as to count the reliques of the dead saints , the towers and ramparts of the places that enjoy'd them ; and the dead bodies of two apostles in the city made the poet cry out , a facie hostili duo propugnacula praesunt . but instead thereof , you have the prayers of living saints to increase your protection in the worst of your adventures . i hope they may make you forty thousand strong . our lively prayers to the god whom our fathers knew , will be the best mahuzim or forces for you ; if we do but choose and love and serve the blessed god of our fathers , and reform the sins that have provoked him to avenge with a sword the quarrel of his covenant ; which o that our god would enable us unto ! gentlemen , tho i am neither a souldier , nor the son of a souldier , yet you will allow me that have heretofore published my concern for military persons by the pressing of military duties , to continue my affection thereunto ; and to perform some part of my devoirs unto yourselves , by now subscribing my self , your sincere servant c. mather . souldiers counselled and comforted ▪ it is written in psal. cxix . 109 . my soul is continually in my hand ; yet i do not forget thy law. when there was made unto the famous and faithful iohn of old , that application whereof we have that account in luc. 3.14 . the souldiers demanded of him , saying , what shall we do ? we find that he left them not without those divine words of command ▪ which he thought proper and useful for them . 't is in conformity to his great and good exemple , that i count my self under obligations at this time to attempt the satisfaction and answer the expectation of the souldiers , whose worthy leader has brought them into this assembly , that they might hear a short sermon adapted unto their peculiar circumstances . we are informed in the sacred pages , that in the expedition of the israelites against the canaanites , there came down those that handled the pen of the writer . 't is the unhappiness of the expedition which we are at this day concerned in , that our present and pressing dangers involve every person some way in it . even scholars must either accompany or encourage souldiers ; and they that have handled none but pens , must either carry or sharpen swords . we are in the briars of a perplexity , wherein , omnis home miles est , every man is in his way to bear arms ; and those that i have to assist you with , i must fetch out of that christian panoply the holy bible . 't is there , my fellow-souldiers , that i find the copy of a renowned souldier , to suit your enquiries , when you repair unto me with your what shall we do ? behold in that of the psalmist , both your own condition , and your own direction . your condition is , to have your lives continually in our hands . your direction is , to not forget gods law. the text now offered unto your consideration , is in the longest , and yet the sweetest of all the psalms . 't is in a psalm , which ( as one saith ) consisteth of words , non tam legenda quam vivenda , to be lived rather than read or heard ; a psalm , which ( as another says ) is , quanto rolixior eo prestantior , having an excellency transcendent like its prolixity ; a psalm which the wittiest of the ancients in a dream or vision had presented unto him , as the tree of life in the midst of the paradise of god ; what shall i say more ? a psalm which well deserves to be set as the preface of the scripture , being the encomium , and indeed the epitome of it all . a coherence , and so an analysis , of the several paragraphs in the psalm , is not sollicitously to be sought : the regard had unto the order and number of the hebrew letters , throughout the whole , giving us cause to look for a cohaerence of letters rather than of matters in it ; however in our context there seems to be some dependence . we have here the lovely david , that eminent servant and souldier of the lord , asserting his own integrity , against the temptations of a various assault ; an assault both from snares and swords . he was assaulted one while by fraud ; and as to the temptations thereof he says , the wicked have laid a snare for me , yet i have not erred from thy precepts . he was assailied another while by force ; & as to the temptations thereof , he says , my soul is continually in my hands ; yet i do not forget thy law. suppose this incomparable general , now skulking and scowring about the woods , in the wilderness of palestine ; pursued like a patridge , by that bloody fowler saul , with all his cruel setting dogs about him . suppose him , now in arms , and thus expressing of himself . behold in our text : first , the affliction of a great souldier . 't is , my soul is continually in my hand . by the soul may be meant the life , which does consist in a vital union between the soul and the body . but how may this be said to be , in the hand ? remember austin upon this place , confesses , he could not conceive what the psalmist meant . but ierom hits the nail , by noting that it is an hebraism , quo significatur vitam habere periculo expositam ; signifying to go in danger of ones life . the graecians have a proverb , as well as the hebrews to the same purpose ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he hath his soul in his hand . to put it out of doubt , that this is the intent of the psalmist here , we find it elsewhere , that when the life of this very person had been obnoxious to an extraordinary danger , 't is thus deciphered in 1 sam. 19.5 . he did put his life in his hand . and hence the never enough regarded and commended french translation , so renders the passage , we are now upon , ma vie a este continuellement en hazard ; my life has been continually in hazard . a souldier must continually look to be hazarding of his life . secondly the affection of a good souldier . 't is yet i do not forget thy law. a souldier must indeed forget all things , but gods law , and his own sword. for the object which he is to be affected with , 't is gods law. that is one of the ten words , one of which is used in almost every verse of this glorious hymn , to denote , the ways and means by which the blessed god reveals his will unto the children of men ; and the will it self revealed in those ways and means . and then for the respect which he is to place upon this object , it is , not forgetting . but we are to bear in mind , that according to the received rule of expounding scripture phrases to remember , denotes also , to know , to love , to do. all that is intended here . and hence the doctrine here provided for you is , that the remembrance of gods law , is a thing of no small importance to them that have their lives continually in their hands . as the little time given me for preparation , will not allow me to be very accurate and pertinent in improving my present opportunity , which until too late yesterday i knew nothing of : so the little strength left me by the excessive . labours of this morning supervening upon the languors of a late illness , will not permit me to be long , in this discourse ; i have only two propositions to entertain you with . proposition i. to have their lives in their hands , is a condition which the children of men are liable unto . there is indeed a threefold condition which brings the lives of men into the hands of men ; with a gradual descent from generals to specials , it may be set before you . the first condition of this kind , is , that of all men : accordingly our observation is , 1. men have their lives brought into their their hands , in point of mortality . our lives are come out from our hearts unto our hands ; and they are in a sort ready to shake hands with us . our lives do as it were take us by our hands , and say , well , i am going , fare you well . our lives are come into our hands for the brevity of them . once indeed there was a longevity in fallen man that seem'd almos● aemulous of that immortality , which uprigh● man should have had experience of . the antediluvian patriarchs might have broke up company , with probable agreements to have met again in the same place and form an hundred years afterwards . but that long life , i● by our vice , and gods curse , now terribly abbreviated . our own corruption has enfeebled the principles of life in our successive generations , and gods just malediction has confirm'd that feebleness , whereby we dy before our time , for being wicked overmuch . the sacred law of god has now abridged our lives into seventy years , and the common law of man , into seven . our lives are now in our hands , and we have not an handful thereof . the psalmist could say , in psal. 39.5 . behold , thou hast made my days as an hands breadth . in an hands breadth may be grasped the whole of the lives which we have in our hands . our lives are likewise come into our hands for the uncertainty of them . what is in our hands is extra nos , 't is uncertain whether we shall keep it or no. our lives are so in our hands , that we know not whether they will stay with us they may be wrested out of our hands : and in a turn of an hand they are gone , before we are aware . 't is said in james 4.14 . what is your life ? it is even a vapour . it is as a vapour , or a candle , that we bear ( not in horns , but ) in hands . 't is liable to be extinguished by every puss of wind. the second condition of this kind , is , that of old men. and so our observation is , 2. men have their lives brought into their hands in point of infirmity . aged persons lean with their hands ; and on their staves they carry their lives . the life may be put for the whole man ; with the old man 't is come into the hands ; his feet cannot now support him . 't is said of him in eccles 12.3 . the strong men , ( i. e. his legs ) bow themselves ; and so the trembling hands must be the keepers of the house . all the strength left him , and all his life is in his hands . he does all things with a staff in hand , and so with a life in hand ; as 't is noted of the gray-headed and decrepit iacob , in heb. 11.21 . he worshipped , leaning on the top of his staff : when he rose off his couch to worship god , he could not rise without a staff ; his life was relieved and exerted mostly by his aged palsey hand . the third condition of this kind , is that of confessors , and that of souldiers . and our observation upon it is , 3 men have their lives brought into their hands in point of danger to loose their lives . 't is the chaldee paraphrase upon this place , anima mea periclitatur ac si esset 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in super ficie manus meae . our lives are sometimes by dangers placed , as t' were on the back of our hands . we have no hold of them , but they will take wing , and be gone , in the twinkling of an eye . we are sometimes to venture our lives ; and when we do so , we may say , as in 1 sam. 28.21 . behold i have put my life in my hand . that which is in our hands , is easy to be taken away ; yea , what is ready to be given away , we take in our hands . in both respects , our god often calls us to have our lives in our hands . we are sometimes to engage in those things , wherein 't is but a peradventure , whether we shall ever come off alive . yea , we are sometimes not only to expose our lives , but also to resign them , and let them go out of our hands , and pour them forth as a drink-offering before the lord. this is the case of confessors . they dy often ; they are as 't is said in 2 cor. 11.23 . in deaths often . yea , they dy daily ; they can say as in 1 cor. 15.31 . i dy daily . that is , they are often , they are daily in danger in dying ; and so they have their lives in their hands . there is a number of people in the world , who profess the truths and ways of god , and serve him according to his word . this people are a sort of army , under the colours and commands of the lord jesus christ ; but the ancient legend ( pardon me that i call it so ) of the thebaean legion is verifyed in the usage that they meet withal . they have so many hands against them , that their lives are in their hands ; and from that flock of slaughter , now one , and then another is made a prey to wolvish persecutors ; before whole rabid violence , they say , lord , for thy sake we are killed all the day long. and this is the case of souldiers too . it was remarked by a notable man of that character , 〈◊〉 2 sam. 11.25 . the sword devoureth one as well as another . the hebrews call war , by a name that signifies , a devourer . and souldiers carry in their hands , what the monster feeds upon ; the leviathan devours the lives of them who do encounter him . the lives of souldiers are where their arms are , even in their hands ; for they know not whether they shall return alive , out of the battels which they are push'd upon . and it is for a double reason that our god carves out such a condition for us . first , it is to check our worldly-mindedness : it was said unto that good man , in jer. 45.5 . seekest thou great things for thy self , seek them not ; for — thy life will i give unto thee for a prey . when our life is for a prey , our life is then in our hand ; we have it by a meer snatch as it were . this now prohibits our seeking of great things for our selves , in as much as we cannot secure to our selves the enjoyment of that , which alone makes us capable of enjoying all other sublunary things . by bringing our lives into our hands , our hands are knock'd away from too fast a gripe or grasp after secular objects . when our life is in our hand , god has a voice in his mouth to this purpose , dream not of mighty things , no , nor of any things in this transitory world , until thou hast better assurance of thy continuance here . the blessed god thus inviteth us , and obligeth us , to look after the glorious crowns and ioyes in another vvorld . he inviteth us , and obligeth us , to set our affections upon the things which are above ; and , to look at the things which are not seen and are eternal ; and to make sure of an hope in christ , without which we see ( when we have life in hand ) our selves to be of all men most miserable . secondly ; it is to cure our creature-confidence . it was said by the apostle in 2 cor. 1.9 . we had a sentence of death in our selves , that we should not trust in our selves , but in god , which raises the dead . a condemned malefactor carries his life in his hand , from the bar. vve are sometimes in as perilous a likelihood of dying , as a condemned malefactor ; and we are hereby called upon to trust in god alone for the reversing and repealing of the sentence . by having our lives in our hands , we are under a necessity of reliance upon god alone to keep them there . vvhen we have our life in our hand , we have also that call in our ear , do not lean upon any temporal visible , interest for the preservation of thy life ; let all thy expectations be , as all thy salvations are , from god alone . the lord breaks down the hedge on every side of us , and we ly open to death every way : 't is that we may reserve our dependance for all support , and all succour , to be placed upon god alone ; 't is that we may learn the song of him that returned with his life in his hand from the maw of the great shark ; salvation is of the lord. proposition ii. the direction proper for them that have their lives in their hands , is to remember the law of god. vvhen you have considered a few conclusions , your thoughts will rightly apprehend the intent and extent of this assertion . conclusion i. their memories being fraighted and stored with divine truths , do marvellously assist those that have their lives in their hands . our souls have an admirable faculty of laying up in themselves the images of things , which have made their impressions on us . this is our memory . vve have both a retaining memory , which is more sensitive and a regaining memory , which is more rational : a memory , that can both keep safe and fetch back what idaeas we have been entertained with . this memory is a treasury , to be replenished with such things as the law of god affords unto us . 't is required in prov. 3.1 . my son forget not my law. 't is resolved in psal. 119.16 . i will not forget thy word . the law of god contains commandments , every one of which are holy , and iust , and good ; it contains promises , every one of which are great and precious ; it contains threatnings , every one of which are quick and powerful : and these are all to be treasured up in our memories . vvhen they have been communicated unto us , we are to take heed that , menasseh , or forgetfulness be not the name of our souls . the distillations of gods law , like manna , fall about our tents from day to day : our duty now is that in 2 pet. 1.15 . to have these things always in remembrance ; and gods law will not like manna , corrupt , but rather sweeten , by being reposited until to morrow . the law of our god is both written and preached among us : now 't is declared in heb. 2.1 . we ought to give earnest heed unto the things , lest at any time we let them slip ; or , lest we be like leaky vessels thereunto . the truths couched in the law of god are to be like nails fastned in our souls ; never to be remov●d , never to be displaced . after we have been sitting under the dispensations of gods law , he will ask of u● ▪ as in heb. 12.5 . have you forgotten the exhortation ? to which we should be able to reply as the psalmist of old , lord , i have not forgotten thy law. and hence we should receive the truths therein offered unto us , with that affectionate and agreeable ejaculation , lord , keep it for ever in the imagination of the thought of my heart ! now those of you that carry your lives in your hands will have this peculiar benefit , by having of gods laws thus in your minds . first , your memory will suggest necessary truths unto you . you cannot always come at those ordinances , which are the wells of salvation , being driven to wander in the dry paths of a solitary wilderness . but your well-furnished memories will supply you with the words whereby you may be saved , & bring a little sanctuary to you when you are banished from the great ones . they will render you the instructed scribes which will not want things new and old , for the repast of your souls in the desert which you range forth into . salvation was to come unto you by your hearing while you were here ; it may now come unto you by your remembring ; for the apostle said , in 1 cor. 15.2 . ye are sav̄ed , if you keep in memory , what i preached unto you . and , secondly , your memories will suggest seasonable truths unto you . you are going into a warfare , wherein you will often have occasion for some advice from god. while you were among us , you could seldom labour under any doubt , or snare , but you would have it met withal , in the ordinances , that you conscientiously repair'd unto ; you might say with him , i went into the sanctuary of god , then i understood . but your memories must now be your monitors ; if they be not empty , they will not be silent . it was said by some that were hurried away from the place where the institutions of the most high did use to be maintained , in lam. 3.21 . i recal to mind , therefore i have hope . so you may quickly have cause to say , i recal to mind , and i have life ; and , i recal to mind , and i have light ; and , i recal to mind , and i know what i have to do . conclusion 2. 't is a practical remembrance of divine truths , which they that have their lives in their hands are to be most concerned for . let remembring and practising go hand in hand , since you have your life in your hand . it is said in numb . 15.39 . remember all the commandments of the lord , and do them . behold , god has joined these two , and what god has join'd , let no man put asunder . the best remembrance is that which produces repentance . 't was said in matth. 26.75 . peter remembred the words of the lord iesus ; and he went out and wept bitterly . thus we should so remember the law of god , as to weep for all our violations of it ; weep and mourn and bleed at the thoughts of our own unanswerableness thereunto . and , the best remembrance is that which produces obedience . 't was said , in psal. 22.27 . they shall remember , and turn unto the lord. thus we should so remember the law of god , as to turn from all our own behaviours that are contrary thereunto to turn from all sin to god in christ for ever . a little of this remembring will go further than the largest and longest repetition else . a pious person being asked , what do you remember of the last sermon ? reply'd , i don't remember much ; but so much i do remember that i shall endeavour to mend a miscarriage that the sermon convinc'd me of . that was well remembred ! tho' your memories may serve you like a sieve that seem'd full while it was in the water , but has nothing in it , immediately on its taking out ; yet therein however let them be like the sieve , that they shall be made pure and clean by the waters of life that are passing thorough them . this is the remembrance which you are to be most ambitious of . conclusion 3. our having our lives in our hands ought not to affright us from any thing that the law of god makes incumbent on us . this is , i suppose , the principal intendment of the psalmist here ; q. d. tho' i have my life in my hand , yet i will do no indirect thing , to keep it there . we should never warp , never sin , to avoid any peril whatsoever . when we have our lives in our hands , we are then try'd , whether we will put forth our hands unto iniquity to secure what is in them . but having a clear call to your service , you should say as the martyr once , if every hair of my head were a man , i would have the lives of them all sacrificed , rather than desert the cause i am engaged in . you should be above all carnal motions , or passions , or impressions , that may discourage you in the work which you are to attend with your lives in your hands . 't was said by that wise man , in gal. 6.14 . i am crucified unto the world. a crucified man has his life in his hands with a witness , when his hands are nailed and hanging on the tree . you should have no more carnal joyes and griefs , no more carnal hopes and fears , then a man whose life is going out at his hands gratify not any enemy , by a sinful compliance , to escape danger ; for god can restrain your adversary . 't is said in proverb 16.7 . when a mans ways please the lord , his enemies shall be at peace with him . oftentimes to prevent mischiefs from enemies our way does displease the lord : but we then take a wrong way ! god can make pharoah afraid of moses , and herod afraid of iohn . the lord has hornets to buz and sting terrors into those whom we may be too much terrified withal . and gratify not any corruption upon such a score ; for god will reward your fidelity : said he in matth. 19.27 . behold , we have forsaken all ; and what shall we have therefore ? good sir , all what ? why all a net , all a boat , all a small craft which they had some subsistence on . this was all ! yet it follows , iesus said , ye that have followed me , shall in the regeneration , when the son of man shall sit on the throne of his glory , then also sit upon twelve thrones . you cannot receive the exposition of it : but — surely then they that will forsake their very lives rather than do amiss , will not miss a most glorious recompence . conclusion 4. some people that have their lives in their hands , are more prone to forget the law of god , then others that undergo less dangers are . this may seem an intimation , or insinuation of the psalmist here ; q. d. l. i been't like other people who carry their lives in their hands . i extreamly value the law , which they commonly forget . 't is very strange , and very sad ; but also very true ; that there is often least grace in the hearts of those that most have their life in their hands . how it comes to pass , i don't know ; but so it is , that they whose nearest and oftnest approaches unto eternity should awaken them to be the best people in the world , are frequently the worst of all . we see it in sailors and in souldiers . as for them that follow the sea , 't is said of them , in psal. 107.22 . they reel to and fro , and stagger like a drunken man ; and are at their wits ends thus 't is with them in regard of storm ; and when that is over , 't is thus again with them in regard of sin too ; even after they come a shore , still ( and upon a sadder account ) they will many of them reel to and fro , and stagger , not like a drunken man ; but thro' being really so . they make deeper descents towards hell by their vice , than in their ship ; and no sea-sickness will turn into a sin-sickness with them . tho they may pray in a tempest , how horribly will they swear and curse , and how filthily will they talk , when they are out of their amazements ! it has been doubted , whether they were to be reckoned among the living or the dead . but the sense of this keeps few of them , from th●se remarkable . extravagancies ; which quickly plunge them down into the congregation of those that roar under the waters for evermore . and as for them that follow the field , forgive the plain dealing , my fellow-souldiers , if i tell you , that wickedness , impiety , profanity , is one of the things that has made their character extraordinary in the world. their names are up , for an acquaintance with an excess of rudeness and lewdness , and all manner of debauchery . how rarely have armies been the schools of true vertue and honour ? but not rather the nurseries of all those abominations , that would render the lowest hell visible and incarnate here . it was complained in psal. 119 : 6. the bands of the wicked have robbed me . how seldome do bands consist of those who are not a who do not so ? it has been of old noted , nulla fides , pietasque viris , qui castra sequntur ▪ that armies have but few christians in them . we say , that laws are not heard , where arms are clashing . alas , no laws are so much drowned and slighted there , as the laws of the holy one of israel . use i the improvement of these things remains ; & first the whole congregation is concerned in it . unto you , i say , take heed that your lives be not snatch'd out of your hands , before your souls are well provided for . your souls are not well provided for without regeneration ; for we are told , except a man be born again , he cannot see the kingdom of god. nor without conversion : for we are told , except ye be converted , ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven . nor without believing ; for we are told , if you believe not , you shall dy in your sins . o look after these important things , they all make up the one thing necessary . i am to tell you , and i must loose the life which i now carry in my hand , if i tell you not , that necessity is laid upon you , and wo unto you , if you do it not . if your souls are drag'd away before you have had a comfortable experience of these needful things , you are horribly undone ; flatter not yourselves , he that made you will not have mercy on you , and he that formed you , will shew you no favour . the souls which are now so much in your own hands , must then fall into other hands , which how can your hearts be strong , or how can your hands endure at the fore-sight of ? your souls must then fall into the hands of god , whose hands ( whose fiery iron arms ) 't is a fearful thing to fall into . and your souls must then fall into the hands of satan too , who goes about seeking whom to catch and gripe in his cruel claws . and are these the hands , that , o ye souls in peril , ye will rush into ? hearken to that voice of the eternal god , which says in heb. 3.7 . to day if you will hear his voice . what you do for the wellfare of your souls , must be done to day , to day ! your souls may have taken wing before to morrow . i may say as 't was once said in a worse case , what thou do● do quickly ! 't is the solemn caution , in prov. 27.1 . boast not thy self of to morrow , for thou knowest not what a day may bring forth . 't is not safe , 't is a very dangerous folly and phrensy , to leave a soul miserable for one day together . a renewed man has before now seen cause to say , i would not be in my natural estate again one hour , for ten thousand worlds ; lest my death should come in that hour , and carry my miserable soul away , to the torments of the pit below . o that every one of you then would this night set yourselves to answer the calls of the everlasting gospel ; o that you would this night make yourselves happy , by giving up yourselves to god in christ with an everlasting covenant . if any person go away , without resolutions to make essays hereunto , i have only this to add , thou fool ▪ this night thy soul may be required of thee ; and where then will the wretched l●dgings of it be ? where throughout eternal ages ? use ii. but i behold in the congregation a part of the forces , that are carrying their liues in their hands , against the barbarous enemies by which the territory is at this time distressed and invaded , and unto these i shall address the rest of my discourse , with a very particular application , 't is with a very due respect and esteem , that i look upon you , my good friends and neighbours ; as many of you as have given cause for that acknowledgment of you , in judge 5.2 . praise the lord , for the people willingly offered themselves : and while i am touch'd with an ambition to assist you ( i might have said , to accompany you ) in your present expedition , i cannot find a fitter way to do it , than by giving you that part of a sermon , which your worthy commander has asked for you . you may say like that souldier , in judg. 12.2 . i put my life in my hands , and passed over against the children of ammon : god grant you may quickly say the rest : and the lord delivered them into my hand . that you may happily and cheerfully go on , with what you have in hand , a few counsils , a few cordials , and a few blessings , are to make up the remainder of our present exercise . counsils . by way of counsil , give me leave to say , first , be sensible that you go forth with your souls , as well as your lives in your hands . that word , a soul , a soul ! methinks it sounds bigger than a world. a precious and an immortal soul , o 't is too big a thing to be thrown away . think , that you have every one of you , a soul , which is a iewel too valuable to be despised : he is a fool indeed , of whom it may be said , he despises his own soul. now you are going forth against indians with your souls in your hands , pray , be apprehensive that you should not make indian-bargains about those inestimable souls . the indians would sell to the europeans at their first arrival in the southern regions , the best jewels , and metals , for a few glass-beads . let your thoughts be , that you have souls not to be so basely truckt away ; souls not to be sold for songs , whatever the flesh , the world , or the devil may sing unto you . it is wholsome advice , in prov. 4 20. keep thy soul with all diligence . consider , that you have souls , which will stand like rocks in the sea of eternity for ever ; and o consider , what will become of them souls , if they be not new-born before their departure hence . there was a profane souldier , who on one side of his sword , had a shape of a god , on the other side the picture of the devil , with this motto under it , si tu non vis , iste rogitat ; if he won't have me , here 's one will. hideous monster ! but this disjunction is too certain and awful a thing to be play'd withal . if your souls are not seasonably interested in the favour of god , they will be siezed by those devils , whose malice and fury will inflict worse tortures on you , than ever the most bruitish indians do in their executions of their unhappy prisoners . i beseech you , be not prodiga gens animi , or unaffected with the worth and the state of your own souls . no , take the first opportunity to confess and bewayl your many sins , with a sincere purpose , i will not offend any more . take the first opportunity to accept and embrace all the sure mercies of the lord jesus christ , with a gracious promise , lord , i will now be thy servant devoted to thy fear . you must quickly , and you should boldly , look death in the face , with your souls in your hands ; in order thereunto , let me utter that proper word of command , make ready ! i say , make ready ! get out of your unrenewed estate , and make ready , that at the first alarum e're long , you may have nothing to do , but , fight and dy. secondly , let them be none but pure-hands in which you carry your lives . we read in isa. 1.15 . when you spread forth your hands , i will hide mine eyes from you ; for your hands are full of blood. even so , there are hands full of luxury , there are hands full of injustice ; but those hands are not clean enough for your lives to be carried in them . wherefore as 't is said , in james 4.8 . cleanse your hands , ye sinners : let me call upon you , cleanse your hands , ye souldiers . let there be no uncleanness , no disorder found in your hands . endeavour to have a pure camp ; and be like the host of god. we read sometimes of a church in an house ; why should you not as well study a church in a camp ? keep your camp as free from swearing , drinking , gaming , rioting , and sabbath-keeping , as any church in the world ; and let god be worshipped in your camp as frequently , as devoutly as in a church . this , this will render you terrible as an army with banners . you may have military valour enough to conquer an indian ; but you must also have christian valour to subdue a lust. when peter had armed people round about him , how nimbly , how stoutly did he draw upon them ! but presently after a sorry damosel made him give way to that which broke all his bones . o be so valiant , as to put out of your hands , all that may not be convenient for the lives which you carry there . thirdly . while you have your lives in your hands , let your ends in your eyes be such as they ought to be . be not acted by lucre , by revenge , by any sorry or dirty principles in your present undertaking , but be acted by a sincere desire to defend the people of god , f●om a crew of unjust men , that are skilful to destroy . 't is said , in 1 cor. 10.31 . whatever you do , do all to the glory of god. even in the meanest actions ; the glory of god is to be the star to guide us , the spur to move us . a godly man , among our first planters here , while he was cutt●ng o● wood , being asked , who it was for ? answered i am cutting of wood for god. if in cutting o● vvood , much more in killing of men , you should be able to say , i am at work for god. be not th● souldiers of fortune , as they are called ; but b● the souldiers of iesus ; and let the account tha● you may give of your concerns be this , i woul● do all i can , that the churches of god may have res● and that therefore those may be cut off , who troub● them . let every bullet be shot with an eye taking aim at this white , when you are firing up on the blacks in the swamps of the howling wilderness . fourthly , don't part with ●our lives out of your hands , without such demonstrations of courage as may confound your adversaries . let it not be said at your death , he dyed as a fool dyes . have life in your hands , while you have lives in your hands ; and let them be lively hands too , in which you carry your lives . to run from a press , is a thing not so generous ; and the speedy rebukes of heaven , have been conspicuously dispens'd unto some that have done it here . but to run from a fight , is a thing too cowardly sure for any new-englander to be guilty of it ! let me exhort you , in the words of that famous general , 2 sam. 10.12 . be of good courage , and let us play the men , for our people , and for the cities of our god , and the lord do that which may seem good unto him. vvhen the day of battel comes , then ( to speak apostolically ) quit you like men , be strong . it is the glory of the horse , and much more is it for the souldier , his rider , so , then to mock at fear , and not be affrighted nor turn back from the sword ; but to go on rejoycing to meet the armed men. your enemies have made themselves notorious for this quality , that as difficilius est invenire quam vincere , it is easier to kill them than to find them ; so they can rarely take any but a shaking trembling aim at one that boldly faces them . face them then , and when you do it , imagine you have that voice from heaven sounding in your ears ; josh. 1.9 . have not i commanded thee ? [ such a commander have you ! ] be strong , and of a good courage ; be not affraid , neither be thou dismay'd ; for the lord thy god is with thee , whithersoever thou goest . at the first appearance of the tawny pagans , then courage ! brave hearts ; fall on ! fall on couragiously , with the assurance in psal. 3.6 , 7. i will not be afraid of ten thousands of the people that have set themselves against me . o my god , thou hast smitten all mine enemies . yea , when once you have but got the track of those ravenous howling wolves , then pursue them vigorously ; turn not back till they are consumed : wound them that they shall not be able to arise ; tho' they cry ; let there be none to save them ; but beat them small as the dust before the wind , and cast them out , as the dirt in the streets . let not the expression seem harsh , if i say unto you , sacrifice them to the ghosts of the christians whom they have murdered . they have horribly murdered some scores of your dear country-men , whose blood cries in your ears , while you are going to fight , vengeance , dear country-men ! vengeance upon our murderers . let your courage , in the name of god be daring enough to execute that vengeance on them . but what cordial shall i procure , which may inspire you with such a valour ? let me set before you , a few thoughts which may raise your spirits to an elevation , beyond what the rat●ling noises of any drums or trumpets can fetch them to . cordials . wherefore , first , know that your quarrel is iust. indeed the call and press of your superiours ; is enough to justify you in doing of your part , for prosecuting of the war. if the injustice of a war be notoriously evident and apparent , judicious c●suists then determine , that every private souldier is to declare his own dissatisfaction , and render himself rather passive than active in it , and suffer , sooner than engage ; like sauls footmen , when bidden to fall upon the priests of the lord. but where a war is not thus evidently and apparently unjust , the private souldier must use an implicit reliance on the command of the supream power : they must answer for it . ☞ besides this ; your superiours themselves have also enough and enough to justify them , in pushing on the present war , with the utmost expedition and extremity . such were the obscure measures taken at that time of day , that the rise of this war , hath been as dark as that of the river nilus ; only the generality of thinking people thro' the country , can remember when and why every one did foretel , a war. if any wild english ( for there are such as well as of another nation ) did then , begin to provoke and affront the indians , yet those indians had a fairer way to come by right , than that of blood-shed ; nothing worthy of , or calling for any such revenge was done unto them . the most injured among them all , ( if there were any such ) were afterwards dismissed by the english , with favours that were then admirable even to our selves ; and these too , instead of surrendring the persons , did ( as we are credibly informed ) increase the numbers , of the murderers . but upon the revolution of the government , the state of the war , became wholly new ; and we are more arriv'd unto righteousness as the light , and iustice as the noon day . when the helm of this little vessel was taken out of the hands of those whose palpable enmity to the glorious designs of his highness the prince of orange , added unto the innumerable oppressions and vexations which we had sustained under them , had made us as suspicious as we were ignorant , what port they intended for ; we then found our selves actually entangled in a war. a great sachim of the east , we then immediately applyed our selves unto , and with no small expences to our selves , we engaged him , to employ his interest for a good understanding between us and the party of indians then in hostility against us . this was the likely , the only way , of coming at those wandring salvages ; but that very sachim now treacherously ( by whose advice , i know not ) of an embassador became a traytor , and annexed himself with his people , to the heard of our enemies , which have since been ravaging , pillaging , and murdering at a rate , which we ought to count , intolerable ▪ the penacook indians , of whom we were jealous , we likewise treated with ; and while we were by our kindnesses and courtesies endeavouring to render them utterly inexcusable , if ever they sought our harm ; even then did these also , by some evil instigation ( the divels , no doubt ) quickly surprize a plantation , where they had been civily entertained a day or two before ; and commit at once more plunder and murder , than can be heard with any patience . what can be now said , by any rational man , against the proceeding of the war ? shall we permit the whole province of main to be over-run by the indians ( and their abettors ) because the manners of some people there please us not ? but how can we answer this unto their majesties ? or , are we rich enough to loose without regret , the best part of the new-english trade ? and are we so fond , so mad , as to imagine that the indians will stop there ? no , they have already made their incursion , into pisca●aqua and in the massachusets too have they been shedding blood. certainly , my countrymen ; 't is time to look about us , we are driven upon a purely defensive war , which we may now make iustly offensive to the first aggressors in it . if you now ask , as he in job 13.14 . wherefore do i put my life in my hand ? behold , there is at hand an answer for you . 't is because a combination of ill men ( if such beasts may be called men ) have , without any cause assigned by them , or afforded by us , been shedding the blood of our neighbours , whom we are to love as our selves ; and whose death is designed by those execrable cannibals , but as a breakfast , or a prologue , to praecede our own . secondly , know that your service is good. you are fighting for the defence and succour of the blessed thrones which our david , our jesus has here erected for himself . 't is christo duce & auspice christo , 't is for christ , and with christ , that you are concerned . you are fighting for them , for which the lord jesus has bled , has dy'd . it was boasted by that great general scipio , that such was the love of his army to him , every souldier would even leap from a rock into the sea after him , if he would lead them thereunto . o let the son of god have as much of your hearts , in the war now before you ; 't is him whom you are serving of . 't was said in 1. john 3.16 . we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren . 't is for such brethren that your lives are now called for ; here is a country so replenished with them , that new england the happy , might we be called for the christians here , more than arabia so , for the spices in it . you are fighting , that the churches of god may not be extinguisht , and the wigwams of heathen swarming in their room : you are fighting that the children of god may not be made meals or slaves to the veriest tygers upon earth . to dy fighting in such a service , may pass for a sort of martyrdome ▪ and if you are meerly for the sake of such a service , willing to forego your lives , you may hope to be found among the blessed and holy ones , that shall have a part in the first resurrection . whether you dy or live , you shall be honourable ; if you scape , we will cast roses upon you for having acted your part well in our tragedies ; if you fall , we will write that epitaph on your graves , here lies a sincere , and valiant , servant of his country . thirdly , know that your helper is great . you will be too many for your adversaries ; in-as much as , you have with you , the hosts of the lord ; the very angels are your companions in your present enterprize . an angel said once to an apostle , i am thy fellow-servant ; and many an angel does now say to you , i am your fellow-souldier . 't is mentioned as the employment of the angels , in cant. 3.7 , 8. behold his bed , which is solomons ; the valiant are about it ; they all hold swords , being expert in war ; because of fear in the night . it is your employment also ; thus you stand about this bed , this church of the lord jesus , and the angels are with you in it . but wh●t cannot one angel do ? an army of an hundred fourscore five thousand cannot stand before him. how much more will the innumerable company of angels associating with you , give you cause to say with him of old , there are more with us , than against us ! yea , and you have the lord of hosts himself with you too . you may like luther , sing the forty sixth psalm , when you see the difficulties that you are put upon ; and sing particularly , those clauses in it . the lord of hosts is with us ; he makes wars to cease unto the ends of the earth . know that i am god , i will be exalted among the heathen . when some souldiers were talking together the night before a doubtful battel , that their enemies were thus and so numerous , but that themselves had but such and such forces to match them with ; their couragious general happening to over hear them , surprised them with that expression , and i pray , how many do you count me for ? in like manner , when you are anxious about the proportion of your numbers , to those that may oppose you , the blessed god interposes , and i pray , how many do you count me for ? the confession that new-england makes to the god of heaven , is , the lord is my king , my lord , my law-giver . we may add , he will save us . and you may sing with him , psal. 18.6 , 12. the lord is on my side , i will not fear . the nations compassed me about like bees , but in the name of the lord , i will destroy them all . tho' you carry your lives in your hands , yet they are not in your own hands ; no they are in the hands of that god , without whom not a sparrow falls , and by whom every bullet is directed . you may say , ( as the syriac version of my text expresses it ) my life is continually in thy hands , o god. the good god will be careful of your lives , and your deaths will be precious to the lord. know , lastly , that your success is very probable . indeed , god may humble us , and abase us , and vex us yet by that foolish nation , which he has let loose upon us ; but we may believe that they shall all shortly perish by the arms of his new english israel . they ! what are they , but bloody and deceitful men ? and you may look to be instruments of executing what god has denounced on them , that they shall not live out half their days . even they themselves not only may , but perhaps do expect utter desolation , and extirpation ; and they would soon lay down their arms , if he that hurried the swine of old , had not a wonderful possession of them . that old sagamore and conjurer passaconnoway , whose posterity 't is ( among the rest ) that we are now galled by ; when he lay dying about thirty years ago , did in a great assembly of indians , thus take his farewel of his children , i am ready to dy ( said he ) and i now leave this counsil with you ; take heed how you quarrel with the english ; for tho' you may do them some hurt , you will yourselves be all rooted out of the earth , if you do . i was as great an enemy to the english at their first coming here , as any one ; & i try'd all ways to prevent their settlement , but i am convinced , there can be no effecting of it . these counsils and commands are disobeyed by some of his wicked children ; whose dayes we may therefore think , shall not be long in the land. indeed , they have none to assist them , but the worst auxiliaries in the world ; the divels and the papists . the divels have a great hand in exciting and supporting of them ; and hence the last winter , from the mouth of a possessed child among us they gave ( i think ) a very broad notice of the slaughters which the summer would produce . that these have had a long , and an old interest in america cannot be reasonably questioned by them that shall read what was written even before the birth of our saviour , by diodoras siculus , in very ancient times says he , the phenicians tossed with storms , after many days , arrived unto this vast island ( as he calls it ) which then had stately buildings in it . hither the divels did seduce a wretched party o● mankind , that they might have them out of the gospels way when it spred thro' the old world , by the ministry of the apostles ; and here they have reigned as kings , as gods , without control , over millions of people for ages not a few . it has given a terrible alarum to them , that the silver trumpets of the gospel , are now at length sounding in their territories , and it puts them into a flaming rage , that the way to salvation by iesus christ , is proclaimed here . many are the wiles which they have used , for the discouragement of these notable beginnings in which our lord jesus is taking the utmost parts of the earth for his possession . hence 't is , that their vassals , who have more than once been disquieting of us in our properties and possessions ; now have also taken arms again to make us miserable . but as these attempts and attacques of hell upon us , have been all abortive heretofore , so we may apprehend that they will still miscarry . the barbarians may ( as 't is by escaped captives reported that they have ) by their diabolical charms , keep our dogs from hurting of them , but they shall not so keep our swords from coming at them . faith and prayer among us , hath wonderfully made the divels themselves to fly before it ; so shall these too find unto their cost . tho' the papists may likewise contribute what help they can unto these miscreants , and say mass with them ( as of late ) after their little victories , yet we need not be disanimated ; but the rather from thence prognosticate their approaching ruine . for we too much distrust our own observation , if we do not now think , that the whole papal empire , ( which was of late replanting a tabernacle in the glorious holy mountain between the seas ) is very near its end , when none shall help it ; and that the twelve hundred and sixty years , during which the people of god , were to be harrassed by it , are not far from their expiration . in a word , you may go forth with such a triumph as that in psal. 20.7 , 8 : some trust in chariots , and some in horses ( some in satan , and some in antichrist ) but wee will remember the name of the lord our god. they are brought down and fallen ; but wee are risen and stand vpright . and for a close , let me mind you , that while you fight , wee 'l pray . every good man will do it , in secret and in private every day ; and publick supplications also will be always going for you . we will keep in the mount with our hands lifted up , while you are in the field with your lives in your hands , against the amalek that is now annoying this israel in the wilderness . it was the watch word which a battel once commenc'd withal now for the fruit of prayer ! now for the fruit of prayer . to gather that fruit will be your errand into the thickets of our scythian desart . i therefore conclude with a few blessings on you , which the whole people of god in this land will say , amen , unto . we wish , that you may be all good souldiers of iesus christ , and not want the spiritual armour which may enable you to withstand devils as well as indians . we wish that since our lord says unto you , as he said unto them , i send you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves ; this great shepherd may preserve you from them , and with his mighty crook defend you , when you come into the valley of the shadow of death . we wish , that your enemies may not have their lives in their hands , but in gods slings ; and that god would sling them out , as out of the middle of a sling : while you that have your lives in your hands , may have your souls bound up in the bundle of life . finally , we wish , that your heads may bee covered in the day of battle ; that you may by the almighty god bee made the liberatores partie , the saviours of your countrey ; and that if any of you must breath your last in the high places of the field ▪ your souls may bee received by him , that has armies in heaven , clothed in fine linen , white and clean. 't is with these wishes , that wee bless you in the name of the eternal god ; and the whole congregation will say , amen , amen ! benedictus que dat fatigato robur . at the north meeting house in boston 1 d. 7 m. afternoon . 1689. finis . a description of the island of jamaica with the other isles and territories in america, to which the english are related ... : taken from the notes of sr. thomas linch, knight, governour of jamaica, and other experienced persons in the said places : illustrated with maps / published by richard blome. 1672 approx. 173 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 106 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28392 wing b3208 estc r7437 11899209 ocm 11899209 50575 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28392) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50575) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 55:6) a description of the island of jamaica with the other isles and territories in america, to which the english are related ... : taken from the notes of sr. thomas linch, knight, governour of jamaica, and other experienced persons in the said places : illustrated with maps / published by richard blome. blome, richard, d. 1705. lynch, thomas, sir, d. 1684? [9], 192 p. : 2 folded maps. printed by t. milbourn, and sold by the book-sellers of london and westminster, london : 1672. first ed. cf. bm. identified in reel guide as wing b3208. errata: p. 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xml conversion a description of the island of jamaica ; with the other isles and territories in america , to which the english are related , viz. barbadoes , st. christophers , nievis , or mevis , antego , st. vincent , dominica , montserrat , anguilla , barbada , bermudes , carolina , virginia , maryland , new-york , new england , new-found-land . taken from the notes of sr. thomas linch knight , governour of jamaica ; and other experienced persons in the said places . illustrated with maps . published by richard blome . london , printed by t. milbourn , and sold by the book-sellers of london , and westminster , 1672. to his sacred majesty charles ii. king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , &c. dread soveraign , this small treatise , or description , of your majesties dominions and territories in america , humbly presents its self unto your royal patronage , by the hands of your majesties most humble and obedient subject and servant , richard blome . the preface to the reader . having the favour of some notes from my honoured friend sir thomas linch knight , about the description of the island of jamaica , whose worth and ingenuity hath lately merited from his majesty the government of the said isle ; as likewise the opportunity of several papers relating to the affairs and description of the other isles and territories in america , wherein the english are concerned , which i received from the hands of several of my friends who are related thereunto , i thought them very fit to be published . the said notes and papers i have digested into a clearer and more compendious method ; being brief descriptions thereof , which this small treatise only aimeth at ; and not to trouble the reader with large and unnecessary discourses no ways proper for the design in hand : for by that means , i might ( by the help of a large print which some publisher of books call ornamental ) have put them to an unnecessary charge in buying , and as great a trouble in reading . i have also added some maps for the more utility thereof , which were taken from the latest surveys . rich. blome . errata . in page 126. line 8. the word [ not ] to be omitted . a new survey , or , description of the island of jamaica . the island of jamaica lyeth betwixt the tropicks in the 17. and 18. degrees of northern latitude ; and beareth from off the island of hispaniola eastward , about 35. leagues . from the island of cuba northwards , about 20. leagues . from porto bello southwards , about 160. leagues . from carthagena south-easterly about 140. leagues . from rio de la hache in the continent south-easterly , 160. leagues . the forme and extent of the isle . it is something inclined to an oval forme , being from east to west 170 miles in length ; and from north to south in the midst where it is broadest about 70 , it waxing narrower and narrower at both extream ends . from east to west along the the midst of the isle runns a continued ridge of lofty mount●ins which are full of fresh springs , whence flow the many rivers that so plentifully waters the island , to the great refreshment and accommodation of the inhabitants . the soyle , fertility , &c. it is in most parts ( especially the north ) of a rich and fat soyle , being of a blackish earth , in many places mixt with a clay , and in some , as the south west parts , it is of a more red and loose earth , but every where incomparable apt to produce , and liberally to answer the cultivators cost and paines for what is planted ; being alwayes springing , and its trees and plants never disrobed of their summer livery , every month being to them as our may , or april . here are many savanas which are intermixed with the hills and woods , ( especially in the north and south parts , where are great store of wild cattel ) which by report were sometimes feilds of indian maiz , or wheat , which when the spaniards became masters of the isle , they converted to pasture for the feeding of their cattel ; bringing hither from spain , horses , cowes , hoggs , and asenegros for a breed , after they had destroyed all the natives , or indians , which according to calculation , did amount to about 60000. which cattel did exceedingly encrease , witness the great heards of horses , and other cattel , that are now wild in the woods ; besides the great quantities of cows that have been killed by the english , since they became masters thereof : and these savanas are the most barren , as being so long made use of without tillage ; yet doth they produce such great plenty of grass , that the english are constrained oft-times to burn it up . the air , and temperature . the air is here more temperate then in any of the caribbee isles , as seated more northerly , and of as mild a temperature ( as to heate ) as any place between the tropicks , being always cooled with fresh breezes , that constantly bow easterly , and refreshed with frequent showers of rain , and such dews that fall in the night ( much quickning the growth of what is planted ) that it may truly be called temperate and healthful ; and by reason of its continuall verdure ( as i have before noted ) exceeding delightful . and it is observed that the west and east parts of the isle are most subject to raine and windes ; and the woods being also thick , and close , rendreth the aire less agreeable , then the north and south parts , which are more plain and open , and less subject to raine and winds . the mountaines which run along the midle of the isle from one extreame point to the other , are much cooler then the other parts , insomuch that oft times in the mornings there is small white frosts . this island is in no parts troubled with those storms of wind called huricanes , which all the caribbee isles are much pestered with , having somtimes by the violence of those gusts , their ships forced out of their roads ; and on shore , their houses blown down , and provisions , &c. rooted out of the earth . the weather . the weather of this isle is less certain then in the rest of the caribbee islands ; the most observable wett seasons are in november or may ; there being no seemable winter but by a little more rain , and thunder , in the winter months . the winds here constantly blow all the day from nine in the morning easterly , and become more fresher as the sun mounteth higher , by reason of which , at midd-day travel or labour is sufferable . but from eight at night to about eight in the morning , it frequently blows westerly ; and with these winds , or breezes , the vessells get out of the harbours , and ply to wind-ward . there is scarce any sencible lengthning or shortning of the days or nights , but are almost alwayes of an equal length . the sea ebbs and flowes seldome above a foot . hurricanes are here never known , as before i have noted ; nor hath any vessel been lost , or cast away on the coast , since the english were masters of it . the commodities , which this island produceth . this isle hath , and produceth many excellent commodities and that in exceeding great plenty , as sugars so good , that they out-sell those of the barbadoes 5. s. per cent. there being at present about sugar works , which may produce yearly 1710 thousand weight of sugar , those still encreasing , and divers others a going up . cocao , the principal , and most beneficial commodity of the isle , which i shall anon take occasion to speak of more at large ; and that by reason of the aptness of the ground to produce and beare it above other places : here being at present above 60. cocao walks ; besides abundance of young walks which are a growing up , and still more a planting , so that in time it will become the only noted place for that commodity in the world , which is so much made use of by us , and other nations , but in far greater measure by the spaniards who alone are enough to take of the product of the isle ; so that there is no fear that it will become a drugg , and lye upon the hands of the planter . indico this isle produceth very good , there being at present more then 60. indico works , which may produce about 50000. weight of indico per. annum , and do likewise much encrease . cotton here hath an especial fineness , and is by all preferred before that of the carribbee isles . tobacco is here indifferent good , being esstemed better then that of the barbadoes , but it is not much planted , only a sufficiency to serve themselves ; the other commodities being more benificial . hydes , of which great quantityes have been yearly made , and are found to be very large and good . great store of tortoises are taken on this coast , whose meat ( being excellent ) they eat , and their shells so much esteemed here in england for several curious works , finds good vent . here are great variety of woods for dyers , as fustick , red-wood , a kind of logg-wood , &c. also caedar , mothogeney , brasilletto , lignum-vitae , ebony , granadilla , and many other excellent sweet smelling , and curious woods fitt for choise works , whose names are as yet not known ; nor indeed their excellencies ; but are exported in great quantities . copper , they are assured is in this isle , for they have seen the ore , wrought out of a mine here ; and by the spaniards report , the bells that hung in the great church of st. iago , were cast of the copper of this island . silver may probably be here , as well as in cuba , and in the maine ; and the english have been shewed where the spaniards had found a silver mine , behind the mountains west of cagway . ambergreece ( according to the spaniards report ) hath been often found on this coast . salt , this island might make great quantities , there being already 3. good and very large salt-ponds , containing neare 4000. acres of ground ; but as yet they make no more then for their own use : although there was made in one yeare about 10000 bushells ; and the manager thereof , cap. jo. noye , did affirm that he could have made as many tunns if they had had vent . saltpeter hath been found in many parts of the island . ginger grows better in this isle , then in many of the carribbe islands ; of which here is sufficiency planted . codd-pepper which is so commonly used in all the west indies , grows plentifully here . piemente , or jamaica pepper , a spice of the form of east-india pepper , very aromatical , and of a curious gousto , having the mixt taste of divers spices , grows here in great plenty , wild in the mountains . but the spaniards did sett a high esteeme thereon , and exported it as a very choise commodity , as indeed it is ; and now it is begun to be planted by the english , and will become a good commodity . drugs are here in great abundance , as guacum , china-roots , sasapharilla , cashia fistula , tamerindes , vinillos , achiots or anetto , which is like to prove a good commodity . here are also dive●● gums , and roots , wherewith experienced planters do cure many hurts , ulcers , and distempers of the body . and by the report of an intelligent doctor , which made it his business to search after such things , here are likewise contrayerna , cyperas , aloes , assole pie , adjuntum , nigrum , cucumis , agrestis , sumach , acacia , miselto , with many other druggs , balsoms and gums , whose names are not known , or remembred : but the planters begin to be more expert in these drugs , and endeavour to encrease them , and supply england therewith . cochaneil is produced by a plant that grows in this isle , but as yet the english want experience to husband it ; easterly winds , and many other things being enemies to its growth , besides the difficulty of makeing it . these with some others are the commodities that this island produceth , which if well improved , would soon become the best , and richest plantation that ever the english were , ( or are like to be ) masters of . i shall in the next place give you an account of the management of a cocao walk , with a calculation of its costs , and profits , as it was lately estimated by that judicious and great encourager of the planters , s. tho. modiford baronett , late governour of the said island . directions about a cocao walk . first , take up 5 or 600. acres of land , which be sure choose in a good place proper to produce the cocao , which will cost for the surveying and patent 010 l. 0 s. for 3 negro men , and as many negro women at 20 l. per head 120 l. 0 s. for 4 white servants , with their passage and dyet for a year 080 l. 0 s. for 20 axes , 20 bills , and 20 hoos for them 005 l. 0 s. for 6. negroes dyet , for six months at 2 s. per day , until you have some provisions grown in your plantation . 018 l. 5 s. for an overseer to look after the servants , for his wages ▪ and diet at 40 s. per month 024 l. 0 s. in all 257 l. 5 s. and for the employing these servants in your plantation as followeth : supposing them to land , and to be on the plantation the first of march , and that they have by the middle of that month ( as they may very easily ) cleared a convenient place , and built fitting houseing for the lodging them . then put them to falling , cleaning , and planting a potato peece of 4. acres , which ten hands will very well do by the middle of april : after this , you may clean , and plant with rue and plantin-trees , until the last of february , which is above 10 months ; in which time they may with ease have cleansed and planted 21. acres , besides keeping them clean which are planted and are still a planting ; and in this time , which compleats the year , you may be full of potatoes and corn , and within 2. months of the new year , with plantins , and a small stock of hoggs , and fowles ; so that you will be at no more charge for provisions for your servants . and then to keep this clean , and to plant the cocao-walk , and for five more negro men , and 5. negro-women to buy about the first of march following , at 20 l. per negroe comes to 200 l. and in that month you will have planted cocao-trees out of the nuts , or seed , betwixt all the rows of the plantin-trees , that are 6. foot high ; so that by the first of june , the whole 21 acres that were planted the last year , will be full of cocao-trees , and by that time you will have ( besides much other work done ) 21. acres of cocao-trees in the ground ; which in less then 4. years , from the planting , will begin to bear cods , and in a year after , produce compleat cropps . and according to experience , an acre doth produce every year about 1000. pound weight ; which at jamaica is worth 4 l. per cent. which for the 21 acres , doth amount unto 840 l. per ann. although this last year , by reason their cropps were blasted , it is at present far dearer , the hundred weight at london being now worth 18. pound sterling . the charges of gathering and houseing the cocao , is inconsiderable , only cloths or baggs to put it in , which with some other incident charges , may be reckoned at the most ( as all things else have been ) to amount to 42. l. 15. s. more , which makes up just 500. l. note , that all this that is planted , is done in 15. months , and the cocao bears not compleatly until the sixth year from the first begining , or comming ; so that you will have four years and nine months at liberty with your servants , either to encrease the cocao-walk , building of convenient houses , and makeing of garidens for pleasure ; or else you may fall on ginger , indico , or some other commodity for present profit , which perhapps may be necessary for such as cannot forbear their money , until the cocao walk doth come to perfection as aforesaid : after which , you will find sufficient profit as is exprest , sickness , mortality , and running away excepted . yet it cannot be expected , but that as the island encreaseth in this commodity , they must some-what abate the present price , and content themselves with a more moderate gaines . and according to this calculation proportionably a greater or lesser cocao-walk may be undertaken , and performed . their cattle . in this isle are greater abundance of cattle then in most of the english plantations in america ; as horses , which are here so plentiful , that a good horse may be bought for 6 or 7 l. their cowes are very large , and so numerous , that although there hath been every year so many killed , yet their number seemeth not much to be lessoned . assnegroes and mules ( both wild and tame ) are very many , which are found to be very serviceable to the inhabitants . their sheep are large , and tall , and their flesh good , but their wool is long , hairy , and little worth . goats are many , which thrive exceedingly well , the countrey being very fit for them . hoggs are here in exceeding great plenty , as well those wild in the mountains , as tame in the plantations , whose flesh is far better tasted , and more nourishing and easier to be digested then those of england ; which is the reason that it is so much eaten in this island ; as indeed throughout the west-indies . their fish . this island hath both in the rivers , bayes , roads , and creeks , very excellent fish , and in such abundance that it contributes much to the feeding of the inhabitants ; and those that frequent this isle , say , that they have few or none of those sorts common to us in england ; but such great variety of those appropriated to the indies , that it would be too tedious to repeat the names of them , if they were known or remembred . the principal sort is the tortoise , which they take plentifully on the coast ; and about 20. or 30. leagues to the leeward of port negril , by the isles of camavos , in the months of may , june , and july , do resort great store of ships from the carribbee isles to victual and load with this fish , it being reputed to be the wholsomest and best provision in all the indies . their fowls . here are very great plenty of tame hens , turkies , and some ducks ; but of wild fowle infinite store , as ducks , teale , wigen , geese , turkeys , pigeons , guine-hens , plovers , flemingo's , snipes , parats , parachetos , with very many others , whose names are not known . the fruits . there are great plenty of choise and excellent fruits in this island , as oranges , pome-granates , cocar-nuts , limes , guavars , mammes , alumee-supotas , suppotillias , avocatas , cashues , prickle-aples , prickle-pears , grapes , sower-sops , custard-aples , dildowes , and many others whose names are not known , or too tedious to name , besides plantains , pines , &c. their herbes , and roots . here likewise grows very well , all manner of summer garden-herbs and roots common to us in england , as radish , lettis , purseley , cucumbers , melons , parsley , pot-herbs , also beanes , pease , cabbages , colly-flowers , &c. their diseases . it hath been experimentally found , that there is no such antipathy betwixt the constitutions of the english , and this clime , for the occasioning sickness to be mortal or contageous , more than in other parts ; for if a good dyet , and moderate exercises are used , without excess of drinking they may enjoy a competent measure of health . the diseases that strangers are most incident to , are dropsies ( occasioned often by ill diet , drunkeness , and slothfulness ) calentures too frequently the product of surfits , also feavers , and agues , which although very troublesome , yet are seldome mortal . and the reason of the great mortality of the army , at their first arrival , was their want of provisions , together with an unwillingness to labour or excercise , joyned with discontent . hurtful things . there are upon this island , very few obnoctious beasts , insects , or plants . here is the manchonele , which is a king of a crab , so common in all the caribbee isles . here are snakes , and guianas , but no poysonous quality is observed in them . in many of the rivers , and land-ponds , are alligators , which are very voracious creatures , yet seldome do they prey upon a man , as being very easy to be avoided , for he can only move forwards , and that he doth with great swiftness and strength , and is as slow in turning . some are 10 , 15 , or 20 foot long , their backs are scaly and impenetrable , so that they are hardly to be killed , except in the belly or eye . they have four feet or finns with which they go or swim . they are observed to make no kind of noise : and the usual course for the getting their prey , is to lie on the banks of rivers , and as any beast or fowle cometh to drink , they suddenly seize on them ; and the rather , for that they do so much resemble a long peece of dry wood , or some dead thing . and as these allegators are thus obnoctious on the one hand , so are they found to be useful on the other , for their fat is a sovereign oyntment for any internal ach or pain in the joynts , or bones . they have in them musk-codds , which are stronger scented then those of the east-indies , and by this their strong smell , they are discovered , and avoyded ; which ●s supposed the cattle by instinct of nature , are also sencible of , and do by that means often shun them . they lay eggs in the sand lay the water-side , which are no bigger than a turkeys , which they ●over , and by the heat of the sun , the young ones are hatched , who naturally creep into the water . here are also muskettoes and merry-wings , a sort of stinging flies that are troublesome in some parts of the isle , but are seldome found in the english plantations . their harbours , roads , and bays ▪ this island abounds with goo● bayes , roads , and harbours : th● principal amongst which are port-royal , formerly called cagway , situate on the extream en● of that long point of land whic● makes the harbour , which is e●ceeding commodious for shippin● and secured by one of the stronge●● and most considerable castles th●● his majesty hath in all americ● in which are mounted about 6● peeces of ordnance , and is we●● guarded with souldiers . it is land lock't by a point of land that run 12 miles south-east from the mai● of the island , having the great r●ver that runs by los angelos , and● st. jago falling into it , where ship● do commonly water , and conven●ently wood . the harbour is 2. or 3. leagues cross in most places , and hath every where good anchorage , which is so deep , that a ship of a 1000 tunn may lay her sides to the shore of the point , and load , and unload with planks a float : which commodiousness , doth make it to be the most frequented by men of war , and merchants ships of any in the island , and as much inhabited by the merchants , store-house-keepers , vintners , & alehouse-keepers , being the only noted place of trade in the isle , and doth contain ( since the english became masters of it ) about 800. houses , being about 12 miles and a half in length , and the houses are as dear-rented as if they stood in well-traded streets in london ; yet it 's situation is very unpleasant and uncommodious , having neither earth , wood , or fresh-water , but only made up of a hot loose sand , and being thus populous , and so much frequented , as well by strangers , as by the planters , in the negotiation of their affairs as being the scale of trade , provisions are very dear . this town or port is seated about 12 miles from the metrapolitan town of the island called st. jago , or st. jago de la vega , or the spanish town ; of which i shall treat anon . port-morant in the eastern point , a very capacious and secure harbour , where ships do conveniently wood , water , and ride safe from the windes , and about this place is a potent colony of the english seated . old-harbour westwards , from st. jago , a good bay for ships to ride in . point-negril in the extream western point , very good and sufficiently convenient , and secure to windward , in which men of war do often ply , when they look for the spanish ships , whence a little north-west , was seated the old town of melilla , founded by columbus , after the shipwrack there ; which was the 1st place that the spaniards setled at , and afterwards deserted . port-antonio seated on the north , a very safe land-lock't-harbour , only the coming in is somwhat difficult , the channel being narrowed by a little island that lies off the mouth of the port , being wholly taken up by the right honourable , charles earl of carlisle , visc . howard of morpeth , lord dacres of gilsland , lord lieutenant of the counties of cumberland and westmerland , and one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. here are several other good bayes , and harbours , along the coast of this island ; the names of which are set down in the map , amongst which , these are very commodious and good , viz. in the south-part michaels hole . micary bay. allegator pont. point pedro. pallate bay. lewana bay. blewfelds bay. cabaritaes bay. all very good and commodious bayes for ships . in the north-part porto-maria ora cabessa cold-harbour rio-nova montega-bay orang-bay all very good bays for shipping . the towns. there are at present but three towns of considerable note in the island , to wit , st. jago , or st. jago de-lavega seated 6 miles within the land north-west , in a plaine , by a river , and about 12. miles from port-royal already treated of , which makes another of the 3 towns. this town of st. jago when the spaniards were masters of the isle , was a large city , and of great account , containing about 2000 houses , and for divine worship , had 2 churches , 2 chappels , and an abbey ; which when the english first took the isle ( under the conduct of general venables ) were destroyed to about 4 or 500 houses , and its churches and chappels to a fewer number , & those that remained were sufficiently spoiled and haraced . but since the english have made a settlement , this towne is now of considerable account ; where the governour resideth , and where the chief courts of judicature are held , which makes it to be well resorted unto , and inhabited ; so that most of its ruinous houses are in a faire way of being repaired , and in hopes to arrive to a greater largeness then formerly it was , here being several fair and well built houses : and the inhabitants live in great pleasure , where they have their havana , in which the better sort recreate themselves every evening in their coaches , or an horse-back , as the gentry do here in hide park . passage seated on the mouth of the river , six miles distant from st. jago , and as many from port-royal , where there are about 20 houses , built for the conveniency of going to port-royal ; and here is a fort raised by the english , the better to secure the same . in the time of the spaniards , here were several other townes which are now of no account ; of which said townes , these three following were of most nore , viz. sevilla feared on the north part of the island , once beautified with a collegiate-church , whose chief bore the title of abbot : amongst whom was peter martyr , who described the history of the west-indies by decates . mellila seated in the north east , where columbus mended his ships at his return from veragua , where he was neer ship-wrackt . orista reguards the south-sea , in which are many rocks , and amongst their banks , some isles , as servavilla , quitosvena , and serrana , where augustin pedro serrana lost his vessel , and saved onely himself , and here in a solitary and lone condition passed away 3 yeares ; at the end of which time he had the company of a marriner for 4 years more , that was likewise there ship-wrackt , and also alone saved himself . and although there are for the present no more townes , yet the island is divided into 14 precincts , divisions , or parishes , which are set forth in the map ; many of which said precincts are well inhabited by the english , where they have very good plantations , especially all the southern part from point-morant in the east , almost to point-negrillo in the west , so far as the ridge or chain of mountaines that runneth in the midst of the isle ; nor are its northerns parts , ( especially near unto the sea ) without inhabitants and plantations , though not so thick as south-wardly about st. jago , but of late have much encreased . and for the better satisfying the reader , the parts throughout the island where the english have made their settlements , are marked and distinguished in the map by cyphers . i cannot certainely affirm the number of the english in this isle , but according to the last survey taken and returned into england some yeares since , by sr. thomas modiford , late governour , each precinct , or parish contained as followeth : a general account of the precincts , or parishes , families , and inhabitants in jamaica , taken by order of sir thomas modiford , then governour as aforesaid . parishes . families . inhabitants . port-royal 500 3500 st. katherines 658 6270 st. johns 083 996 st. andrews 194 1552 st. davids 080 960 st. thomas 059 590 clarindon 143 1430   1714 15298 note , that the four parishes on the north-side of the isle , to witt , st. george's , st. maries , st. annes , and st. james , as also the leeward most parish called st. elizabeth , together with these two not named , both adjoyning on st. elizabeths ; the one eastwards , and the other northwards , was not as then so particularly surveyed , by reason of their distance , and new settlements , nevertheless they were found according to calculation , to amount to about 2000 inhabitants . but all these parts , as also those seven aforenamed are now exceedingly encreased , being supposed to be encreased to double , if not treble the number . and the great encouragement of gaining riches , with a pleasant life , doth invite every year abundance of people to inhabite here , quitting their concerns at barbadoes , and other our american plantations ; so that in a short time without doubt it will become the most potent and richest plantation in the west-indies . and besides the aforesaid number of inhabitants in the said 14 precincts or parishes , there are reckoned to belong to the island ; of privateers , hunters , sloop and boatmen ( which ply about the isle ) at the least 3000 lusty and stout fighting men , whose courage hath been sufficiently evidenced in their late exploit , and attempt made against the spaniards at panama . their lawes their lawes are assimulated ( as near as may be ) to those of england , having their several courts ▪ magistrates , and officers , for the executing of justice on criminal offenders , and the hearing and determination of causes or controversies betwixt party , and party . having thus made a short desscription of the island , as to its scituation , fertility , commodities , harbours , towns , and precincts , with an estimate of the number of its inhabitants : in the next place , i shall give you the state of the isle , when the spaniards were possessors thereof ; and wind up my discourse with some seasonable considerations relating to the english affairs in america , with reasons to justifie the first design in taking it , and why his majesty should keep and support it . and of these in order . the state of the spaniards in this island , the spaniards first setled on the north-west part of the isle , under the conduct of columbus , and built the town of mellila , but disliking the scituation , removed to oristana ; and finding that also to be ill seated , and unhealthful , again removed , and setled at st. jago , or st. jago de la vega , where , with the assistance of the indians , they built a fair town or city , which i have already treated of . and in this town inhabited all the spaniards that were in the isle at the landing of the english , keeping their slaves at their several small plantations , or stanchas , who failed not to bring them store of fruits & provisions , which they luxuriously spent in their houses , never intending any thing but to live at ease and plenty : for on this large and fertile island , there was no manufacture or commodity made , except a little sugar , tabacco , and cocao , and those few ships that came hither , traded generally for hydes , tallow , jamaica pepper , and cocao , but not to any considerable account . and the number of inhabitants did not exceed 3000 , of which , half ( if not more ) were slaves . and the reason why it was so thinly peopled , was , because the spaniards generally desire to be in nova hispana , or hispaniola ; but chiefly , because this isle was held ▪ in proprietership , by the heirs of the duke of veragua-columbus , who received the revenues , and placed governours , as absolute lord of it . and at the first , it was planted by a kind of portugals , the society of whom , the spaniards abhors . upon the approach of the english-army after their landing , the inhabitants of st. jago deserted the town , and betook themselves to the mountains , pretending a treaty with the english , untill such time as they had secured their women and goods , and then did they make several attempts , and upon surprisals , murthered many of the english ; but the spaniards soon growing weary of that wild and mountainous course of life , perceiving small hopes of expelling the english , divers of the grandees got into cuba , who by the vice-roy of alexico's order , were commanded back , with a promise of a speedy and considerable supply of men ; upon which they returned , somwhat encouraged , and dispersed themselves by families , that they might the better get provisions , and avoid the being discovered by the english ; but this necessitous and unusual course of life , killed many of them , and discouraged the rest ; for that in all this time there came to their succour , but too souldiers , and those refused to joyn with them , as being so few and sickly ; so that they marched back to the north of the island , and at a place called st. chereras , did fortify themselves , every day expecting a new body of men to joyn with them : but the english discovering their quarters , marched against them . some few months after , about 30 small companies of the spanish forces arrives , and immediately very strongly fortify rio nova , having ordnance , and great store of ammunition , yet were they speedily and succesfully defeated by the valour of the english under the conduct of leiutenant general edw. d'oyley . and this grand disaster , with many petty ill successes caused the spaniards to dispair of regaining the island , and to ship off most of their plat●● and women ; and the negroes finding the greatest part of their masters to be dead , killed the governour , and declined all obedience to the spaniards , appointing a black for their governour . and such was the necessity of the spaniards , that instead of giving them fitting correction , they were constrained to court them for their assistance ; but all their policy would not prevail upon them , for soon after did they submitt to the english goverment , and made discoveries of the spaniards and negroes that would not come in with them , and did further assist the english in the taking of them , in which they have been exceeding succesful . in the year following , the spaniards quite deserted the island , except it were about 30 or 40 of their slaves , who betook themselves to the mountaines , but being afraid of a discovery , and to be pursued to death for some murthers they had committed , built themselves conoas , and in them fled to cuba , and never since hath any considerable attempt been made upon them . the english being thus become masters of the island , formed themselves into a body , or colony : then did they they begin to settle themselves in plantations , whilst others betook themselves to the sea as freebooters or privateers , the better to secure themselves against the spaniards , and force them to a peace by their frequent annoying them , in seizing such their ships which they could meet with , which proved very succesful unto them . and this caused the isle to be much talked of , and had in esteem by the english , who sent them supplies of men , provisions , and necessaryes . and thus by little and little it became to be so potent as now it is . governours since the english were masters of the island . this island ( since the english have been masters of it ) hath had four governours . the first , leiutenant general edward d'oyley , who before his majesties happy restauration , was commander in cheif of all the english army by land and sea in america . the second , the right honourable thomas lord winsor , who is now lord leiutenant of the county of worcester . the third , sr. thomas modyford baronet . and the fourth , and present , sr. thomas lynch knight . some considerations relating to the english affaires in america , with reasons to justify the first designe into the indies . spaniards would never contract a peace with the english in america . they have alwayes taken our merchants ships sayling on these coasts , or forced them into their harbours by distress of weather . in the reign of our late king ( when we had peace with them throughout europe ) they sacked st. christophers , mevis , providence , s ta . cruz , and tortugas , murthering and carrying away most of the inhabitants into slavery ; for which they never made any repairation . the indians , who are the natural proprietors of america , do abominate and hate the spaniards for their cruelty and avarice ; and upon every occasion will shew their willingness to give themselves and their countreys , freely into the power and protection of the english . the pretented first discovery cannot give them a legal power over the genuine right of the natives , nor were they the first discoverers of all those countreys that they pretend unto . the popes donation is of little validity , for he hath given them the crown of england , which of the two he might more legally do , then the indies ; for that the english have been subject to his power , the indians never . possession is not of force to create ( thought it confirms ) a right , nor can it so alter the property , as to make usurpation ( for some time to continue ) as a legal , and just pretence of dominion . it is against the fundamental lawes of spain to make a peace , and allow of a trade into the indies ; now there being no medium , war must needs be justifyable where a peace is not allowable . their barbarous cruelty in compelling our merchants , and others which they have took prisoners , to turn their religion , and to work at their forts and mines at mexico , and elsewhere , from whence they can never return , murthering divers , when upon a treaty , and after promise of fair quarter , and not exchanging or ransoming any , although the english have freely given them some hundreds of prisoners , doth sufficiently justify any attempt or mischief we can do against them , either in seizing on their ships , or the landing on their countreys , and the sacking , burning , or taking their towns and countreys , and the dispossessing them thereof . some considerations why his majesty should keep , preserve , and support this island . jamaica is large , and capacious , whose extent i have already noted ; so that it is capable of receiving very great numbers of people . it is seated in the heart of the spaniards american territories ; so that the spanish shipps coming into the west-indies , and sayling from port to port , either make this isle , or may be immediately met by the ships which ply on this coast , which renders it to be of great importance to us , as well as to the spaniards : for all the plate fleet which comes from carthagena , steer directly from st. domingo in hispaniola , and from thence must pass by one of the ends of this isle to recover havana , which is the common rendevouze of the armado , before it returns home through the gulph of florida . nor is there any other way whereby to miss this isle , because they cannot in a reasonable time turn it up to the windward of hispaniola , which , though with great difficulty , it might be done , yet by this means they would loose the security of the said united fleet , which meet at havana , from all parts of the bay of mexica , nombre de dios , and elsewhere , and so accompany each other home . jamaica is found to precede all the english plantations in america , in the very commodities that are proper to their several colonies , and produceth also of its own cocao , hydes , tortoise-shells , wood for dyers , gums , druggs , and other commodities already treated of ; and for fruits , fowl , and fish , infinite store , many of which are unknown unto them . likewise , such abundance of horses , and cowes , that none other of the english blantations can equalize them . and as this island is found thus advantageous in the furnishing us with such good commodities , so is it no less profitable in the taking off our manufactures , and commodities , as well of the product of this kingdom , as those from forreign parts . that is to say , all sorts of stuffs , fabricks of silks , linnen both fine and course , hatts , gloves , thread , tape , pinns , needles , stockings , shoos ; all sorts of apparel ; wine , brandy , strong-beer ; all sorts of utensils of iron , and other mettals for carpenters , joyners , smiths , coopers , mill-wrights , and other the like tradesmen , that are found useful for the planters service , also , iron , brass , copper , steel , lead and tinn unwrought ; all sorts of armes and ammunition : also , servants , and negro-slaves : and in a word , all commodities that are necessary , and usefull either for the back or belly , are here vendible . and is observed , that the better the commodities are ( especially apparrel and ornaments for the back ) the sooner and better are they vended . 4 it appears to be a place of no small concernment , for it hath not only subsisted at the beginning , but bettered its condition , being setled by an army ( the worst kind of people to plant ) that have had such grand discouragements from england , as want of pay , provisions , and recruits of men ; yet amongst themselves talked of all encouragements to plant , the establishment of justice and government , besides , the frequent attempts of the spanish forces ; and if it thus thrived under these , and such like considerable obstructions , it is more then propable , it will in a short time become a great and profitable colony both to the king and kingdome ; for when well planted , it may bring into his majesty some hundred thousand pownds per annum . barbadoes ( which is so little compared to this ) yeilding about 10000 l. per annum , and employing about 150 or 200 sayl of ships yearly . this island being so large and so fertile , it is capable of the receiving those great numbers of people , that are forced to desert the caribbee isles : their plantations being worn out , and their woods wasted ; as likewise those multitudes of vagrants and beggars that are so great a charge and shame to the kingdom , if transported thither , ( would by their labours ) live both honestly , and plentifully ; here being observed to be no beggars , nor such loose vagabond people . this island being well setled , will be capable of it self to carry on a war against the spaniards in the west-indies ( as occasion requireth ) because of the conveniences of its ports , and its strength of inhabitants and shipping , having already about 20 or 30 sayl of privateers ; and will in a short time be so numerous and potent , that they will become so obnoxious to the spaniards , that probably they will rather admit of a trade into his ports ( which would prove a grand advantage both to them , and this kingdom ) than suffer so disadvantageous a war. and having thus forced a trade , would gain the acquaintance of the natives , and learn their customes , and method of trade , being much inclined to love the english rather than the spaniards . jamaica seems to be approved above any of the other plantations , in regard so many from all the english collonyes have transported themselves and their estates to it , who like it so well , that they have no cause or desire to remove . there is now a considerable progress made in the setling of this isle , there being upon it many plantations of cocao , sugar , indico , cotton , and provisions ; and inhabited with many thousand of of people . the planters ( for the generality ) now living in great delight , and enjoy all things necessary for food and rayment in a liberal measure ; and were it well inhabited , it would very much consume the english manufactures , and encourage navigation and merchandize . it cannot be imputed a disadvantage , that jamaica lyeth so far off , for thereby are more ships employed ; and by consequence , more saylors , shipwrights , rope-makers , and many other tradesmen maintained , whose dependance is thereon . furthermore , if it lay not so far , we could not expect such commodities as it produceth , being appropriate to the clyme ; neither is it a small advantage to have such commodities within his majesties dominions ( though at a distance ) that are both valued and needed by his subjects and neighbours , especially the cocao . and lastly , to conclude , the english have one more considerable advantage by this isle , and that is , the coast of virginia , being subject to gusts of winde , the ships loaden with goods and passengers , have been often forced forth to sea , and so disabled , that they could not ply to any of the outward caribbee islands , but have been constrained to bear up , and put into the spanish leeward ports ; and likewise , some of our merchants have been forced out of the caribbee isles by hurricane's ( which are there common ) and so disabled , that they could not keep sea , but ( as all vessels thus distressed ) have put into some of the spanish leeward ports , where they have alwayes , been made prizes . now , jamaica being so far leeward , is a convenient harbour for all vessels thus distressed ; and did some few years since save three virginia ships full of passengers and goods , and formerly others ; as also some driven by hurricanes from the windward islands : all which , without the conveniency , and assistance of this isle , had perished . map of barbados a description of the island of barbadoes . barbadoes the most considerable colony the english hath amongst that frye of isles called the caribbee isles , or the antilles . it s scituation . it is seated in the north latitude of 13 degrees , and 20 min. and although but of a small circuit , ( being accounted not above 8 leagues in length , and 5 in breadth where broadest , being of an oval form ) yet is it a potent colony , being able as occasion requireth , to arm 10000 fighting men , which , with the strength that nature hath bestowed on it , it is able to bid defiance to the stoutest foe , having been several times ( but in vain ) assaulted by the spaniards . its rivers . this isle is not over-plentifully watered with rivers , or fresh springs , there being but one that may appropriate to it self that name , or rather a lake , which runneth not far into the land ; yet notwithstanding , the inhabitants are not destitute thereof , for the countrey lying low , and for the most part even , there are several pools or ponds ; besides , most houses have wells or cisterns which are always supplyed with rain-water . here is also a river , which the inhabitants call the tuigh-river , from the top of whose waters is gathered an oyl , which serveth them to burn in lamps . it s fertility . this isle is exceeding fertile , bearing crops all the year long , and its trees being always cloathed in their summer livery , and the fields and woods in their verdure , renders it very delightful to the inhabitants . but the two principal seasons of the year for planting , is in may , and november , but the sugar-canes are planted all the year round , the making of which , is not only very chargeable , but also as dangerous , and subject to casualties , either in the boyling-house , with the coppers and furnaces ; in the filling-room , in the still-house , or in the cureing-house . its commodities . the commodities that this isle produceth , are sugars , ( which though not so white as those of brazile , yet better when refined , being of a fairer grain ) indico , cotten , wool , ginger , logwood , fustick , and lignum-vitae . and these commodities , especially sugar , indico , cotton , and ginger , are here in such great abundance , that about 200 sayl of ships and vessels , both great and small , have yearly their loading ; which after imported in the several ports of england , and ireland , is again in great quantities exported to forreign parts , to our great enrichment ; and the rather , for that they are not permitted to trade with any other nation but the english , and such of his majesties subjects in new-england , virginia , and bermudoes : and in exchange of those commodities , they take such as are necessary for the use of man , as well for the back and belly , as for their houses , and plantations ; with many of which , they are supplyed from new-england , virginia , and the bermudoes ; together with servants , and slaves , as i have noted at the latter end of the description of jamaica , about page 73. together with several sorts of commodities and provisions , which jamaica hath no occasion of , as horses , camels , assinegroes , cattel ; also salted flesh and fish of several sorts ; butter and cheese ; but by reason of the great heat of the weather , it will soon stink , and become unfit to eat ; so that instead of butter , they make great use of oyl for their sauces . the dayes and nights are almost thorowout the year , of an equal length , the sun rising and setting at 6. except about october , and then there is some small difference . the temperature of air. this isle is very hott , especially for 8 months , yet not so , but that travel , and labour is sufferable ; but were it not for the cool breezes of winde which riseth with the sun , and bloweth fresher as the sun mounteth up , it would be unsufferable . and these breezes always blow from north-east , and by east , unless it be in the time of the turnado , and then for a few hours it chopps into the south , but returns to the same point again . and it is observed , that although the people do so much sweat , yet they have not that faintness as with us , in the months of july and august ; neither are they so thirsty , without occasioned by excess of labour , or drinking of strong liquors , which the people are here too much addicted unto , to their great hurt , which if moderately taken , would be as great a preservative to comfort their inward parts , which are left cold , and faint , through their sweating . besides , our bodies being accustomed to colder climates , our spirits are not so vigorous without them in a moderate manner . the air , though hot , is very moist , which causeth all iron-tools , as knives , swords , locks , keys , &c. to rust , so that without constant usage , they will soon become eaten up with rust . and this great heat and moisture , doth cause the plants and trees to grow so large , and high . their fruits . here are abundance of fruits of several sorts , as dates , orenges of two sorts , the one sweet , and the other sharp , pomgranates , citrons , limes , lemons , macows , grapes , juneper-apples , papayers , momins , monbains , acajous , icacos , cherries , raysins , indian figgs , cocos , plantins , bonanoes , guavers , prickle-apples , prickle-pears , custard-apples , millons , both land and water , and pine-apples , the rarest fruit in the indies . their fish . here are great store of fish in the sea , as snappers , crabs , lobsters , terbums , macquerels , mullots , cavallos , parrat-fish , cony-fish , and green turtles , which of all others are the most delicious , with several other sorts appropriated to this and the rest of the caribbee isles . but the rivulets , or ponds , have few or no fish in them . their beasts . here are no beasts or cattel but what are tame , and brought them ; as camels , horses , assinegroes , oxen , bulls , cowes , sheep , and goats , and hoggs , which are here in great plenty in every plantation , it being their common food , whose flesh is esteemed very good and delicious ; but as for beef , and mutton , it is very dear , as having but a small stock , but might be soon encreased , would they spare ground enough for pasturage for them from their other occasions . their herbs and roots . here groweth divers sorts of english hearbs , and roots , as rosemary , lavender , lavender-cotton , mar●erom , winter-savory , time , parsley , tansey , sage , purcelane , &c. and for roots , cabages , colworths , collyflowers , turnips , potatoes , onyons , garlick , radishes , lettice , taragon , marigolds , &c. their birds and fowles . here are several sorts of fowles , as turkeys , hens , muscovy-ducks , pigeons , turtle-doves , &c. and for small birds , great variety ; as thrushes , black-birds , sparrows , &c. their insects and animals . here are several animals , and insects , as snakes a yard and a half long , scorpions as big as rats , but no wayes hurtful to man or beast ; lizzards , which are exceeding harmless , much frequenting the houses , and loving the company of men ; musketoes , cockroches , and merriwings , which are very troublesome in the night in stinging ; also , here are land-crabs in great abundance , which are found good to eat . and here is a small fly which they call cayouyou , whose wings in the night , as it flyeth , casts forth a great lustre , and the indians do commonly catch them , and tye them to their hands or feet , and make use of them instead of a candle , which is forbidden them . their trees . here are great variety of trees . fit for several uses , as the locust , mastick , red-wood , the prickled-yellow-wood , the ironwood-tree , and the cedar tree , which are fit for building . also , the cassia , fistula , coloquintida , tamarine , cassavie , of which is made their bread ; the poyson-tree , and the phisick-nut , these have a physical , and some a poysonous vertue in them . also , here are these trees following , the calibash , the shell of whose fruit , serveth to carry liquid things in , being of the nature of goards ; the mangrass-tree , which is of an exceeding greatness ; the roucou , of whose bark is made ropes , as also flax , which being spun , is employed to several uses ; the lignum-vitae , the palmeto , which is very large , and beautiful to behold ; with several others . several caves . in this island are divers caves , some of which are very deep , and large enough to hold 500 men ; and these caves are often the sanctuaries of such negro-slaves that run away , in which they oft-times lie a good while ere found out , seldome stirring in the day-time , although they are such unwholesome places , by reason of the great damps that are found in them . and it is supposed , that these caves were the habitations of the natives . it s division and towns. this island is severed into eleven precincts , or parishes , in which are 14 churches and chappels , and here are many places which may not unaptly be called townes , as being composed of a long and spacious street , which are beautified with fair houses ; and indeed the whole isle for these many years , is so taken up with planters ( there being no wast ground to be found ) that it is thorowout beset with houses , at no great distance from one another . it s chief townes . 1. st. michaels formerly called the bridg-town , or indian-bridg , scituate at the bottome of carlisle-bay in the leeward , or southern part of the isle , which bay is very capacious , deep , and secure for ships , being large enough to entertain 500 vessels at one time , the town is long , containing several streets , and graced with abundance of well-built houses . it is very populous , being the residence of the governour , or his deputy , the place of judicature , and the scale of trade , where most of the merchants , and facttors in the isle have their storehouses for the negotiation of their affairs ; and from these storehouses or shops , the inhabitants are supplyed with such commodities as they have occasion of , in exchange of theirs , which are the product of of the isle . the town is ill seated , the ground being lower than the banks of the sea , by which means the spring tides doth flow over , and there remaining , doth make a kind of of a moorish bogg , which doth occasion it to be more unhealthful than the other parts of the isle . this town for its defence , and security of the ships , hath two strong forts opposite to each other , with a platform in the midst , which also commands the road , all which are well fortifyed with great guns , &c. the principal of these forts is called charles fort , being seated on nedhams point . 2. little bristol , formerly sprights bay , scituate about four leagues leeward from st. michaels , hath a commodious road for ships , is a place well frequented , and traded unto , and is strongly defended by two powerful forts . 3. st. james , formerly called the hall , seated not far from bristol , hath the accommodation of a good road for ships , and is a place of a considerable trade , for its defence , besides a large platform , hath fortified breast-works ; and in this town is kept for the precinct , the monthly courts . 4. charles-town , seated windeward of st. michaels , about two leagues : and on oyster-bay , it is secured by two strong forts , the one to the windward , and the other to the leeward , of the town and road , with a platform in the midst . this town hath the accomodation of weekly markets , and here is kept the monthly courts for the precinct . the other parishes are of less note . other places on the sea-coast . other places of name along the sea-coast of this isle , begining easterly , and so encompassing the isle , are as followeth : fowl-bay , austins-bay , maxwells-bay , where there is a small isle , blackrock , the hole , spikes-bay , balises-bay , long-bay , clarks-bay , and constance-bay . the inhabitants . the inhabitants of this isle may be ranged under 3 heads or sorts , to witt , masters , ( which are english , scotch , and irish , with some few dutch , french , and jews ) christian servants , and negro-slaves . and these three sorts are exceeding numerous ; for , according to a calculation not long since made , the masters , and servants , did amount to about 50000 , and the negroes to about double the number . the masters , for the most part , live at the height of pleasure the servants , at the expiration of 5 years , become freemen of the island , and employ their times according to their abilities , and capacities ; either to get a small plantation , or to work at day-labour in other plantations , or else to exercise their trades , if so capacitated . the negro-slaves are never out of their bondage , and the children they get , are likewise perpetual slaves . they have but mean allowance of dyet , cloaths , and lodging ; and although held to such hard labour , and so ill treated , yet are they well contented with their conditions ; and if their master is but any thing kind , they think nothing too much to be done for them ; and therefore 't is great pity to wrong such poor creatures . the chiefest stock of a planter , consists in his servants and slaves , but especially the slaves , who are more numerous . and these they buy on shipboard , as men buy horses in a fayr , and according as they are handsome , lusty , well-shapen , and young , either the men or women , they give more or less ; the general rates for the christian-servants being about 10 l. but if one that hath a good trade , as a carpenter , joyner , smith , or the like , then far more : likewise , a female that is young and handsome , is highe● valued . the general rate for the better sort of negro-men , is 20 l. or 25 sl . sterling ; and for women , about 15 l. for the encrease of stock of negroes , they generally take as many men as women . the maintenance of the servants and slaves . the maintenance of the servants , and negro-slaves , as to their dyet , apparrel , and lodging , is very inconsiderable . for their food , they are contented from weeks-end , to weeks-end , with potatoes , loblolly , made of beaten maize mixt with water ; cassader-bread common in all the indies , bonavist , and such like food that the plantation affordeth ; as for meat , they are seldome troubled with it , except at christmas , easter , and whitsontide , and they have hoggs-flesh , according to the custome of the island ; but of late , the servants are allowed weekly , a small quantity of swines-flesh , or salted flesh , or fish ; and when any of the cattle dye of any distemper , or by accident , it is given to the negroes , who feed like princes on it . their drinks are mobbie , made of potatoes soaked in water ; perino , made of casavie-root and water ; crippo , kill-devil , punch , made of water and sugar ; plantin-drink , made of plantins and water ; beveridge , made of spring-water , sugar , and the juyce of orenges ; and wine of pines , which is only made of the juyce of the fruit , which is exceeding good and delicious ; but this sort , as also the beveridge , and punch , the servants are not much troubled with . but as for the master-planters , merchants , factors , and strangers , their faire is far otherwise , having their curious-made dishes , as custards , cheese-cakes , tansies ; also , sturgeon , anchoves , caviare , botardo , neates-tongues , besides poultrey , fish , fowl , mutton , beef , kid , porke , beans , pease , several roots , and other good dishes . and , besides the several sorts of liquors already named , wines , strong waters , brandy , and english-beer ; so that they find no want , and do not consider the condition of those poor wretches , their servants and slaves , who are constrained to so hard a labour . the apparrel they allow their servants yearly , for the men , are 6 pair of drawers , 12 pair of shoos , 3 monmouth-caps , 6 shirts ; and for the women , 4 smocks , 3 petticoats , 4 coifes , and 12 paire of shoos , besides , a rug-gown to each , to keep them warm , in the night , and to put on them when they come sweating from their labour . to the negro-men , they allow but 3 pair of canvas-drawers , and to the women , but three petticoats . but for themselves ( especially the better sort ) they are exceeding profuse and costly . the lodging of these poor wretches is worst of all , for having laboured all the day in so hot a countrey , without any nourishing dyet , at night they must be contented to lye hard , on nothing but a board , without any coverled , in their hutts , or rather hogsties ; but christian servants are something better treated , being allowed hamocks . every sunday , ( which is the only day of rest , and should be set apart for the service of god ) they employ either in the getting of the bark of trees , and making of ropes with it , which they truck away for shirts , drawers , and the like ; or else spend the day in recreation , as dancing , and wrestling , which they much delight in , though they are no great proficients in either ; for in their dancing , they use antick actions , their hands having more of motion than their feet ; and their head , than either ; nor do the men and women dance together , but apart ; the musique to which they dance , being a sort of kettle-drums , one bigger than another , which makes a strange and various noise , but whither harmonious , i leave to the judgment of the reader . it is thought by many , that the christians should be in danger of being murthered by the negro-slaves , who so much over-top them in number , and the rather , for that they are so cruelly used , and for that reason , many are fearful to venture to dwell here . but this objection may be thus answered ; that first , they are such as were brought from several parts of africa , and do not understand one anothers language ; and then they are stir'd up with an inb-read hatred against one another , it being the custome in those parts , for several petty kings to go to wars against one another ; and the prisoners that are taken of each side , they sell unto us , and other european nations that come to traffique with them ; also , they are not permitted to touch , nay , hardly to see a gun , or any other weapon ; and being kept in such a slavery , they are fearful of begining such an insurrection , it being present death for any that shall in the least be found to act , or contrive such a thing . the management of a plantation , ought to be the masters care , yet few of them ( except those of the meaner degree ) are without their overseers , who takes off that trouble from them , whose office is to call them to work by the ring of a bell , at 6 a clock in the morning , to appoint them their sevesal works , to give them due correction upon any misdemeanour , or idleness ; he likewise dismisses them at 11 a clock , to go to their dinner , and calls them again by one a clock by the said bell , and dischargeth them at 6 at night . what i have said in this treatise of barbadoes concerning their servants , and slaves , may be said in that of jamaica ; for the servants , and slaves , are their greatest stock ; those they buy , the servants for a tearm of years , the negroes for ever ; their apparrel which they allow to either being much the same , but their dyet better ; and for their labour , it may be said to be much the same , the island producing the same commodities . the island of barbados very strong . this island is very strong , as well by nature as art , being sheltered with rocks , and shoals ; and where nature hath not thus defended it , it is fortified by trenches and rampiers , with pallisadoes , curtains , and counter-scarfes ; besides , round about the isle , reguarding the sea , is standing wood : here are also , for its further defence , 3 forts , one for a magazine for the ammunition , and powder to lye in , and the other two for places of retreats , as occasion serveth . they have also for their further security , a standing militia , consisting of two regiments of horse , and five of foot , which are stout , and well-disciplined men , and alwayes to be ready on beat of drum. the government of this isle . this isle is governed by lawes assimulated to those of england , for all matters either civil , ecclesiastick , criminal , maritine , or martial ; yet not without some few lawes appropriate to themselves , which are not repugnant to the lawes of england . for the execution of these lawes , they have their courts of judicature . the law is administred by the governour , or his deputy , and ten of his council . the isle is divided into four circuites , in each of which , there is an inferiour court for civil causes , from which , appeals may be made to the supream court. here are also justices of the peace , constables , church-wardens , and tything-men . and for the administration of justice , here are yearly 5 sessions . at the governours pleasure , he calleth an assembly for the making of new lawes , ( so , as not contrary to those of england ) and for the abolishing of old ; which said assembly is much in the nature of our parliament , and doth consist of the governour as supream , his ten council as so many peers , and two burgesses , chosen by the commonalty out of each of the parishes . the present governour is the right hon. william willoughby , baron willoughby of parham . as concerning the nature of the sugar-canes , how to plant them , their growth , cutting , grinding , boyling ; the conveyance of the skimmings into the cisterns , how to distill it for spirits ; how long it stayes in the cureing-house , before it be good muscovado-sugar ; together with the making it into whites , is not my business in this small treatise , to give the reader instructions therein , referring to mr. richard ligons book of the description of this isle . a description of the island of st. christophers . st . christophers , so called from christopher columbus , the first discoverers thereof , scituate in the latitude of 17 degrees , and 25 min. in circuite , about 75 miles : the land lieth high and mountainous in the midst , from which springeth several rivers , which oft-times , by reason of the raines that falleth down the mountaines , are overflown to the detriment of the inhabitants . the soyl , commodities , &c. the soyl is light and sandy , and very apt to produce several sorts of fruits , provisions , and commodities ; as sugar , tobacco , cotton , ginger , &c. this isle , by reason of its several great and steepy mountains , between which , are springs of hot , and sulphurous water , with horrid precipices , and thick woods , renders it very impassable through the midst : and the steepy ascents of the mountains , are divided into several stages , or stories , where are spacious wayes . on the sea-side there is a salt-pit called gul-desac , and not far from the said salt-pit , there is a small istmus of land , which reacheth within a mile and a half of the island of nievis , or mevis . this island is a place exceeding delightful , and of a most delectable prospect to the eye of the beholder ; for if the eye be directed downwards , from the top , it hath a prospect of curious gardens , which gently descend to the sea-side ; and in reguard of the continual ascent of the isle , the lower stage or story , doth not debar the eye of the pleasant prospect of that which lyeth at a remoter distance , which is terminated by those high mountains : and that which maketh the prospect the more delectable in the several plantations ( which are bounded with rows of trees alwayes in their verdure ) are the fair houses covered with glazed slate . the division of the isle , and how possessed . the whole isle is divided into four quarters or cantons , two of which , are possessed by the english , and two by the french ; which parts are not so well watered , as those of the english , but are better for tillage , and not so hilly . the english are more populous then the french , and have two fortified places , one commanding the great haven , and the other a descent not far from pointe de sable . the french have four strong forts , of which one hath regular works like a cittadel , that of most note commands the haven , and is called basse-terre . both the english , and the french , keep constant guard at their forts , placed at the entrance of the paths which leads to the several wards , for the better security of each other . here are five churches in those parts belonging to the english , viz. one at sandy-point , one at palme-tree , another near the great road , and two at the inlet of cayoune , with many fair structures . the french , besides their several habitations , dispersed up and down in their quarters , have at basse-terre ( near the haven where ships lye at anchor ) a town of a good bigness , whose houses are well built , of brick , freestone , and timber ; where the merchants have their store-houses , and is well inhabited by tradesmen , and are well served with such commodities , both for the back , and belly , together with utensils for their houses , and plantations , as they have occasion of , in exchange of such commodities which are the product of the island . here is a fair , and large church , as also a publique-hall , for the administration of justice : here is also a very fair hospital , built by the general , for such people that cannot get cure at their houses ; where they are well maintained and attended by doctors , and physitians , for the recovery of their healths . here is also a stately castle , being the residence of the governour , most pleasantly seated , at the foot of a high mountain , not far from the sea , having spacious courts , delightful walks , and gardens , and enjoyeth a curious prospect . a description of the island of nievis , or mevis . the island of nievis , or mevis , lyeth not far from st. christophers , as i have before noted , and in the latitude of seventeen degrees , and nineteen minutes . it is but small , being not above eighteen miles in circuite . there is but one mountain in the isle , and that is seated in the midst , which is of a great height , but of an easy access , and cloathed with trees from its somett to the bottom ; and about this mountain , are the plantations which reach to the sea-shore . springs of water . here are divers springs of fresh-water , and one spring of a hott and mineral water ; not far from whose spring-head are baths made , which are much frequented for the curing of several distempers of the body of man. it is indifferent fertile , and hath store of deer , and other game for hunting . the isle is inhabited by about three or four thousand , who live well , and drive a trade for such things as they have occasion for , by exchanging such commodities as the isle produceth ; as , sugar , cotton , ginger , tobacco , &c. it is a well-governed colony , where justice is duly administred , and all vices severely punished . for the worship of god , here are three churches ; and for its further defence , and safety , it hath a fort , whereon are mounted several peeces , for the security of the ships in the road , or harbour , called bath-bay , as also the the publique store-house . this isle , as the rest of the caribbee's , are troubled with muscheto's , chigos , murigoins , and other stinging flyes , which do much annoy the inhabitants . a description of the island of antego . the island of antego , is seated in the latitude of 16 degrees and 11 min. it is in length , about six , or seven leagues , and about the same breadth in many places . it is of a difficult access , and very dangerous for shipping , by reason of the rocks which encompass it . it hath some few springs of fresh-water , besides which , the inhabitants , which are about 8 or 900. have made several cisterns , and ponds , for the preserving of rain-water . the isle doth abound in fish , amongst which , is the sword-fish which of all others , would be the chief in the sea. here are great plenty of most sorts of wild fowl , and not wanting in venison , and tame cattle . the commodities that it affordeth , are sugar , indico , ginger , tobacco , &c. the lord propriator of this isle is , the rt. hon. will. l d. willowby of parham , who is governour of the island of barbadoes , and some other isles . a description of the island of st. vincent . the island of st. vincent , lyeth in the latitude of sixteen degrees . it is about 20 miles in length , and fifteen in breadth , of a fertile soyl , yielding abundance of sugar-canes ; which grow naturally without planting . it is well watered with rivers , and affordeth many safe roads , and convenient bayes , for shipping . the english have here some settlement , but are not very powerful . a description of the island of dominica . this isle is seated in the latitude of fifteen degrees and a half . it is about 12 leagues in length , and 8 in breadth . on the west side of the isle , there is a convenient harbour for ships . it is very montainous , yet not without many fertile valleys , producing several commodities , but chiefly tobacco , which is planted by the english ; but the natives which are canibals , and very barbarous , doth much hinder the comming of the english to settle here . a description of the island of montserrat . montserrat , an island of a small extent , not exceeding ten miles in length , and of a less breadth . it is seated in the latitude of 17 degree : it is much inclined to mountains , which are well cloathed with caedar , and other trees and the valleys , and plains ar● very fertile . this isle is most inhabited by the irish , who have here a church for divine worship . a description of the island of angvilla . this isle is seated in the latitude of eighteen degrees , and one and twenty minutes . it extendeth it self in length , about ten leagues , and in breadth about three . the inhabitants are english , which are computed to amoun● unto two or three hundred , who are but poor , the isle being said not to be worth the keeping . a description of the island of barbada . barbada , or barboude , scituate in the latitude of of seventeen degrees and a half . it is an isle of no great extent , not exceeding fifteen miles in length , nor is it of any considerable account to the english , who are the possessors of it : yet is it found to be of a fertile soyl , and to be well stored with cattle , sheep , &c. and may produce several good commodities , were it well managed , to the advantage of the inhabitants . a description of the isles of bermvdes , or , the summer-isles . east of virginia , and carolina , which is a part of florida , lyeth the isles of bermudes ; so called , from john bermudes a spaniard , by whom they were first discovered . they are also called the summer-isles , from the shipwrack that one george summers ( an english-man ) there suffered . these isles lye distant from england , about 15 or 1600 leagues , from madera , 1000 , or 1200 ; from hispaniola , 400 ; and from carolina , which is the neerest part of land , about 300 leagues . their extent . of these isles , the greatest called st. georges , is 5 or 6 leagues long , and almost thorowout , not above a quarter , a third , or half a league broad , the others are much less . their form , &c. all these isles together , form a body like a cressent , and inclose very good ports , the chief among which , are those of the great-sound , herringtons inlet , south-hampton , and pagets ; which , with their forts of dover , and warwick , take their names from the several noble men that were concerned as undertakers . the fertility , commodities , fruits , &c. the earth is exceeding fertile , yeilding two crops yearly ; their maize they gather in july , and december . they have excellent fruits , as , oranges , dates , mulberries both white and red ; where breed abundance of silk-worms which spin silk . their chief commodities are , ooranges , couchaneil , and tobacco , with some pearl , and ambergreece , and with these they drive some small trade . they have plenty of tortoises , which is their ordinary food , whose flesh is very delicious . their hoggs , which the spaniards formerly carried thither , are greatly encreased . they have many fowles , and birds , amongst which , a great many cranes , with a sea-fowl that breeds in holes like rabbets . they have no fresh-water for their occasions , but that of wells , and pits , which ebbs and flowes with the sea , there being neither fountain nor stream in these isles . no venemous beast . in these isles are no venemous beast , their spiders are not poysonous , but are of sundry and various colours ; and in the hot weather , they make their webs so strong , that oft-times the small birds are entangled and catched in them . caedar trees . here are caedar trees , which differs from all others in several respects , but the wood is very sweet . the air and healthfulness . the skie is almost always serene , and when darkned with clouds , it commonly thunders , and lightneth : and the air is very temperate , and so exceeding healthful , that it is rare to hear that any one dyeth of any distemper , but only old age ; insomuch that many have removed from england hither , only for the enjoyment of a long , and healthful life ▪ and those that have made any long continuance here , are fearful o● removing out of so pure an air. the inhabitants . the english first setled themselves on these isles about the year 1612. and have now established a powerful colony , there being at present , about four or five thousand inhabitants , who have strongly fortified the approaches , which with the rocks in the sea , renders them impregnable . map of carolina a description of carolina . carolina , a new established colony , of the english , being that part of florida adjoyning to virginia , which makes its northern bounds in the latitude of 36 degrees ; and extendeth it self to the latitude of 29 , which makes its extream southern bounds ; on the east it is washed with the atlantick ocean , and on the west , it hath that large tract of land which runneth into the pacifique ocean . it s temperature , and healthfulness . it is a countrey blest with a temperate , and wholesome air , the heat in summer , nor the cold in winter , ( which is not so much as to check the growth of plants , trees , &c. the several fruits , and plants , having their distinct seasons , being no wayes offensive to the inhabitants . neither is the air thus temperate , and agreeable , to the natives only , but it is as favourable to the english : and being thus healthful , hath invited several persons from the bermudes to settle here ; who dwelling in so pure an air , durst not venture in any other countrey . nor do those from the bermudes only remove hither , upon the assurance of a happy life , joyned with the gaining of fair estates , but also , many english from most of the american plantations , it being generally esteemed one of the best colonies that ever the english were masters of ; for here is health , pleasure , and profit to be found , which cannot be met with in so large a measure , in any countrey of the indies . their fruits , hearbs , &c. the soyl is rich , and fertile , and produceth excellent fruits ; as apricocks , peaches , grapes , ( of which the english have made good wine ) olives , walnuts , apples , pears , plumbs , cherries , figgs , mulberries , strawberries , water-mellons , marachocks , quinces , and other fruits known to us in europe , which for goodness are no wayes inferiour to them ; and in the southern part , oranges , limes , pomgranates , and pome-citrons . and indeed , the earth is very apt to produce , and bring to maturity , corn , all sorts of garden-herbs , and roots , &c. its commodities . the commodities which this countrey doth , and may produce , are wines , oyls , silk , ( mulberry-trees growing in great abundance in the woods ) cotton , indico , ginger , tobacco , &c. and it is believed , that here may be made of the three first commodities , viz. wines , oyl , and silk , such great abundance , to theirs , and this kingdoms enrichment , that besides what we shall use our selves , we may have wherewith to furnish forrain parts . their trees . besides the mulberry-trees , here are those of caedar , oak , both white and red , poplar , bay , ash , and pine ; with several others whose names are yet unknown . their rivers , fish , and fowl. the countrey is very well watered with rivers , there being between cape-carteret , and port-rasal , which is not above 60 miles , 5 or 6 great navigable rivers , which discharge themselves into the sea , besides several others of less remark . and these rivers are plentifully stored with excellent fish of sundry sorts , which being the same as are found in virginia , which comes next to be treated of , i shall omit the nameing of them here . here are also great plenty of wild-fowl , as geese , cranes , swans , herons , curlews , heath-cocks , oxeys , brants , dotterels , widgeons , teals , and duck , and mallard in an undestroyable quantity . provisions in the woods . the woods are well stored with large turkeys , phesants , partridges , turtle-doves , wood-pidgeons , with great variety and plenty of small birds . also in the woods , are great plenty of deer , with abundance of hares , coneys , &c. here are divers delightful , and spacious savanas . the natives of carolina . the natives of carolina , according to the observation of mr. john ledener ( who made three several journeys from virginia , to carolina , about the year 1670. on purpose for a discovery of those parts , and the better understanding the nature and disposition of the inhabitants ) are said by him , to be a people of a ready witt , and though illiterate , of a good understanding . for the account of time , ( he saith , ) they make use of hieroglyphicks , and emblems of things ; likewise they instruct their children in such things as relates to their families and countrey , which is so preserved from generation , to generation ; where a battle hath been fought , or upon the settlement of a colony , they raise a small pyramid of stone , which doth consist of the number slain , or setled at such a colony . for religious rites , either devotion , sacrifice , or burial , they make a round circle of short strawes , or reeds , and according to the placing of the said strawes , or reeds , it is known for what it was made ; and to meddle with such circles , is esteemed no better than sacriledge . he saith , they worship one god ; as creator of all things , to whom their high-priest offers sacrifice , but believes he hath somthing else to do , than to reguard humane affairs , but doth commit the government thereof to lesser deities ; that is , to good and evil spirits , to whom their inferiour priests makes their devotion , and sacrifice . he saith , they beleive the transmigration of the soul , and when any one dyeth , they interr with the corps , provisions , and housholdstuff for the elizium or next world , which they fancy to be beyond the mountains , and indian ocean . he further saith , that from four women , they believe all mankind sprung , and do therefore divide themselves into as many tribes ; and in their marriages , they are very superstitious . he saith , they are generally well-proportionate ; they are great favourers of the english , living together in love and friendship , and upon all occasions , ready to contribute their assistance unto them . they are generally of a good , and honest meaning , no wayes addicted to vice , or to exextravagancies , contending themselves with a mean dyet and apparrel for their present subsistance , not taking much care for the time to come . he further saith , that they are much addicted to mirth , and dancing ; they are also much prone to honour , and valour , which they place above all other vertues , which doth occasion them to be so continually engaged against one another in wars : and that side which fortune crowneth with victory , triumphal jollaties are performed by them . the countrey ( he saith ) is divided into several petty kingdoms , and the people in the one , keep no good correspondence with those that border upon them , and on the least occasion , wage war one against another . in this countrey of carolina ( he saith ) that there are several indian towns which are generally the habitation of the king , that commands the territory . the proprietors of carolina . this province or countrey of carolina , was first possessed by the english , about the year 1660 , and became a proprietorship ; which his present majesty k. charles the second , granted by patent to the right noble , george duke of albemarle , earl of torrington , baron moncke of potheridge , peachampe and teys , knight of the noble order of the garter , captain general of his majesties land-forces , and one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. the right honourable , edward earl of clarendon , viscount cornbury , and baron hide of hendon , &c. the right honourable , william earl of craven , viscount craven of uffington , baron craven of hamsted-marshal , lord lieutenant of the county of middlesex , and borouh of southwark , and one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. the right honourable john lord berkley , baron berkley of stratton , lord lievtenant of ireland for his majesty , &c. the right honourable , anthony lord ashley , baron ashley of winbourn st. giles , chancellour of the exchequor , under-treasurer of england , one of the lords commissioners of the treasury , and one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. the honourable sr. george carteret of hawnes in bedfordshire baronet , vice-chamberlain of his majesties houshold , and one of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. sr. william berkley of in the county of knight and baronet , and to sr. john colleton of london , knight and baronet ; and to their heirs and successors . and the said lords proprietors , having by their patent , power to establish a government , and make lawes for the better regulation thereof , and the inviting of inhabitants , have formed a model , ( which by the general consent of all the proprietors ) was drawn up by the right honourable the lord ashley , a person of great worth , and prudence ; whose knowledg in matters of state , and the settlement of a government , is sufficiently praise worthy by all perso●● ▪ which said model is so well fr●med for the good and welfare 〈◊〉 the inhabitants , that it is estee●ed by all judicious persons withou● compare ; but the said model , b●ing too long to be set down in th●● small treatise , i must be constra●ned to omit it . the settlements of the english . here are at present two considerable settlements of the english , for so short a time , the one at albemarle-river in the north , and the other about the midst of the countrey on ashley river , which is likely to be the scale of trade for the whole countrey , as being scituate very commodious for shipping , and in a healthful place . map of new england, virginia, maryland and newfoundland a description of virginia . its bounds . virginia particularly now so called , hath for its southern limits , carolina ; for its eastern , the atlantick ocean ; for its northern , mariland ; and for its western , that vast tract of land which runneth into the south-sea . it s name . this countrey was said to b● first discovered by sr. franc●● drake ( as indeed all this tract o● sea-coast ) and was so named by sir. walter rawleigh , ( a great promoter of this discovery , ) in honou● of queen elizabeth , who the● reigned . the settlement of the english . much time was spent in the discovery of this countrey , with vast expences in the setting forth of ships and not without the great loss o● many a poor wretches life , besore it could be brought to perfection ; but at length , through the industry of † captain john smith , and other worthy persons , who took great pains for the advancement of these discoveries , fortune began to smile ●n her , and about the reign of king james , a patent was grant●d to certain persons as a corpora●ion , and called the company of adventurers of virginia . afterwards other patents were granted to them for larger extents of land excluded in the former ; ●ut the said corporation committing of several , and frequent misdemeanours , and miscarriages , the said patent about the year 1623 was made nul ; since which it hath been free for all his majesties subjects , to trade into these parts . it s air and temperature . this countrey is blest with a sweet aud wholesome air , and the clime of late very agreeable to the english , since the clearing o● woods ; so that now few dyeth o● the countreys disease , called th● seasoning . the soyl. it is every where interlaced with delectable hills , and rich valleys and of a soyl so fertile , that an acre of ground commonly yieldeth 200 bushels of corn , and is very apt to produce what is put therein , as english grains , roots , seeds , plants , fruits , &c. besides those appropriated to the countrey , and other adjacent parts of america . their fruits . here are excellent fruits in great abundance , which may be compared with those of italy or spain , as apricocks , peaches , mellons , apples , pears , plumbs , cherries , grapes , figgs , pomgranates , quinces , maracocks , puchamines , chesnuts , walnuts , olives , straberries , rasberries , goosberries , and mulberries in great abundance . of their apples they make syder ; of their pears , perry ; and of their grapes , wine . their roots and herbs . they have several sorts of roots , as potatoes , carrets , turnips , artichoaks , onyons , cabbages , collyflowers , sparagus , &c. and most sort of garden-herbs , known to us in great plenty . their fowles , and birds . here is great plenty of fowle , as wild turkeys , which usually weigh 6 stone ; partridges , swans , geese , ducks , teal , widgeons , dotterels , heathcocks , oxeyes , brants , pidgeons , cranes , herons , eagles , and several sorts of hawkes . and for small birds ▪ innumerable quantities of sundry sorts , as blackbirds , thrushes , red-birds ; and above all , the mockbirds , which counterfeiteth the notes of all birds . their wilde beasts , and tame cattle . they have great store of wilde beasts , as lyons , bears , leopards , tygers , wolves , and dogs like wolves , but brake not ; buffeloes , elks , whose flesh is as good as beef ; rosconnes , utchunquois , deer , hares , bevers , ottors , foxes , martins , poulcats , wesells , musk-rats , flying squirils , &c. and for tame cattle , cowes , sheep , goats , hoggs , and horses in great plenty . their fish . here is great plenty of excellent fish as well in the sea , and bay of chesopeack , as in the rivers , viz. cods , thornback , sturgeon , grampuses , porpuses , drums , cat-fish , basses , sheepsheads ( which makes broath like that of mutton ) cony-fish , rock-fish , creey-fish , white salmons , mullets , soles , plaice , mackrel , trouts , perches , conger-eels , herrings , crabs , oysters , shrimps , cockles , muscles , &c. commodities . commodities which this countrey doth , or may produce , are hemp , flax , hops , rape-seed , anniceseed , wood , madder , pot-ashes ▪ honey , wax , silk , ( if they would make it , mulberry-trees here growing in such great plenty ) saxafras , sarsaparilla , several swee● gums , and balsomes of sovereign vertues , several sorts of plants ▪ woods , &c. used by dyers , here are veins of alomes , iron , and copper , sundry sorts of rich furrs , elk-skins ( which maketh excellen● buffe ) and other hides ; pitch , tarr , rozen , turpentine , butter , cheese , and salted flesh and fish , which find vent at the barbadoes , and other caribbe isles ; but above all these , their chief commodity is tobacco , which they are sure to find vent for , and is the standard by which all other commodities are prized ; but it were well for the inhabitants if they would imploy their time , about the making of silk , or some other commodities , which in a short time would be found more advantageous unto them , & then their tobacco would not be so great a drug as of late it is , insomuch that the merchant oft-times had rather lose it , then to pay the charges and duties of freight , custome , excise , &c. here groweth a kind of flax , called silk-grass , of which the indians make thred , and strings , and is good to make linnen-cloth , and shifts , and would make excellent strong cables . their trade . here all trades-men , especially handicrafts finds good encouragement ; and for those commodities aforesaid , the english ( who have the sole trade ) bring them all sorts of apparel , all manner of utinsills , belonging to household-stuf , or necessary in their plantations , or otherwise ; also wine , brandy , and other strong drinks ; likewise all silks , stuf and cloth , both linnen and wollen , which they convert to several uses according to their fancyes , being now supplyed by taylors . their trees . here groweth sundry sorts of trees , of the red and white oak black walnut , cedar , pine cyprus , chesnut , poppler , ash , elm , &c. many of which are very good for the building of ships , and other uses . the rivers . this country is well watered with several great , and strong rivers which lose themselves in the gulph or bay of chesopeak , which gives entrance for shipping in this country , as also to mary-land next adjoyning ; which said bay is very large , capacious , and comodious for shipping , being said to run up into the countrey northwards near 75 leagues ; its breadth in many places , being 5 , 6 , or 7 leagues , and sometimes more , and 6 or 7 fathom deep , and its opening to the south between cape-henry , which begineth virginia , and cape-charles on the other side opposite , being about 10 , or 12 leagues wide . the principal of these rivers begining at cape-henry , are pawhatan , now called james-river , being very large & commodious for ships , and found navigable about 50 leagues . pamaunke , now york-river , also large and navigable , about 20 leagues . rapahanock or toppahanock , likewise a good river and navigable , about 40. leagues , which is the last river of virginia northwardly , that falls into the bay of chesopeack . their townes . upon , or near , these rivers for the conveniency of shipping , the english are seated , which at present do amount unto the number of about 30 , or 40000 , and have some townes , the chief amongst which , is james-town , or rather james city , commodiously seated james-river ; the town is beautified with many fair and well built brick houses , and as it is the chief town of the countrey ; here is kept the courts of judicature and offices of publique concern ; not far from which , at green-spring , resideth the governour sir william berkley . next to james-town may be reckoned that of elizabeth , seated at the mouth of the said river , a well built town . also dales-gift , wicocomoco , bermuda , and others . the english government . this countrey is governed by laws agreeable with those of england , for the deciding of all causes both civil and criminal ; which said laws are thus made by the governour , appointed by his majesty , with the consent of the general assembly , which doth consist of his council , and the burgesses chosen by the free-holders . and for the better government , the countrey , which is possessed by the english , is divided into several counties , in each of which are sheriffs , justices of the peace , and other officers , which are from time to time appoynted by the governour ; the names of the counties are those of carotuck , charles , glocester , hartford , henrico , james , new-kent , lancastar , middlesex , nansemund , lower-norfolk , northampton , northumberland , rappahanock , surrey , warwick , westmorland , isle of wight , and york , and in each of these counties , are held petty courts , every month from which there may be appeales to the quarter-court held at james-town . the natives or indians . virginia was , and yet is the habitation of divers sorts of indians , which have no dependance upon each other , being of particular tribes , and having their peculiar king to govern them ; every indian-town , or rather poor village , being the habitation of a king ; and these people do rather live at enmity , than amity together . and as to their dispositions , manners , religions , &c. there is found a difference , but most of all in their languages ; so that those people may not improperly be called so many several nations . they are generally a sort of people well proportionate , stout , of a swarthy complexion , their hair black , and flaggy , which they wear long ; they are of a ready wit , very subtile , and treacherous , not much addicted to labour , being too great lovers of their ease ; they are much given to hunting , and going to wars with each other , their weapons being the bow and arrows , at which they are very expert , being good marks-men ; but of late they have got the use of guns , and other weapons , through the folly of the english in shewing them . they are very loving and obedient to their kings ; in matters of religion , they observe strange ceremonies , and their priests ( which are esteemed conjurers ) makes sacrifices for them . they believe the transmigration of the soul , and have strange fancies about the creation of they world , they believe there is a god , but think he hath something else to do then to concern himself with things below , as too inferiour for him , and do therefore not worship him ; but the divel they worship out of a fear , least he should destroy them , as having the power of them . their apparel is but mean , only contenting themselves with something to cover their nakedness ; and for the better defending themselves from the weather , they anoynt their bodyes with certain oyles mixt with beares grease . their houses are no better then our english hogsties , and are made of boughs , and covered with bark of trees ; and in the midst thereof , is placed their chimney , or fire-place . their dyet in meaness , is answerable to their houses , not endeavouring to please their pallets with curious sauces , or pompering their bodies with provokative meates . a description of maryland . it s scituation and bounds . the province of maryland lying between the degrees of 37 , and 50 minutes , or thereabouts , and 40 degrees of northern latitude . it hath for its bounds on the south , virginia , ( from which it is parted by the river patowmeck , whose southerly bank divides the province from virginia ; ) on the east , the atlantick ocean , and delaware-bay ; on the north , new-england , and new-york , formerly part of new-england , lying on the east side of delaware-bay ; and on the west , the true meridian of the first fountain of the river of patowmeck . the bay of chesopeack giving entrance to ships into virginia , and maryland , passeth through the heart of this province , and is found navigable near 200 miles ; into which falls the rivers of patowmeck , patuxent , ann-arundel , ( alas severn ) and sasquesahanough , lying on the west side of the bay ; and to the east of the said bay , those of choptanke , nantecoke , pocomoke , and several other rivers and rivulets , to the great improvement of the soyl , and beauty of this province . the countrey of late , since the felling of the woods , and the peoples accustoming themselves to english dyet , is very healthful and and agreeable to the constitution of the english , few now dying at their first coming , of the countreys disease , or seasoning . and as to the temperature of air , the heats in summer , receive such seasonable allayes from gentle breezes , and fresh showres of rain ; and the cold in winter , is of so little durance , that the inhabitants cannot be said to suffer by either . the soyl , &c. the countrey is generally plain and even , yet rising in some places into small and pleasant hills , which heighten the beauty of the adjacent valleys . the soyl is rich and fertil , naturally producing all such commodities as are in the precedent discourse set down as peculiar to its neighbouring colony , virginia ; as all sorts of beasts and fowle both tame and wild ; fish , fruits , plants , roots , herbs , gums , trees , balsomes , &c. as likewise all commodities produced by industry , are here found in as great plenty and perfection : but the general trade of maryland depends chiefly upon tobacco , which being esteemed better for a forreign market than that of virginia , finds great vent abroad , and the planters at home ; in exchange thereof , are furnished by the merchant with all necessaries , for himself , his house , family , and plantation . their is a competent stock of ready mony in this province both of english , forreign , and his lordshipps own coyne , yet their chief way of commerce is by way of barter , or exchange of commodities , which may be judged to be no wayes inconsiderable , since 100 sail of ships from england , and the english plantations , have of late yeares been known to trade thither in one year . the natives . the natives , as to their complexion , stature , customes , dispositions , laws , religions , apparel , dyet , houses , &c. are much the same as those of virginia , already treated of ; being likewise many different tribes , or sorts of people , and each govern'd by their particular king. the government , &c. of this countrey . this province of maryland , his majesty king charles the first in anno 1632 , granted by patent to the right honourable caecilius calvert , lord baltemore , and to his heires and assignes ; and by that patent created him , and them , the true and absolute lords and propriators of the same , ( saving the allegiance and soveraigne dominion due to his majesty , his heirs , and successours ; ) thereby likewise granting to them all royal jurisdictions , and prerogatives both millitary and civil ; as power of enacting laws , martial laws , making of war , and peace , pardoning of offences , conferring of honours , coyning of money , &c. and in acknowledgement thereof , yeilding and and paying yearly to his majesty , his heires and successors , two indian arrows at windsor castle in the county of berks , on easter tuesday ; together with the fifth part of all the gold and silver oare that shall be found there . for the better inviting of people to settle here , his lordship , by advice of the general assembly of that province , hath long since established a model of good and wholsome laws for the ease and benefit of the inhabitants , with tolleration of religion , to all sorts that profess the faith of christ : which hath been a principal motive to many to settle under that government , rather then in another where liberty of conscience was denyed them . it s division into countyes . this province where it is peopled with english , is severed into 10 counties ; to wit , 5 eastwards of chesopeak bay , as cecil , dorchester , kent , sommerset , and talbot ; and 5 westwards of the said bay , as ann-arundel , baltemore , calvert , charles and st. maries . and in every one of these countyes , there is held an inferiour court every two months for small matters , from which there lyeth appeales to the provincial court , held at st. maryes . here are likewise certain magistrates appoynted by his lordship in each county , as sheriffs , justices of the peace , &c. their townes . the inhabitants ( being in number at present about 16000 ) have begun the building of several townes , which in few yeares 't is hoped may come to some perfection ; as calverton , herrington , and harvy-town , all commodiously seated for the benefit of trade , and conveniency of shipping , but the principal town is st. maryes , seated on st. georges river , being beautified with divers well-built houses , and is the cheif place or scale of trade for the province , where the governour his lordships son and heir , mr. charles calvert hath his house , and where the general assembly , and provincial courts are held , and publique offices kept ; but at present the said governour doth reside at mattapany , about 8 miles distant where he hath a fair and pleasant house . and for the better assisting the said governour , in matters that concerns the government of the province , he hath his council , &c. a description of new-york . adjoyning to mary-land , northwards , is a colony called new-york , from his royal highness the duke of york , the proprietor thereof by grant from his majesty , and is that part of new-england which the dutch formerly seized , and called the new netherlands . it s fertility , &c. it is a countrey , of a rich and fertile soyl , well watered with rivers , as is mary-land already spoken of , and is found to produce the same beasts , birds , fish , fruits , commodities , trees , &c. and in as great plenty . it s town . here is one very considerable town , first built by the dutch , and called new-amsterdam , which name is now changed to new-york : it is well seated both for trade , security , and pleasure , in a small isle called mahatan , reguarding the sea , made so by hudsons-river , which severeth it from long-island , which said river is very commodious for shipping , and is about two leagues broad . the town is large , containing about five hundred well-built houses ; and for civil government , it hath a mayor , alderman , a sheriff , and justices of the peace for their magistrates . for the further security of this town , here is raised a fort called james-fort , which is very strong , and well defended and maintained with men , and ammunition . the town is inhabited by the english , and dutch , and hath a considerable trade with the indians , for the skins of elks , deer , bears , &c. also for those of bever , otter , and other furrs ; and doth likewise enjoy a good trade with the english . the natives . this countrey is also possessed with sundry sorts of people , not much unlike the indians of virginia , being well proportioned , stout , swarthy , black haired , very expert in their bow , and arrows , which are their chief weapons of war. they are courteous to the english , of a ready witt , and very apt to receive instructions from them ; upon the least offence , the man turneth away his wife , and marrieth again , and the children begotten by her , she taketh with her , the man not regarding them . fornication is here permitted . they observe several ceremonies in their religious rites , and are said to worship the devil , whom they greatly fear . their priests are no better than sorcerers , who strangly bewitch these silly creatures . when any woman findeth her self quick with child , she keepeth her self chast , or untouched by man until her delivery , the like she observeth in the time of her giving suck . a strange custom which our european dames would not well like of ! they are very obedient and loving to their kings : they believe the transmigration of the soul ; and concerning the creation of the world , have a strange fantastical opinions . they are much addicted to dancing , sports , and recreations , observing festival times . their habit is but mean , as the rest of the indians , yet do they paint and besmear their faces with several colours by way of ornament . there dyet and habitations are also as mean. they are much addicted to go to wars against one another , and do seldome give quarter to any but the women and children , whom they preserve , and make use of for the encreasing their strength . a description of new-england . it s situation . new england is seated north of maryland , which according to the report of capt. smith , hath 70 miles of sea coast , where are found divers good havens , some of which are capable to harbour 500 saile of shipps from the fury the of sea , and winds , by reason of the interposition of several isles ( to the number of about 200 ) which lie about this coast . and although this countrey is seated in the midst of the temperate zone , yet is the clime more uncertain , as to heat and cold , then those european kingdomes , which lie parallel with it ; and as to virginia , this may be compared as scotland is to england . the aire . the aire is here found very healthful , and very agreeable to the english , which makes them possess many potent colonyes . its inhabitants . this countrey is possessed by divers sorts of people , who are governed by their particular kings , and do much differ in customes , and manners , from one another , as those indians inhabiting in mary-land , virginia , and other parts of america . and do live generally at variance with each other . they have their several townes and settlements , and their riches doth consist in their furs , and skins , which they sell to the english . when first inhabited by the english . this countrey became first to be a colony of the english about the year 1605 , being granted by patent from king james , to certain proprietors under the name of the plymouth company ; but divers years were spun out , with great expences , and not without sundry casualties befalling on the adventurers , before it became any thing considerable , and in a setled condition . their rivers , and fish . this country is well watered with rivers , the chief amongst which , are agamentico , conectecut , kinebequy , merrimeck , mishuin , mistick , neraganset , pascataway , pemnaquid , tachobacco , &c. and in these rivers , together with the sea , are taken excellent fish , as cod , thornback , sturgeon , porpuses , haddock , salmons , herrings , mackeril , oysters , lobsters , crab-fish , tortoise , cocles , muscles , clams , smelts , eels , lamprons , alewives , basses , hollibuts , sharks , seales , grampus , and whales . their fowles , and birds . here are great variety of fowls , as phesants , partridges , heath-cocks , turkeys , geess , ducks , hernes , cranes , cormorants , swans , widgins , sheldrakes , snipes , doppers , blackbirds , the humbird , loon , &c. their beasts , both tame and wild. their wild beasts of chief note , are lyons , beares , foxes , rackoons , mooses , musquashs , otters , bevers , deer , hares , coneys , &c. and for tame beasts , cowes , sheep , goates , swine , and horses . amongst the hurtful things in this countrey , the rattle-snake is most dangerous . here are also several sorts of stinging flyes ; which are found very troublesome to the inhabitants . their trees , and fruits . here are sundry sorts of trees , as the oak , cyprus , pine , chesnut , caedar , walnut , firr , ash , asp , elm , alder , maple , birch , sasafras , sumach , several fruit-trees , as apples , pears , plumbs , with several others that are growing in virginia , and mary-land , which i have already took notice of . their commodities , and trade . this countrey affordeth several sorts of rich furrs , flax , linnen , amber , iron , pitch , tarr , cables , masts , and timber to build ships , also several sorts of grain , &c. the inhabitants drive a considerable trade to barbadoes , and other our american plantations , in supplying them with flower , bisket , salt , flesh , and fish , &c. and in return bring sugars , and other commodities , as well for their own use , as to sell again . they also drive a considerable trade with england for wearing apparrel , stuffs , silks , cloth , several utensils for their houses , iron , brass , and such like things that are useful to man and not found amongst them . as to the coyns , weights , and measures of new-england , and the rest of the american plantations belonging to his majesty , they are the same with those of london , but as to coyns , they are not much made use of in trade , their way being bartering of one commodity for another ; but at jamaica they have plenty of spanish coins , and at barbadoes those of england . the english now inhabiting in new-england , are very numerous , and powerful , having a great many towns , many of which are considerable . the english government . the inhabitants are governed by laws of their own making , and have their several courts , and places of judicature , and assemble together , at their set times , and places , as well for the making of new lawes , abolishing of old , hearing , and determining of causes ; as for the election of a governour , deputy-governour , assistants , burgesses , and other magistrates , ( every town having two burgesses ) each county annually electing such like officers , for the looking after the like affairs in the said colony . and in matters that concern religion , and church-government , they are very strict and make a great shew , being much of the stamp of the ridgid presbyterians . the towns. here are several towns , as boston , the metropolis of new-england , commodiously seated for traffique on the sea-shore ; it is at present a very large and spacious town , or rather city , composed of several well-ordered streets , and graced with fair and beautiful houses , which are well inhabited by merchants , and trades-men , who drive a considerable trade for such commodities as the countrey afforeth to barbadoes , and the other caribbee isles , as also to england , and ireland ; taking in exchange such commodities as each place affordeth , or are found useful to them . it is a place of a good strength , having two or three hills adjoyning , on which are raised fortifications , with great peices mounted thereon , which are well guarded . charles-town , seated on and between the rivers charles and mistick ; it is beautified with a large and well-built church , and near the river side is the market-place , from which runneth two streets , in which are divers good houses . dorchester scituate near the sea , where there falleth in two rivulets . an indifferent town . cambridg , formerly new-town seated on the river merrimeck : this town consisteth of several streets , and is beautified with two colledges , and divers fair , and well built houses . st. georges-fort , seated on the mouth of the river sagadebock . new-plimouth , seated on that large bay of potuxed . reading , commodiously seated about a great pond , and well-watered , and inhabited . in this town are two mills , one for corn , and the other for timber . salem , pleasantly seated betwixt two rivers . other towns placed alphabetically . berwick , braintree , bristol , concord , dartmouth , dedham , dover , exeter , falmouth , glocester , greens-harbour , hampton , hartford , haverhil , hingham , hull , ipswich , lin , maulden , new-bury , new-havon , northam , norwich , oxford , rowley , roxbury , salisbury , sandwich , southampton , spring-field , sudbury , taunton , water-town , wenham , weymouth , woburne , and yarmouth . most of these towns beareth the names from those in england , and many of them are of good account , being commodiously seated , either on the sea-shore , or on navigable rivers , and are well inhabited . and most of those towns are known to the indians by other names . a description of new-fovnd-land . newfoundland is an island in extent equal to england , from whence it is distant little above 600 leagues , lying near half way between ireland , and virginia . it is scituated betwixt the degrees of 46 , and 53 of northern latitudes , and it is only severed from the continent of america , by an arm of the sea , like that which separates england from france . its bays , rivers , fish , fowl , beasts , &c. it is famous for many spacious and excellent bayes , and harbours , and within the land for the variety of fresh springs , whose waters are exceeding delicious . it is enriched by nature , with plenty of fish , land , and water-fowl , and sufficiently stockt with deer , hares , otters , foxes , squirils , and other beasts which yield good furrs : and though not over-run generally with woods , it doth afford ( besides store of fewel ) abundance of stately trees , fit for timber , masts , planks , and sundry other uses . the soile and climate . the soile in most places is reputed fertile ; the climate wholsome , though the rigour of the winter season , and the excess of heats in summer , doth detract something from its due praise . how inhabited . the north and west part of this countrey the native-indians inhabit , though but few in number , and those a more rude and savage sort of people then those of new-england and other places in the adjacent contenent , already taken notice of . new-found-land first discovered by the english . the island , of new-found land was first discovered by the english , who are the true propriators thereof , excluding all forreigne right , and justifying the same to belong to the crown of england only , whose interest hath been there continued by several , under the reigns of divers kings & queens . in the year 1623 , sir george calvert knight , then principal secretary of state and afterwards ld. baltemore , obtained a patent of part of new-found-land ; which was erected into a province , and called avalon ; where he caused a plantation to be setled , and a stately house and fort to be built at ferryland , and afterwards transported himself and family thither , and continuing the plantation by his deputy , till by descent ( after his lordships decease ) it came to his son and heir the right honorable caecilius , now lord baltemore , who by deputies from time to time , was no less careful to preserve his interest there , which ( though during the late troubles in england , it was by sir david kirkes means , for some years discontinued , he was soon reinvested in the same by his majesties most happy restauration . there is no part of new-found-land generally more happy for multiplicity of excellent bayes , and harbours , then this province , and where vast quantities of fish are yearly caught by the english , especially at ferryland , and the bay of bulls . but the whole coast of the island , affords infinite plenty of codd , and poor-john , which is the chief commodity of the isle , which is grown to a setled trade , for these many years , to the enrichment of all those that trade thither . a great bank of land. east of newfoundland , over against cape-ray , at the distance of about 70 miles , lyeth a great bank of land , of about 300 miles in length , and not above seventy-five in breadth , where broadest . it lyes under the sea many fathoms deep , so the ships of a considerable burthen may ride over it : and about this banck lyes dispersed several small isles , called by st. sebastion cabot ( the first discoverer ) los baccaloos , or the isles of cod-fish , from the prodigious quantities of cod-fish there found , which were said to obstruct ●he passage of his vessels . the trade to this island . the french , dutch , biscaners , and other nations that yearely trade hither amounting to between 3 or 400 vessels , are assured to find sufficient freight of cod and poor john , which they find good vent for in the streights , spaine , france and other countreys to their great profit and encouragement . and were the english diligent to inspect the advantage that might accrue to this nation , by settling plantations on the island , and raising fortifications , for the security of the place ; we might give law to all forreigners that come to fish there , and in few years engross the whole fishery to our selves : the greatest ballance perchance of forraigne trade . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28392-e830 it s scituation . it s form extent . it s soyl , and fertility . savanas , formerly fields of indian maiz. the air & temperature huricanes not in this isle . the winter known only by rain and thunder dayes , & nights almost equal . sugars . cocao . indico cotton . tobacco . hydes tortoise shells . curious woods . copper . silver . ambergreece . salt. saltpeter . ginger . cod-peper . piemente . druggs . gumms . cochaneil . of servants . horses . cowes . asnegroes . mules . sheep : goats . hoggs . excellent fish in great plenty . tortoise . great variety of tame & wild fowl. excellent fruits . herbs & roots . jamaica very healthful . diseases strangers are most subject unto . manchonele . snakes , guianas . alligators . muskettoes . merry-wings . port-royal . port-morant . old harbour . point-negrill . port-antonio . other good bayes & harbors . st. jago . sevilla . mellila . orista . 14 precincts or parishes in the isle . sre the mapp . the names of the precincts or parishes in the isle . their lawes . the spaniards first settlement . the spaniards inclined to idleness . 1. consideration . 2. consid . 3. consid . 4. consid . 5. consid . 6. consid . 7. consid . 8. consid . 9. consid . 1. consid . 2. consid . 4. consid . commodities imported , and its trade 4 consid 5. consid . 6. consid . 7. consid . 8. consid . 9. consid . 10. consideration . notes for div a28392-e13620 it s scituation . rivers . it s fertility . commodities . dayes & nights almost equal . temperature of air. the air moist . their fruits . their fish . their beasts . herbs , & roots . birds and fowles . animals , and insects . trees . several caves . it s division , and townes . st. michaels . litle bristol . charles-town . other places on the sea-coast . the inhabitants negro-slaves . their food . their drink . their apparel . their lodging . the management of a plantation . the island very strong the government of the island . the isle divided into four circuits . the present governour . see mr. ligons book of barbadoes page 87. notes for div a28392-e19740 it s scituation , &c. it s soyl , and commodities the isle very delightful , and of a pleasing prospect . the isle possessed by the english , & french their churches . a town possessed by the french notes for div a28392-e21060 it s scituation . extent . a spring of mineral water , and baths . their churches , &c. notes for div a28392-e21550 it s scituation . extent . the number of inhabitants . fish . fowl , & cattle . commodities . notes for div a28392-e21970 it s scituation . extent , and fertility . notes for div a28392-e22160 it s scituation , extent . notes for div a28392-e22380 it s extent , scituation . fertility , &c. notes for div a28392-e22580 it s scituation , extent , &c. notes for div a28392-e22710 it s scituation , fertility , &c. notes for div a28392-e22840 their scituation , and name . st. georges isle . several good ports : it s fertility . their fruits . their commodities . hoggs . fowles . defective in fresh-water . their spiders . these isles exceeding healthful the inhabitants and strength of the isle . notes for div a28392-e24140 its bounds , and scituation . this country very healthful . their fruits ▪ commodities . trees . rivers . their fowles . the disposition , &c. of the natives . it s division into kingdomes . the proprieters of carolina . notes for div a28392-e26900 its bounds . it s name and why so called . † capt. smith , a great promoter of the english setling at virginia . virginia nowvery healthful . the soyl very rich. excellent fruits . plenty of roots , & herbs . abundance of fowle . virginia well stored with beasts , & tame cattle . variety of fish , the product of the country their trade . several good woods . it s chief rivers . james town . elizabeth town . dales gift . virginia under a good goverment . the counties . their apparel their houses . their dyet . notes for div a28392-e30290 chesopeak bay. its rivers . the country very healthful for the beasts , fowl , fish , fruits , &c. see in the description of virginia . their coyns , & way of trade . maryland well governed . the names of the countries s. maries town . notes for div a28392-e32170 this country very fertile . new york the disposition of the natives . their habit & dyet , &c. notes for div a28392-e33200 it s scituation . the ayr. the disposition of the natives much like those of virginia . excellent fish . hurtfull things . fruits . commodities & trade . the government of the inhabitants of new-england . boston . charles town . dorchester . cambridg st. georges fort. reading . salem . notes for div a28392-e35690 it s scituation . its bayes and rivers . it s fish , fowles , beasts , trees . its inhabitants . the english the true proprieto●s of newf●und-land the ld. baltemore the proprietor of avalon in new-found-land . a great bank of land. a great trade here driven . an essay upon the ways and means of supplying the war davenant, charles, 1656-1714. 1695 approx. 159 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 85 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37167 wing d311 estc r5880 11964321 ocm 11964321 51665 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37167) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51665) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 865:21) an essay upon the ways and means of supplying the war davenant, charles, 1656-1714. [2], 160 p. : ill., fold. table. printed for jacob tonson ..., london : 1695. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. attributed to charles davenant. cf. bm. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng finance, public -great britain -1688-1815. taxation -great britain. war, cost of -great britain. united states -history -king william's war, 1689-1697. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-07 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay upon ways and means . an essay upon ways and means of supplying the war . london : printed for jacob tonson at the judge's head , near the inner-temple-gate in fleetstreet . 1695. an essay upon ways and means of supplying the war. in the course of this war , we are engag'd in with france , nothing seems more to have hurt our affairs , than an opinion , which from year to year has been entertain'd among some people of authority , that the war could not last ; which they were brought into , by the vanity , natural to our nation , of over-rating our own strength , and undervaluing that of our enemies . whoever reflects upon the ways and means , by which we have all along supplied the king , will plainly see how much this opinion has prevail'd with the people in general . raising money by land taxes , fonds of interest , polls , doubling the excise , charging tonnage , laying new customs , and anticipating the old ones , may be proper expedients to answer a single and a short necessity , but , perhaps , they will hardly appear to be the proper ways and means to carry on a great , and a long war. at the beginning of the confederacy , france seem'd to take in all its sails , in expectation of a storm , and in a manner sate still , while we took mentz and bon. this success , and the great names , and mighty kingdoms and states , that were listed in this quarrel , made us flatter our selves with extravagant hopes ; the most modest did believe the king of france might be easily reduced to the state he was left in by the pyrenean treaty : but the more general opinion was , that he would be subdued to our own terms . but such did not consider , that there is hardly any instance to be given in story of a mighty empire over-run , that was in the full possession of its military virtue . in such an entire possession of the art of war were the romans during the second punic war ; the whole people were train'd up to arms , and continual action had bred up and instructed many famous captains , so that they were not to be broken by the many victories hannibal obtain'd , even in the heart of italy . and in such a warlike posture was the ottoman empire , when tamberlain came into asia , who in the battel , fought in the year 1397 , took bajazet prisoner , and slew most of his army ; yet that people , bred to war under three martial kings , were so far from being subdu'd , that in fifty three years after , besides many other acquisitions , they were able to conquer all the remains of the greek empire . great dominions are to be attempted with hopes of success then only , when either their own bulk makes them unweildy , or when wealth has deprav'd their manners , or when long peace has made them forget their military skill and vertue ; and at such seasons have the great monarchies of the world been invaded and conquer'd , not by superior virtue in others , but for want of virtue in themselves . it is not from hence concluded , that lesser nations are not to make war with strong and victorious princes , or that we in england should not with the last drop of blood defend this almost only spot of ground , which seems remaining in the world to public liberty . but from these instances , and many others in history , it may be argu'd , that we cannot presently , and with ease , pull down so mighty an empire as france ; and that much time , blood , and treasure , must , perhaps , be spent , before we can reduce it to such terms of peace , as may be safe and honourable for the confederates . and since there seem very many , who think the business of this war so easie , and who wonder the confederates have done no more , it may not be improper to take a short view of the affairs of france , in order to make it appear , what a powerful enemy we have to deal with . that kingdom has been growing , for these two hundred and seventy years , by slow degrees , to the height we now see it at ; and from the time of charles the seventh , to the reign of francis the second , there were always upon the throne martial and active princes , in perpetual war , and forming their people to discipline . and if in the little common-wealths of greece , wherever there happen'd to be an extraordinary man , that man did make his city strong and powerful for a long time after ; much more must a succession of six kings , all men of counsel and action , give strength and power to such a kingdom as france . 't is true , that from the time of francis the second , to the peace of vervins , which was about forty years , the nation was miserably torn by a long and cruel civil war ; but , as there are certain diseases , which , when overcome , dispose the body to a better state of health for the future ; so , perhaps , it may be made appear , that even this civil war , in its consequences , has contributed to the present power of that monarchy , by pulling down the three chief obstacles that stood in the way of its greatness ; which were , the protestant interest , spain , and the old nobility of the kingdom . the massacre of paris gave the protestant interest in that nation such a wound , as it has never since been able to recover . philip the second , to procure the crown of france for the infanta , did furnish such vast sums for the maintenance of the league , as have ever since kept spain low . and the houses of lorrain , montmorancy , and chastillon , were in a manner extinguish'd in that war ; and the rest of the great families so ruin'd by it , that they are now no more than the trappings and ornaments of the tyranny , which were in times past so strong a part of the constitution . from the peace of vervins , harry the fourth employ'd his care in repairing the calamities of that civil war , and chiefly he set himself to bring the treasury of his kingdom into some order ; in which he was assisted by the duke of sully , a frugal man , who , by natural wisdom and meer honesty , brought the revenue out of infinite debts into such a flourishing condition , that , when the french were forming their great designs against the house of austria in 1610 , they had ready four or five years provision for a war , that was likely to be the greatest their nation had ever undertaken . but the foundations of the present greatness of that monarchy , were laid by cardinal richelieu ; he first introduc'd that exact method which appears in all their affairs , that secresie and steadiness which is in their councils , and that intire obedience which all subordinate degrees pay to their superiors ; and , by exacting it severely , he first accustom'd the french to that zeal , diligence , and honesty , to their master , which they show in all public business . cardinal mazarin was bred up in his school ; a man , perhaps , not quite so deep , but of infinite subtilty , and very fit for the intrigues of the cabinet , in a minority , and under the regency of a queen mother . what the duke of sully but began , colbert brought to perfection in the public revenue ; and both he and louvoy , were mighty encouragers of the trade and manufactures of the kingdom . thus france , for a long tract of time , has had great princes on the throne ; or , which is as good , able men in the ministry ; and all the while they have been enlarging their dominions . spain , formerly their rival kingdom , they have reduc'd to a low condition ; arts and sciences , trade and manufactures , are much improv'd among them . the art of war they have brought to a height and perfection never known in greece , or among the romans . long action has form'd them many fit generals , experienc'd officers , and a number of good troops . they are skilful in encampments , they order a battel well ; and no people contrive better for the subsistance of an army . their discipline is good and severe , and all nations must yield to them in the knowledge of attacking and defending places . and by art and industry , they seem to have overcome nature and situation , in making themselves so powerful at sea , with but few convenient ports , and but little trade , in proportion to their neighbours . their present king is undoubtedly a person of great abilities , wisdom , and conduct ; he is well serv'd in every part of his government ; his revenue is skillfully brought in , and frugally laid out ; no prince has so quick and certain intelligence ; and he has wrought into his interests a considerable party in every state and kingdom in europe . we all know too well , what large footing he has of late years got round about him , towards spain , in italy , near the swiss cantons , and in germany , of both sides the rhine , and in the low countries . whoever carefully weighs these things , and duly considers the strength and policy of that kingdom , will hardly think the confederates , for the present , in a condition to give the law , or able as yet to drive france to such a peace , as may be now honourable , and safe hereafter . they , who believe a peace so probable and near , ground their opinion upon the poverty this long war must have brought upon france : and no doubt , the subjects there are reduc'd to excessive want , by the universal stop that is upon trade , by the dearth two unseasonable years has occasion'd , and by maintaining , for six years , a great fleet , and such numerous land forces . but the french seem to pay themselves for all their home miseries , with their fame abroad , the majesty of their empire , splendor of their court , greatness of their monarch , and the noise of his victories ; like a beast , that goes merrily with a heavy burthen , pleas'd with his fine furniture , and the bells that jingle about him . for those vain appearances are , to that people , in the stead of ease , plenty , and all the other goods of life ; tho' they truly tend but to make their slavery more lasting . therefore while their king is thus successful in his arms , we have small reason to think the wants and cries of his country will constrain him to end the war. but suppose him in such streights , as that he willingly will listen to a peace ; can we modestly believe him in so low a condition , as that the confederates may at present have such a one as will be secure and lasting ? is he yet so distressed by the war , as to be contented things may be put upon such a foot of equality , that hereafter he may be compell'd to observe his articles ? for without this , any peace we can make will be but unsound and precarious . perhaps he may submit to give up lorrain , philipsburg , and strasburg , and his late conquests in savoy , catalonia , and flanders ; the pope , venetians , and the two northern crowns , shall be mediators , and afterwards ▪ warrantees of the treaty . the confederacy shall still subsist , and upon stricter terms of union : but , when we have bound sampson with these new ropes , may he not , when he pleases , break them from off his arms like a thread ? indeed , we might promise our selves that a peace would be good and durable , if we were enough superior in the war , to make him surrender those strong places , with which , on every side , he seems to bridle this part of the world. or , if he were so distress'd , as , for a peace , to deprive himself of his fleet , to which the romans compell'd carthage , and , afterwards , king antiochus , then we in england might promise our selves future safety . but , while his naval strength is unbroken ; while he has that chain of fortified towns upon the rhine ; and that formidable barrier in flanders ; while on the side of spain , italy , and switzerland , he is left in such a condition to invade , and so fortified against invasion , we may make a peace that shall give us present ease , and put off the evil day for a time , but we cannot pretend to have secur'd our liberties , or defeated his designs of universal monarchy . whoever carefully examines those general treaties of peace the french of late years have concluded with the house of austria , and their other opposites , from that of vervin's , to that of nimmeghen , will find they have had no effect , but to give france a legal title to what it possest before by conquest , or to affort it time to repair the calamities of war , and to gather strength for new and greater undertakings . we took this war in hand to assert the liberties of europe , and to encourage us to carry it on , we have examples , ancient and modern , of nations that have resisted great monarchies , and who have at last worked out their freedom by patience , wisdom , and courage . in defence of their laws and religion , the low-countreys maintained a war with spain from 1566 to 1648 , which ended in the peace of munster , and in that struggle they fixed their government . great monarchies do easily over-run and swallow up the lesser tirannies and principalities that are round about them ; but they find much harder work , and another sort of opposition , when they come to invade common-wealths , or mix'd governments , where the people have an interest in the laws . under tirannies , where the subjects only contend for the choice of a master , the dispute is seldom real and haerty ; but , in free countreys , where the people fight for themselves , and their own proper wealth and security , they are in earnest , and defend themselves accordingly . the persians very easily subdued the neighbouring monarchies that made up their large empire ; but when they came to invade the grecians , a free people , we see how their numerous armies , and great navies were at last defeated . that war was carried on by confederates , of which the chief were the lacedemonians , and the athenians ; one a kingly government limited by laws , the other a common-wealth ; it lasted two and twenty years , reckoning from the battel of marathon , to that victory gain'd by cimon , which forced the persians to sue for peace . and it may not be amiss to take notice , how the athenians laid the whole stress of this war upon their naval force , pursuant to the oracle , which told them they should be safe within their walls of wood , leaving athens it self defenceless , that their fleet might be the stronger . many more instances may be given of great things perform'd in the defence of liberty ; but then they have been done , by men who had laid aside their luxury , corruption , self-ends , and private ambition , and who had devoted themselves intirely to the common good. if therefore we hope to get out of this war with honour , and , at last , make a safe and durable peace , we must show more than ordinary virtue and resolution ; we must bear patiently the public burthens ; but chiefly , we must not give our enemies any room to believe , either by our actions or councils , that we shrink and give back , as if we thought the business too weighty for us . many things may happen to reward this patience , which would put us in the power of treating upon more equal terms . the king of france is infirm , and in years ; if he should fail , while the war is on foot , his people , perhaps , may take that time to shake off their oppression ; and his son may not be able to carry on the great machine of that government , with the same steadiness , conduct , and authority . or , the dauphin may dye , which would give the princes of the blood the prospect of a minority , always fatal , and the occasion of disorders in that kingdom . besides , notwithstanding the seeming health and vigour of that government , it has within it dangerous distempers , of which the symptoms appear not in this prosperity of their affairs , but would be seen in any public calamity ; such as the loss of a battel , or a total defeat at sea , which in the course of the war may happen . if france should receive any shock or wound of that kind , the ill humours bred by oppression , and arbitrary power , would break out , and shew themselves , in every part of the constitution . these , or any other accidents that might stir up civil commotions in that kingdom , would render it uncapable of a foreign war , and consequently , procure us more advantageous conditions of peace . but the most proper season to conclude a peace with the french , in all appearance , will be when they are impoverish'd , and exhausted of that money by which they have so much prevailed , and when that sinew of war begins to slacken . for there is a degree of expence , which no nation can exceed without utter ruin , and the public may become a bankrupt as well as a private person . and since war is grown so expensive , and trade is become so extended ; and since luxury has so much obtain'd in the world , no nation can subsist of it self without helps and aids from other places ; so that the wealth of a country now is the ballance , which arises from the exchange with other places , of its natural or artificial product . the natural product are the fruits of the earth ; the artificial are the manufactures . that part of trade which consists in buying commodities in one nation , and selling them in another , is very little the commerce of france . and this ballance accrues , either from money in specie , brought home , or foreign commodities , or credit , which one country has upon another . the prince's revenue , is a due proportion and share out of this ballance . whatever nation is at a greater expence than this ballance admits of , will as surely be ruin'd in time , as a private person must be , who every year spends more than the income of his estate . and that prince , who gathers more than this ballance will naturally afford , must as certainly bring ruin upon his country , because he lives upon the quick stock of his people . the ordinary publick revenue of france was , before this war , yearly , about one hundred and fifty millions of livres , which reduc'd to our money , is about twelve millions sterling . we all know how hardly this great sum was extorted from the people , but they were enabled to pay it by the ballance that arose to them from the vent of their commodities and manufactures . their most staple trade was wine , oyl , salt , linnen , and paper , their manufactures are innumerable ; and a vast profit they did constantly make by the resort of strangers to their country , and likewise by furnishing all europe with their fineries and vanities . the ordinary revenue must needs be much impair'd by the effects of the war ; but this we may suppose , is made up to the king by extraordinary means . for we cannot think he maintains his goverment , fleet , and armies , at a less expence than twelve millions yearly . now how this expence can be long continued by the french , is hardly imaginable , when there is such an interruption upon their commerce , and so little vent for their commodities and manufactures . they are cut off by this war from almost all their profitable trade , their poor are unimploy'd , and the growth of their country sticks upon their hands , and their body politick , being at a continual expence of spirits , without the usual supplies and reliefs , must fall into faintness , and decay in all its members . the ballance arising from trade being wanting , which should maintain king and people , there must inevitably follow , at first private want , and then publick poverty . and if this interruption of their commerce be yet more strictly pursued , it will bring a ruin upon them , not to be avoided by all their oeconomy , courage and policy . we have maintain'd this war six years , and may hold it out much longer , if every part of the confederacy would exert all its natural force , and apply it usefully to the common business . but then the emperor must not be contending for dominion at home , while he is fighting for liberty abroad . he must give the princes of the empire no jealousie that he has any designs upon their freedoms . he must not let the priests divert his his arms upon the turks , of which the true meaning is only the oppression of the protestants in hungary . a good peace on that side would give new life to the confederate affairs . a little more publick spirit and vigor would be necessary in the spanish councels , in which kingdom there is great power and wealth remaining , if it were rightly applied and well ordered . the proper and natural strength of england and holland is at sea. the walls of wood are our best defence , and the more we rely upon , and improve that strength , the more we shall break the measures of france . but england is the main pillar of the confederacy ; our riches supply it ; our fleet and the goodness of our troops , are its chief force and reputation ; all depend upon the councels we take ; if we are unwilling , or unable to support the war , a peace will be concluded upon the best terms that can be had . so that the whole wil result in this , how far we in england , are able to maintain such a long war with france , as may procure us a peace that shall be equal and lasting . 't is true , a long war is but a melancholy prospect to a luxurious people , fearful of slavery , and yet unwilling to pay the price of liberty ; which no nation hardly ever obtained , but at a great expence of blood and treasure . whenever this war ceases , it will not be for want of mutual hatred in the opposite parties , nor for want of men to fight the quarrel , but that side must first give out where money is first failing . if we in england can put our affairs into such a posture , as to be able to hold out in our expence longer than france , we shall be in a condition to give the peace ; but if otherwise , we must be contented to receive it . for war is quite changed from what it was in the time of our forefathers ; when , in a hasty expedition , and a pitch'd field , the matter was decided by courage ; but now the whole art of war is in a manner reduced to money ; and now adays that prince , who can best find money to feed , cloath , and pay his army , not he that has the most valiant troops , is surest of success and conquest . so that the present business england is engaged in , will chiefly depend upon the well contriving and ordering the ways and means , by which the government is to be maintained , and making the publick charge easie and supportable . by what has been said before , it may perhaps appear , that the interruption of trade has made this war very heavy upon the people of france , from which naturally follows , that a careful and vigorous protection of our own trade , will make all publick burthens lighter and easier to us . trade , as it is now become the strength of the kingdom , by the supply it breeds of seamen , so it is the living fountain from whence we draw all our nourishment ; it disperses that blood and spirits through all the members , by which the body politick subsists . the price of land , value of rents , and our commodities and manufactures rise and fall , as it goes well or ill with our foreign trade . 't is not enough to have great exportation , and great importation , unless we are gainers upon the ballance ; which the nation cannot be at the foot of the accompt , while there are very great losses at sea. for the profit of trade is not the advantage the merchant makes at home , but what the whole nation gets clear and nett , upon the ballance in exchange with other countreys of its commodities and manufactures . so that if we can protect our trade to that degree as to be gainers by the general ballance , the expence and length of the war will not so much affect us ; for trade , well secured , will bring in that wealth by which it may be fed and maintained . to support a long war , the taxes should be so contriv'd , as that they may lye equally upon the nation ; and when they are equally laid , they will in consequence be easier , and longer , and more patiently suffered . for he that is to carry a great burthen , should not reasonably be put to bear it upon one arm , and that extended at length ; but it ought rather to be placed upon his shoulders , so that every limb may bear its due proportion of the weight . the ways and means to supply the government , in this war , should be such , as may not too highly affect trade , upon the prosperity of which depends , in so great a measure , the welfare of the nation . what we give should be as free as possible from the load of paying interest-money , which eats upon the publick , as it ruins any private person . and , in taxing the people , we should have regard not to create disaffection to the government . we should likewise see that our present gifts should not , in their consequences , bring damage to the ordinary revenue of the crown ; for , in such cases , we give of one hand , and take away of the other . and lastly , in our ways and means of supplying the war , we should take some care not to entail upon the kingdom too large a debt of perpetual interest . taxes , which have all these inconveniencies , that are laid unequally , that affect trade , that consume us with usury , that disaffect the people , that prejudice the crown revenue , and burthen us with perpetual interest , may be made use of now and then , to piece out , and answer a single and a short necessity ; but cannot be repeated often , and made use of , as the constant ways and means of supplying the government , in a business of length , without great damage and hazard to the kingdom . for taxes of this nature beget public and private poverty , make the people desperate , render government uneasie to the rulers , and may be rather said to fight secretly against the prince , than to give him any true assistance . the opinion , which from year to year has prevail'd , that the next campagne would end the war , has made us bear with these ways and means of supply , believing every such charge would be the last of that kind that should be laid upon the people . perhaps we should have taken other measures , if , at the beginning of the war , the nation had been throughly convinc'd , that peace was at such a distance from us . some are of opinion , that if at first we had fallen upon excises , we had establish'd a fond of revenue , which would have lain equally upon the whole , been a constant and easie supply , and tending less than other taxes , to the damage of foreign trade , or ruin of the gentry ; and which , by this time , might have been so improv'd in the management , that we should have found it singly of it self , sufficient for all the expences of the war. and 't is not improbable , if the king of france had seen us open such a new vein of treasure , we had long since had a more advantageous peace than we can expect : at present . it had given him a great opinion and awe of our strength , if he had seen we had been able to raise five millions a year , in a way not very burthensom to the nation ; and he could have expected no good issue from a contest with so rich and powerful a people : but if he finds we raise money for the war , by ways and means heavy and destructive to our country , he will be encourag'd to persue it till he has brought utter ruin upon us . and tho' it appears from the books of hearth money , that there are not above thirteen hundred thousand families in england ; and , allowing six persons to a house , one with another , which is the common way of computing , not quite eight millions of people ; and tho' ( as likewise appears from the hearth books ) there are five hundred thousand poor families in the nation , living in cottages , who contribute little to the common support ; yet the eight hundred thousand remaining families , would be able to carry on the present business a great while longer , and , perhaps , till france is weary of it , if the public burthens could be divided a little more equally among them . it seems evident enough , that the war cannot be supported by the present revenue of the crown ; of which , as also how it stood at the beginning of the revolution , it may not be improper to give an account . the chief branches of the revenue , according to a computation deliver'd to the house of commons at the beginning of the revolution , stood clear of all charges , in the collection , as follows . the tunnage and poundage , including the wood-farm , coal-farm , and salt-farm , was computed at l. 600,000 the excise on beer and ale , &c. year ending 24th june 1689 , did produce — 666,383 the hearth money about — 245,000 the post office about — 65,000 the wine licenses about — 10,000 new impositions upon wine and vinegar granted for four years , the year ending 29th sept. 1688 , about — 172,901 duty on tobacco and sugar , for the same time in the same year , about 148,861 duty on french linnen , brandy , silk , &c. which was to continue to the 1st of july 1690 , for the year ending 29th of september 1688 , produced — 93,710 total — 2,001,855 the chief branches of the revenue at present , clear of all charges in the collection , stand as follows . the tunnage and poundage , including the wood-farm , coal-farm , and salt-farm , year ending 29th september 1693 , did produce — l. 286 , 687 the excise on beer and ale , &c. year ending 24th june 1693 , produced — 391,275 the hearth money — 000000 the post office , the same year — 63,517 the wine licenses , the same year about — 5000 new impositions upon wine vinegar , &c. year ending 29th september 1693 , produced — 133,595 duty on tobacco , &c. year ending 29th september 1693 , produced — 75,611 duty on silk , &c. year ending 29th september 1693 — 148,430 the additional impositions took place from march 1. 169 2 / 3. and from that time to 29th september 1693 , produced only — 16,203 the additional duties upon beer , ale , &c. computed at — 450,000 total — 1,570,318 but of the 1,570,318 l. which is reckon'd the present revenue , all but 746479 l. which arises from customs , old excise , post office , and wine licenses , is either anticipated by act of parliament for the war , or applied to the uses of it ; indeed , something of the ninepences will come into the crown as the lives fall . the salt duty , and new imposition upon the tunnage of ships , are to stand in the room of two nine-pences , till they come to be clear of their former anticipations . the other smaller branches of the revenue , such as the hereditary customs , fines for writs of covenant and entries in the alienation office , land revenue , dutchy of cornwall , dutchy of lancaster , first fruits and tenths , sheriffs proffers , compositions in the exchequer , fines of leases , and custody of idiots , forfeitures of recusants , fines for misdemeanors , post fines and seisures , are all inconsiderable , and so charg'd with pensions and salaries of officers , that they produce very little clear to the king. the tonnage and poundage , &c. in time of peace , will undoubtedly by degrees rise , but then trade must be courted and handled gently . the excise on beer and ale , &c. has been lately under so many discouragements of all kinds , as that branch will be found to mount very slowly . the hearth duty is taken off by law , as an unpopular revenue ; yet all the hardships and abuses of it , might have been corrected by act of parliament , and it would still have yielded about 200,000 l. per annum , above the charge of management ; and however the nation disgust it , 't is hardly so odious , if rightly examin'd , as poll-money , which the turks take to be so great a badge of slavery , that they impose it on none but christians . the present revenue being so far unable to support the war , what was wanting has been hitherto made up by other ways and means , of which some are thought very prejudicial to the nation . giving the king money by anticipating the customs , or by credit , upon distant fonds , does apparently consume the public with usury : the new fonds entail upon us a heavy debt of perpetual interest . the additional nine-pences upon beer and ale , do manifestly hurt that branch of the king's revenue . 't is feared frequent polls may disaffect the people . the new customs and impositions upon tunnage , are thought to prejudice trade . and lastly , the land taxes by monthly assessment seem unequally laid ; and the pound rate , of four shillings in the pound , does seem unequally levied upon the nation . but of each in their order . of anticipating the customs and credit upon distant fonds . that such ways and means of supplying the government , occasion ill husbandry in the public , will appear plainly to any one , that takes the pains to examin what great sums have been paid on account of interest-money and gratuities ; and let the king be either to buy stores , or to pay his fleet and army , it will be found at the long run , that 700,000 l. in ready money , will go farther than a million in tallies . of the new fonds for interest . the fonds for interest were , perhaps , good expedients , for the time , to raise money , but , if made use of frequently , may produce very bad effects in the nation ; for they divert money too much from the chanel of trade , where it is always best employed to the kingdoms advantage . there is already , paid upon these sort of fonds , about , 400,000 l. yearly . 't is true , what is out upon lives , will by degrees wear off ; but a great part of this sum will be a lasting rent charge upon the nation : and if we should further increase it by new projects of the same nature , we shall quickly be in the condition of spain , where they are undone by paying taxes to one another ; and where the public revenue is so clogg'd with perpetual interest , that apparently there is not wherewithal to supply the present necessities of the government . but the principal mischiefs these fonds occasion , is the raising money above the price , which either our foreign or domestick trade can afford to pay for it , to the great discouragement of both . they who have trac'd the effects , which lessening interest-money by law in this kingdom has produc'd , do very well observe , that when money was brought from ten to eight per cent , our trade presently increas'd upon it , and doubled in some time after it was reduc'd from eight to six per cent ; and if the abatement of interest did bring along with it that good advantage , we must expect to see trade labour under great difficulties , and in a short time come to nothing , if , by the means of these fonds , money be restor'd to its former rate of eight per cent. they are so inviting , and of such infinite profit , that few now are willing to let out their money to traders at six per cent. as formerly ; so that all merchants , who subsist by credit , must in time give over , and they being the greatest part , and , perhaps , the most industrious , any man may judge what damage this will be to the kingdom . so that these fonds of interest , are ways and means of supplying the war , which in all appearance are to be used tenderly , and with great caution . of the additional duties upon beer and ale. the excise upon beer and ale , brandy , strong waters , &c. was in a gradual and constant way of improvement from 1674 to 1689 , inclusive ; which year it produced , clear of all charge , 667 , 383 l. 11 s. 9 d. ● . ever year since it has fallen , and by much larger steps than ever it mounted . but because since the war there is little brandy imported , and strong waters are now charged in another manner , and at other rates than formerly ; the fall of this revenue will more plainly appear , by making the accompt up only for beer and ale , which produc'd as followeth . note , what follows is the gross account .   l. s. d. year ending 24 june 1689 — 694,476 02 6 ¼ year ending 24 june 1690 — 633,822 14 6 ¾ year ending 24 june 1691 — 554,769 10 6 ¼ year ending june 24 1692 — 515,455 08 3 ¾ year ending 24 june 1693 — 488,442 14 7 1 / 4 the accompts of the year ending the 24th of june 1694 , are not yet made up ; but the excise , by a medium of four years , having fallen hitherto about 50,000 l. per annum , 't is probable the last year has done the like ; and , if so , it is now 250,000 l. per annum less than it was in 1689. this great decrease is , by the commissioners of that revenue , chiefly attributed to the new additional duties , which in the country have made numbers of victuallers , in every county , leave of their trade ; and in london , put many private families to brew their own drink . the three nine pences upon beer and ale will not amount to much more than 420,000 l. per annum ; and if , as is alledged , they are the real cause the old revenue is diminished yearly 250,000 l. the publick gets but 190,000 l. per annum , by a tax that will be a long and very grievous burthen upon all the barly-land of england , and which is particularly heavy upon one trade , otherwise enough oppressed by the quartering of soldiers . 't is true , these duties were a present expedient , and did help out towards the supply of the war ; but for a long time hereafter they will apparently very much diminish the ordinary revenue of the crown . of poll-money . there is nothing can make it better apparent how displeasing poll-money is to the people , than the observation how ill it is brought in , and answered to the king. for where taxes seem hard and oppressive , in particular to the poor , the country gentlemen proceed in the levying of them with no zeal nor affection . the first single poll that was given in this reign , amounted to 288 , 310 l. 19 s. 6 1 / ● 3 with which the quarterly poll holds no manner of proportion . 't is true , the qualifications are taxed differently in the two acts. money is charged in the first , and not in the second , and titles are put higher in one than the other . but considering how many were brought in by the second act , and at high rates , which were not reach'd by the first , the quadruple poll might reasonably have produc'd near four times as much as the single , and it yielded little more than half . quarterly poll.   l. s. d. london , middlesex , and westminster — 97,622 5 11 rest of england — 499,896 7 1 ¼ total — 597,518 13 0 ¼ single poll.   l. s. d. london , middlesex , and westminster — 80,280 9 4 ¼ rest of england — 208,030 10 2 total — 288,310 19 6 ¼ total of the quarterly poll — 597,518 13 0 ¼ difference — 309,207 13 5 ¾ the houses in england , as appears by the books of hearth-money , are about 1,300,000 , of which 500,000 are cottages , inhabited by the poorer sort ; so that we may reckon there are not above 800,000 families liable to the payment of poll-money ; and though , in the common computation of the whole people , there may not be above six persons to a house , one with another , yet , in computing the 800,000 richer families , we may very well allow them to contain , one with another , seven persons , which would be 5,600,000 heads ; and reckon but a third part of these qualified within the act to pay four shillings per head , the poll bill on that single article , ought to have produced 373,333 l. what the one pound per quarter upon gentlemen and merchants worth 300 l. and such as belong to the law ; and what the ten shillings per quarter upon tradesmen , shopkeepers , and vintners worth 300 l. might have yielded , is difficult to compute ; but , perhaps the commissioners names in the act of parliament for the monthly assessment , quarto & quinto gulielmi & mariae may be no ill guide in the matter . the commissioners then were about ten thousand , and we may reasonably suppose ( and any gentleman may compute for his own country , and he will find ) that , one country with another , not an eighth part are named commissioners of those persons , who in estate , real or personal , are worth 300 l. and if so , we may reckon there are in england 80000 persons lyable to the payment of one pound per quarter ; by which account , the king should have received on that article 320,000 l. when we reflect upon the great number of tradesmen , shopkeepers , and vintners that are in england , it cannot seem any extravagant computation to reckon there are 40000 persons , of that sort , worth 300 l. and lyable to the payment of ten shillings per quarter ; upon which head the king should have received 80000 l. and allowing but 26667 l. for all other persons charged by that act , the quarterly poll ought to have yielded to the king. for the common people at 4 s. per head — l. 373,333 for the gentlemen , &c. at 4 l. per head — l. 320,000 for tradesmen , &c. at 4 l. per head — l. 80,000 for other persons charged by the act — l. 26,667 in all — l. 800,000 but there was receiv'd only — l. 597,518 s. 13 d. 0 ¼ the principal articles in this computation seem very much confirmed by what the first poll yielded ; for if there had not been in england about 1,867,666 persons who paid 12 d. per head , and about eighty thousand of the sort who paid one pound per head , that poll could not have produced in the country only 208,330 l. 10 s. 2 d. for money and titles were generally charged in london in the poll now in being , such are charged who are worth in estate , real or personal , 600 l. which may make some difference in the second article ; but the third article should now increase , considering all persons , by this act , are to pay ten shillings per quarter that are worth 300 l. in estate real or personal , which seems to take in stock of all kinds ; whereas in the former act , only tradesmen , shopkeepers , and vintners were comprehended ; so that if the present poll were strictly collected , it would produce about 800,000 l. and yet , as far as can be judged by the accounts hitherto come up , it is not like to yield so much money as the former . when a tax yields no more than half what in reason might be expected from it , we may plainly see it grates upon all sorts of people , and such ways and means of raising money should be rarely made use off by any government . of the new customs and duty upon tunnage . some people , who contemplate the greatness of england , and the figure it made in the world during the former part of queen elizabeth's reign , and some time before , are led to think we were stronger without trade than with it . perhaps trade in general may have been hurtful to mankind , because it has introduced luxury and avarice , and it might be better with us if we still liv'd in the innocence and plainness of our fore-fathers . but the circumstance of time , and and the posture other nations are in , may make things absolutely necessary , which are not good in their own nature . war is the occasion of cruelty , wickedness , and injustice , yet an unwarlike nation can enjoy no safety . since france , spain , italy , and holland have addicted themselves so much of late years to trade , without that naval force which trade produces , we should be continually exposed to the insults and invasions of our neighbours . so that 't is now become indispensably our interest , to encourage foreign commerce , and inlarge it as much as possible . instead of loading that part of our strength , we ought to court and nurse it up with all imaginable art and care ; 't is a coy and fantastical lady , hard to win , and quickly lost . with high customs we spoil industry , discourage the merchant , and may in time drive trade to take some other chanel ; and there is hardly an instance to be given of a nation , may be not of any single city , that having once lost trade , could ever recover it . war , and the scarcity of money , are sufficient discouragements to foreign commerce , without burthening it with new impositions . and perhaps it may be worth while to consider , whither hereafter , in time of a profound peace , if part of the customs were taken off , and some excises given in their room , such an exchange might not be very beneficial to the nation . if the stock of the merchant were greater , he would be in a condition to have a bigger trade . if it were not for the great duties that must be paid for customs , the same stock would carry on double the trade . 't is true , that excises would have the appearance of affecting land more than customs . but 't is , because the views of men are short , and generally confined to their own narrow interest ; and they do not duly consider how much their private concerns depend upon the publick welfare of trade , and how much the value of land is improv'd since our trade has augmented , even from twelve to twenty four years purchase ; nor how much more of their product and manufactures would be exported , if trade wore free without clog , and in its full prosperity . 't is granted that excises would something affect the landed man , who is the first seller , but if the customs were lessened , the price of all foreign goods would diminish to the buyer ; and considering how great a part that is of every man's expence , the country gentleman would get in the shire what he looses in the hundred . in nations , where the government cannot subsist without charging every thing , they lay perhaps great customs ; but , wherever the publick can otherways be maintain'd , the customs are low , for the encouragement of the merchant , who deserves all favor , as being the best , and most profitable member of the common-wealth . of all the new impositions , nothing is thought to lye so heavily on trade , as the duties upon the tunnage of ships . it seems to pull down at once a great part of what the nation had been so carefully rearing up by the act of navigation . and that tax is an instance , how much compassion for private cases does more prevail in this country , than the sense of publick good. for it was once designed to raise the money , which was wanting at the latter end of the sessions , by laying a new duty upon wine ; but because that was complained of as very burthensome to the spanish and portugal merchants , a charge upon tunnage was pitched upon , which in its consequence may prove very pernicious to the general trade of all england . of the monthly assessment and aids by a pound rate . subsidies , fifteenths , and tenths , were the antient ways and means in this kingdom of supplying the government . but what estates , and in what manner land● was thereby rated , is a matter very perplexed in our records , and would ask more time to explain , than the brevity designed in this essay will admit off . lord cooke , inst . 4. p. 33. and 34. values a subsidy at 70,000 l. and tenths and fifteenths at 20,000 l. and says they were four shillings in the pound upon land , and 2 s. 8 d. upon personal estates . it seems probable , that for a long time there had been no survey made of the land in england till 32 hen. 8. and that for some ages they had governed themselves by the ancient books . but the affairs of that king requiring then a great sum of money , the parliament charged land with 12 d. per pound , and personal estates with 6 d. and the king had liberty to name commissioners of his own . the assessors were to be upon oath , and had power to examine upon oath , all persons of the true value of their estates , real and personal . the same thing was done 34 and and 37 hen. 8. 2 and 3 edw. 6. and 3 and 4 edw. 6. and 4 and 5 philip and mary . and , in these times , there was in a manner a new survey made of all the land in the kingdom , and thereupon the subsidies that came after , raised larger sums than formerly . for we find from the accounts in the exchequer , that from 1 eliz. to 29 , inclusive , the subsidies , one with another , amounted to at least 100,000 l. but from 31 eliz. to 18 jac. 1. in which time we cannot find there was any regular and strict survey made , the subsidies fell to 70,000 l. or thereabouts ; for which no reason can be assigned ( land improving all the while ) but that , when there had been no survey made for a long while , and the assessors were left at large , the people naturally returned to the rates in the old books . how ancient the inequality is between the taxes in the north and west , and the home counties , so much complained of , cannot easily be traced ; for in an assessment of 400,000 l. 17 and 18 car. 1. we find the rates upon the northern and western counties to lye just as they do in our present assessment ; and tho' there might be some reason to ease the north in that tax , because those parts had been great sufferers by the scotch army , yet in 1642 , when that act passed , the sword of civil war was not as yet drawn ; and the west and other counties had not yet at all been harrassed ; so that the favour which the north and west have met with in land taxes , is a little older than the civil war , and may be attributed to that care , which the great number of members they send up , have always had of their concerns in parliament . when the civil war broke out , the common-wealth chiefly subsisted by excises , for they could gather land-taxes only where they were strongest . in 1647 , their authority was generally own'd over all the nation , and then they began to raise land-taxes regularly by a monthly assessment . when the war was over , there was real reason to ease the north and west , and accordingly the parliament considered what counties had least felt the war , those in their assessments they rated highest , and they spared such places as had been most harrased by the armies of either side ; and this was the distinction they made ( and not as is vulgarly thought ) that of associated or nonassociated counties ; for most counties of england , during that war , had been some time or other associated , and by ordinance of parliament . but still perhaps it had not fared so well with the north and west , notwithstanding their sufferings , if their cause had not been maintained in the house of commons by a sufficient number of friends and advocates . the places which had been least sensible of those calamities , or were soonest rid of them , and that had been under the wings of the parliament , and their army , were london and middlesex , surry and southwark , hertfordshire , bedfordshire , cambridgshire , kent , essex , norfolk , suffolk , berks , bucks , and oxfordshire . and they kept to the same measure of favouring the distant counties , and laying the chief burthen upon those nearest london , as long as the authority of the common-wealth lasted . when king charles the second was restored , the northern and western gentlemen were strong enough in the house of commons to get continued the method of assessment then in practice , which was so favourable to them ; and in the act 12 car. 2. for raising 70,000 l. for one month , 't is particularly provided , that it shall be raised in such proportion as the last 70,000 l. per month was raised by ordinance of state ; since which time till now , the counties distant from london , have continued in the constant possession of being favourably handled in all assessments . the first attempt of reducing assessments to some equality , was made in the year 1660. the house of commons , as may be seen from their journals , had then in debate the setling 100,000 l. per annum , in compensation of the court of wards and liveries ; and a committee was ordered to frame and bring in an equal aportionment of the said sum upon all the counties of england ; which was done accordingly , and delivered to the house november the 8th , 1660 , and is as followeth . yorkshire west riding — l. 2520 north riding — l. 1930 east riding — l. 1350 — l. 5800 devon — l. 5000 essex — l. 4800 kent — l. 4800 suffolk — l. 4800 norfolk — l. 4800 somerset — l. 4000 bristol city — l. 250 lincolnshire — l. 4000 hampshire — l. 3000 cornivall — l. 2400 wiltshire — l. 2700 london — l. 4000 middlesex — l. 3000 dorset shire — l. 2000 northampton — l. 2500 gloucester — l. 2500 hertford — l. 1800 buckingham — l. 1900 sussex — l. 2600 surry — l. 1800 cambridg and isle of ely — l. 1800 shropshire — l. 1900 berkshire — l. 1700 oxfordshire — l. 1700 leicester — l. 1800 hereford — l. 1600 l. 78950 warwick — l. 1800 worcester — l. 1800 bedford — l. 1400 stafford — l. 1400 nottingham — l. 1400 darby — l. 1400 lancashire — l. 1600 cheshire — l. 1400 rutland — l. 380 huntington — l. 900 northumberland — l. 700 durham — l. 700 cumberland — l. 400 westmorland — l. 300 monmouth — l. 800 anglesea — l. 260 brecknock — l. 450 cardigan — l. 350 carmarthen — l. 450 carnarvan — l. 260 denbigh — l. 450 flint — l. 260 glamorgan — l. 700 merioneth — l. 220 montgomery — l. 550 pembroke — l. 500 radnor — l. 240 l. 21070 l. 78950 total is — l. 100,020 this aportionment was many months in forming , and made , no doubt , with great deliberation and judgment , since all the most considerable men of those times were of that committee . 't is apparent , that in the assessment of the rates upon each county , and by comparing the sums , it may be seen , that they chiefly governed themselves , by the proportions which had been observed in rating the ship-money . they had before them the assessment of the 400,000 l. 17 and 18 car. 1. which , because it was made in parliament , they would , no doubt , have followed , if they had not judged it partial . but it seems they rather chose to follow the rates observed in assessing the ship-money , as having been laid by persons who had not the same reason and interest to favour one country more than another . ship-money was an arbitrary and illegal tax , therefore it concerned the contrivers of it to lay it as equally upon the nation as possible ; for it would have been a double grievance to the people , if it had been imposed , both against law , and also with partiality . on the contrary , it imported the ministers of that time to give their new invention all the fair colours imaginable , and to make that , which was unjust in its nature , at least just and equal in its manner ; and no doubt , in the rating of it , they had duly weighed and considered the strength and weakness , riches and poverty , trade and fertility , and every circumstance of each particular county ; with some regard also to the proportion it bore in the ancient subsidies . and , upon these grounds , 't is more than probable the committee of the house of commons proceeded in 1660 , when they made the ship-money their model and pattern of a fair and equal assessment . since the late war with france , land has been tax'd in different manners , by an assessment , and by a pound rate ; but both ways , it will perhaps appear , that the north and west have not born their due share and proportion of the common burthen . the first aid given to their majesties upon land , was by a monthly assessment of 68,820 l. 19 s. 1 d. per month , primo guil. & mariae . the second aid upon land was of 12 d. per pound . in this act their majesties had power to nominate the commissioners under the great seal of england , but were advis'd to put in all the same persons again , who had been commissioners in the monthly assessment : the assessors in this act were upon oath , primo guil. & mariae . the third aid upon land was of 2 s. in the pound . in this act the assessors were upon oath , primo guil. & mariae . the fourth aid upon land was by a monthly assessment of 137 , 641 l. 18 s. 2 d. per month , 2 guil. & mariae . the fifth aid upon land was by the same monthly assessment , 3 guil. & mariae . the sixth aid upon land was by a pound rate of 4 s. in the pound . in this act the assessors are not upon oath , 4 guil. & mariae . the seventh aid upon land is by the same pound rate , and the assessors are upon oath , 5 guil. & mariae . in order to show what proportion each part of the kingdom bears in the assessment , and in the pound rate , here is fram'd a table of 12 columns , which shows , 1. what each county pays in the monthly assessment of 137,641 l. 18 s. 2 d. per month. 2. what each county pays in the single poll. 3. what each county pays in the aid of 1 s. and 2. s. per pound . 4. what each county pays in the quarterly poll. 5. what each county pays in the aid of 4 s. per pound . 6. what each county would pay in a tax of two millions , according to the aportionment of 1660. 7. what each county paid in the assessment of ship-money . 8. what each county paid in the excise on beer and ale , &c. for the year 1689. 9. what number of houses in each county , were return'd by the hearth books of lady-day , 1690. 10. what number of hearths in each county , were return'd for the same time .   1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 a table of the produce of each county in y e● monthly assessm t of 137 , 6 41 = 18 = 2 ▪ ● month. produce of each county in the poll money 1st gu●t et mariae . produce of each county in the aid of 1●● . & 2●● pound the ● . ot guitt & mariae produce of each county in y e quart●●ly poll 3 0. et 4 0. gutt et mariae produce of each county in y e aid of 4 shitt s : in y e pound quarto guiliet et mariae . produce of each county for two m●tt● according to y e apporlionm● of 1660 produce of each county according to the assessm t : of 〈◊〉 ship m●●●y produce of county for excise on beer and ▪ he in y e year 1689 numb r : of houses in each county according to y e hearth books of lady day 1690 numb r : of hearth in each county according to the books of lady day 1690 produce of each county according to it assessm of 400000 = 17 th and 18 th caro●●mi : an elimate of the poor rate for one you made in latter end of the charles if 2th rety bedfordshire — 21525 = 6 2618 = 17 = 4 21872 = 19 = 2 6400 = 11 = 9¾ 28554 = 15 = 1¼ 28000 3000 5549 = 7 = 3 12170 21280 4372 = 01 = ● 6911 berkshire — 27175 = 18 4420 = 3 = 6 31708 = 2 = 9 10353 = 3 = 5 41054 = ● = 9½ 34000 4000 9105 = 12 = 9½ 16996 37550 5628 = 14 = 2 9800 buckinghamshire — 31567 = 14 4640 = 5 = 11 36670 = 7 = 6¼ 9550 = 6 = 2 47661 = 1 = 1 38000 4500 7261 = 16 = 5½ 18688 35337 6712 = 2 = 6 14800 cambridgsh ▪ and isle of ely ▪ 32877 = 10 4113 = 4 = 10 25535 = 6 = 1 9612 = 15 = 2 32844 = 16 = 3 ½ 36000 3500 10442 = 7 = 1 18629 36478 8496 = 11 = 1 9128 chesshire and chester 19230 = 12 4542 = 3 = 5 23634 = 11 = 5 ¾ 8791 = 10 = ● 28596 = 14 = ● ¼ 28000 3000 9836 = 10 = 4 ½ 25592 40865 3168 = 13 = 9 5796 cornwall 36981 = 18 4622 = ● = 7 24566 = 2 = 9 ½ 9613 = 19 = 10 31976 = ● = ● 48000 5500 10595 = 12 = 3 ½ 26613 54588 10110 = 15 = 9 9257 cumberland 4039 = 6 1114 = 12 = 6 2673 = 4 = 7 ½ 2116 = 11 = 6 3713 = 18 = 4 8000 800 5746 = 10 = 4 15279 20863 633 = 18 = ● 4988 derbyshire 20698 = ● 3556 = 3 = 3 18198 = 10 = 7 ¼ 7883 = 14 = 6 24093 = 19 = 10 ¼ 28000 3500 11960 = 12 = 4 ¼ 24944 36901 2819 = 1 = 7 ½ 7953 devonshire and exon 80311 = 16 12519 = 6 = 7 65867 = 19 = 4 2●821 = 9 = 3 82086 = 6 = 2 100000 9000 34525 = 7 = 11 56202 135230 30084 = 16 = 6 dorsetshire and pool 32532 = 2 3900 = 12 = ● 24878 = 17 = ● ¾ ●737 = 3 = 10 33116 = 7 = 9 40000 5000 7568 = 11 = 7 ½ 17859 42951 7782 = ● = 9 15885 durham northumb●land & ba●●● 16718 = 18 6244 = 7 = 6 22344 = ● = 7 1●028 = 19 = 9 25146 = 11 = 11 28000 2300 21216 = 8 = 3 53345 66169 2385 = 9 = 4 ½ 13620 essex 74362 = 12 8156 = 8 = 2 71642 = 13 = 9 ½ 2●820 = 10 = 2 90895 = 14 = 7 96000 8000 21676 = 4 = 5 40545 85700 18048 = 9 = 9 373748 gloucestersh r ▪ and gloucester 44349 = 18 5755 = ● = 8 35030 = 9 = 8 ¼ 13508 = 17 = 9 47523 = 13 = 2 50000 5500 14704 = 8 = 3 34476 6●909 11086 = 19 = 5 10600 horefordshire 27160 = ● 3070 = 3 = 10 14947 = 4 = 1 ●480 = 12 = 10 20409 = 2 = 6 32000 3500 6256 = 5 = 9 ½ 16744 27●08 7146 = 4 = 6 8687 hertfordshire 32299 = 10 4346 = 2 = 2 33415 = 14 = 4 11054 = 1 = 1 ½ 42973 = 5 = 4 ¼ 36000 4000 13264 = 2 = 11 ½ 17488 390614 7525 = 10 = ● 10760 huntingtonshireo 15209 = ● 1605 = ● = 10 11598 = 3 = ●● / 4 ●4238 = 16 = 4 15497 = 5 = 1 18000 2000 4437 = 27 = 4 ½ 8713 14●2 ●533 = 8 = 9 3850 kent 79846 = 8 10115 = 17 = 1 66912 = 13 = 1 ½ 24275 = 2 = 5 83450 = 3 = 5 96000 8000 24647 = 15 = 〈◊〉 ½ 46674 107●●● 2●100 = 10 = 4 ½ 29875 lancashire 24160 = 4 5938 = 16 = 1 17214 = 11 = 2 ¾ ●2732 = 15 = 2 21300 = ● = ● 32000 1000 14501 = 4 = 4 ½ 4690● 68023 ●●53 = 11 = 3 7200 leicestershire 26033 = 2 3738 = 5 = 4 26708 = 5 = 11 ¼ 10002 = 8 = 7 ½ 35088 = 9 = 7 36000 4500 8285 = 18 = 9 ½ 20448 31606 7848 = 5 = ● 11600 lincolnshire and lincoln 61802 = 8 7683 = 11 = 8 58447 = 5 = 4 10248 = 1 = 10 72265 = 11 = 10 ¼ 80000 8000 15949 = 4 = 5 ½ 45019 66119 13483 = 17 = 7 ½ 31300 northamptonshire 33933 = 16 5551 = 14 = ● 36673 = 7 = 3 ½ 12348 = 1 = 8 48111 = 12 = 10 50000 6000 9845 = 17 = 8½ 26904 43504 1869 = 16 = 0 21516 nottinghamshire 20961 = 12 3137 = 17 = 11 21690 = ● = 6 ¾ ●7085 = 9 = 8 27276 = 2 = 64 28000 3500 5837 = 10 = 4 ¼ 17818 30695 ●●10 = 4 = 9 11760 northfol and norrvich 85214 = 8 9491 = 9 = 10 64077 = 13 = 10 ¾ 24521 = 18 = 8 84729 = 14 = 10 ¼ 96000 7800 26899 = 11 = 6 ¼ 56579 102467 24452 = 10 = 7 ½ 462●● oxfordshire 27252 = 16 5328 = ● = 10 30903 = 10 = 5 ¾ ●0728 = 13 = 14 39038 = 12 = 8 ½ 34000 3500 11804 = 9 = 6 19627 42616 6418●4 = 9 795 rutland 5770 = 14 797 = 16 = 8 3971 = 13 = 10 ¾ 1785 = 7 = 4 5555 = 3 = 11 7600 800 1435 = 8 = 8 3661 5998 1053 = 14 = 3 373● salop 28889 = ● 4886 = 12 = 10 22088 = ● = 10 0783 = 12 = 8 29035 = 5 = 15 = ● 38000 4500 9874 = 9 = 3 27471 45586 4560 = 53 13575 staffordsh r : and litchfield 20774 = ● 4210 = 12 = 10 20934 = 5 = 8 ½ 8725 = 3 = 2 27082 = 10 = 5 28000 3000 10927 = 7 = ● 26278 42120 3831 = 17 = 3 7350 somersettshire and bristl 71302 = 16 8776 = 19 = 10 57443 = 19 = 1 2295 = 14 = 3 ½ 73728 = 18 = 7 ¼ 85000 9000 31133 = 9 = 2 45900 106462 17806 = 176 30263 southamptonshire 52546 = 8 6209 = 14 = 7 42063 = 3 = 7 ¾ 4083 = 6 = 2 55188 = 5 = 2 60000 6000 11160 = 18 = 7 ½ 28557 60419 14691 = 15 = ● 13173 southfolk 79164 = 16 7756 = 3 = 9 57667 = 14 = ● 9865 = 3 = 10 74201 = 18 = 3 ¾ 96000 8000 19635 = 9 = 8 ½ 47537 88797 20609 = 17 = ● 23750 surry and southwark 38328 = 4 8442 = 3 = 2 52858 = 5 = ● 0444 = 12 = 10 66984 = 17 = ● 36000 3500 34234 = 1 = 10 ½ 40610 88685 10808 = 1 = 3 15600 sussex 43713 = 6 6302 = 15 = 4 48142 = 6 = 3 2924 = 16 = 11 ½ 60819 = 12 = ● 52000 5000 7730 = 10 = 1 ½ 23451 52617 10914 = 15 = 9 18720 warnvicksh r and coventry 28618 = 10 4365 = 7 = 10 30478 = 7 = 7 ¼ ●0441 = 17 = 5 39864 = 12 = 9 36000 4000 11639 = 3 = 10 22700 38148 5771 = 8 = 9 9800 worcestersh r and worcester 26626 = 4 3713 = 15 = 1 25824 = ● = 15 ½ 9763 = 18 = 3 33144 = ● = ● 36000 3500 12793 = 10 = 1 ½ 24440 39455 6158 = 15 = 3 10640 wiltshire 47205 = 2 5952 = 19 = ● 39327 = 2 = 2 ¼ 13771 = 2 = 3 ½ 51672 = 7 = 11 ½ 54000 7000 10679 = 8 = 8 ½ 27418 57542 11704 = 19● 18240 westmorland 2784 = ● 806 = 5 = 2 2269 = 4 = ● 1737 = 7 = ● 3014 = 7 = 4 6000 600 2322 = 16 = 1 6691 20065 547 = 1 = 4 ½ 1890 yorksh r : w th : york and hull 83262 = 4 17441 = 18 = 7 69201 = 11 = 8 ½ 39289 = 9 = 1 91620 = 13 = 8 ¾ 116000 12000 52226 = 19 = 8 ½ 121052 174202 19030 = 16● 26150 wales north and south 70503 = 6 12156 = 9 = 8 39854 = 4 = 9 ¾ ●1029 = 11 = ● 51256 = 6 = 8 169800 10500 26431 = 18 = 4 77921 127751 9766 = 7 = ● 33753 london midd x : & westminst : 175969 = 12 80280 = 9 = 4 ½ 267311 = 16 = 9 ½ 97622 = 5 = 11 307140 = 8 = 5 ¾ 140000 20180 140358 = 13 = 2 111215 365568 54831 = 9 = ● 56380 grand totals 1,651,702 = 16 288,310 = 19 = 6 ½ 1,566,627 = 10 = 9 ½ 597,518 = 13● ¼ 1,977,713 = 17 = 1 ¼ 2,000,400 206,980 694,476 = 2 = 5 ¾ 1,319,215 2,563,527 403,159 = 17 = 5 665362 〈…〉 home countys viz. surry & southw r● 〈…〉 cambdg kent essex norfolk suffolk berks bucks & oxon total is 529,615 = 2 69,428 = 16 = 7 493,265 = ● = 1 ¾ 167,626 = 18 = 11 ¼ 632,388 = 19 = 6 ½ 626,000 57,800 184,520 = 19 = 5 ¼ 335,543 684,950 134,172 = 12 = 6 214,122 〈…〉 of england excluding lond : middlesex ● 〈◊〉 total is 946,118 = 2 138,601 = 13 = 7 806,050 = 13 = 10 ¼ 33●,269 = 8 = 2 1,038,184 = 9 = 1 1,234,400 129,000 369,596 = 9 = 10 ½ 872,457 1,513,009 214,155 = 15 = 11 394,860 11. what each county paid in the assessment of 400,000 l. 17 & 18 car. 1. 12. an estimate of the poor rates , upon each county , by a reasonable medium of several years , made towards the latter end of king charles the seconds reign . there is likewise summ'd up at the end of this table in two separate articles . first , the amount in each particular of the eleven home counties , which are thought in land taxes to pay more than their proportion , viz. surry with southwark , hertfordshire , bedfordshire , cambridgshire , kent , essex , norfolk , and suffolk , berks , bucks , and oxfordshire . secondly , the amount of the other counties of england and wales , exclusive of london , westminster and middlesex , which , because they would over ballance either side , are to remain out of the contest . the excise , and number of houses and hearths , are no ill measures to form a judgment by , of the trade , wealth , and abilities of a country . particularly , sir william petty , who was esteem'd the best computer we ever had , in all his political arithmetick , both for england and ireland , did very much govern himself by the hearth-money . some light may be also had in this matter , from the late polls which have been in the kingdom . the article of ship-money , shows how persons unconcern'd , did think each county ought to be rated . the aportionment of 1660 , makes it appear what was the opinion of a very able committee of the house of commons , upon this subject . the aid of 1 s. and 2 s. in the pound , set down in the table , shows that a pound rate has rais'd more , in proportion , than it does at present ; for if 3 s. in the pound did raise 1,566,627 l. 10 s. 9 d. ⅕ . four shillings in the pound ought to raise 2,088,836 l. 14 s. 4 d. ¼ . the poor rates , set down in the table , may be very useful to such as love computations , and who are inquisitive into the common business of the nation , and desirous to know its strength and weakness . it was collected with great labour and expence , by mr , ar. mo. a very knowing person . he had not the account of wales , but according to the proportion wales bears to the rest of the kingdom in other taxes , the poor rate there must have been about 33,753 l. so that the poor rate , at that time , through the whole nation , was about 665,362 l. by the comparison of all these particulars , some light , peradventure , may be given , and computations made , that will a little help to the forming a right judgment ; how all parts of the kingdom may be rated in a land tax , with somewhat more of equality . but the observations and inferences , which shall be made from this table , are humbly submitted to such as take delight in calculations of this kind ; and 't is hoped such a scheme will set better judgments , and abler heads , to work , upon a matter that deserves so well to be effectually consider'd . all substantial merchants will acknowledge , that stealing customs , and running goods , is against their common interest , because such as have that art , are not upon an equal foot of trade with the rest . in the same manner , where a tax is unequally levy'd , the gentlemen are not upon the same foot of maintaining their port , and providing for their families , which cannot consist with the public good. from the table here set down , there may be made these observations . first , that it evidently appears several ways , that the north and west , or the counties that lye towards the north and west , are at least two thirds of england , reckoned without london , westminster and middlesex . secondly , that there is good ground to conjecture , that the north and west , or the counties that lye towards the north and west , are near three fourths of the kingdom , reckon'd without london , westminster and middlesex . thirdly , that from a general calculation of the whole , there seems good reason to believe , that london , middlesex and westminster , are not above one tenth part of the kingdom . in the excise on beer and ale , the north and west , compar'd with the eleven home counties , are as 554,117 l. is to 184,520 l. which is two full thirds . in the number of houses , the north and west , compar'd with the eleven home counties , are as 1,208,000 are to 335,543 houses , which , is about 3 fourths . in the number of hearths , the north and west , compar'd with the eleven home counties , are — as 2,197,959 are to 684 ▪ 950 hearths , which is much above two thirds ▪ in the single poll , the north and west , compar'd with the eleven home counties , are — as 208,030 l. is to 69,428 l. which is about two thirds . in the quarterly poll , the north and west , compar'd with the eleven home counties , are — as 499,896 l. is to 167,626 , which is about two thirds . in the assessment of ship-money , the north and west , compar'd with the 11 home counties , are as 186,800 l. is to 57,800 l. which is two full thirds . in an assessment of two millions , according to the apportionment of 1660 , the north and west , compar'd with the eleven home counties , would be — as 1,860,400 l. is to 626,000 l. which is about 2 thirds . in the poor rates , the north and west , compar'd with the eleven home counties , are — as 608,982 ▪ is to 214 , 122 , which is near two thirds . so that it appears here plainly , by eight different instances , the north and west are at least two thirds of the kingdom , reckon'd without london , westminster and middlesex . according to which calculation , the monthly assessment which runs thus , north and western counties l. 946,118 the eleven home counties l. 529,615 london , westm . and middlesex-l . 175,969 total — l. 1,651,702 should run thus : north and western counties l. 983,822 the eleven home counties l. 491,911 london , westm . and middlesex-l . 175,969 total — 1,651,702 so in the pound rate of 4 s. in the pound , according to this calculation , if the eleven home counties , which are but one third , raise 632,388 l. the other two thirds should raise 1,264,776 l. and the pound rate which runs thus , north & western counties l. 1,038,184 the eleven home counties l. 632,388 london , westm . and middlesex-l . 307,140 total — l. 1,977,712 should run thus : north & western counties l. 1,264,776 the eleven home counties l. 632,388 london , westm . and middlesex-l . 307,140 total — l. 2,204,304 but , all things duly consider'd , there seem very probable reasons to believe , the north and west are three fourths of the kingdom , reckon'd without london , middlesex and westminster . for , as to the excise , all who know that revenue must grant , that in the north and west , the country in many parts is so wild , and the houses lye so dispers'd , that the retailers cannot be so well watch'd as in the home counties , where the dealers are in a narrower compass , and have less opportunities to deceive the king's officers . more private families take their drink of the common brewers , in the counties near london , than at a distance , which swells the excise of the home counties . setting that aside , and if the revenue could possibly be as well watch'd in the distant parts as it is near london , the excise of the north and west would , probably , answer near three fourths of the whole , without london , &c. as to the polls , 't is notoriously known , that the payment for degrees and qualities of persons , is by no means so narrowly looked after and exacted in the north and west , as in the home counties ; and if it were , the poll-money in the north and west , would in all likelihood answer three fourths of the whole , reckon'd without london , &c. as to the north and west , bearing no higher a proportion , in the poor rate , than scarce two thirds with the rest of england , there is , perhaps , this to be said , that , in the distant parts , provisions are cheaper ; so they maintain their poor at an easier rate than in the counties near london . in the north and west , their manufactures afford employment to the poorer sort ; and there are not so many there , who live upon the charity of others , as near london , where luxury and idleness abound . as to the proportion each county bears in the ship-money , and as to the rates which would lye upon each county in an assessment of two millions , pursuant to the aportionment of 1660 , though the proportions are both ways laid with more equality than in our present assessment , yet we are to consider , that in those times , when they judg'd the eleven home counties to be a third part of the kingdom , it was , in respect of the improvements of land , earlier known , and made use of , near the capital city , than at a distance from it . the ship-money , of which the aportionment in 1660 is a copy , began to be levied in 1636 ; at which time we may well imagine , that near london , all sorts of ways to meliorate land were found out , and put in practice , such as disparking parks , grubbing woods , inclosing and dreining fenny ground , &c. so that the home counties , which were scarce a seventh part in quantity of acres , to the rest of england , might , in the year 1636 , be well judg'd a third part in the value of rents . but the various ways of improving land , are now of late years got into the northern and western counties ; clover , cinqfoin , trefoin , marl , and lime , are particularly beneficial to countries that have great store of barren ground . the north and west of late years , have had a greater proportion of foreign trade than the home counties . the use of sea-coal in london , has more than trebled of late years , which is a great advantage to the north. the prohibition of irish cattle , is wholly beneficial to the northern and western counties , and has improv'd their land , and is hurtful to the rest of england . land seems to have been almost at the height of its improvement , and near the rack rerit , about the year 1636 , in the eleven home counties . and in the north and west , it has been ever since improving ; so that , in all probability , those counties which were formerly rated as two thirds , may now be esteem'd and valued as three fourths of the kingdom . upon the whole matter , the hearth-money seems the best measure to form a judgment by , of the wealth of each county ; and , by consequence , what proportion it ought to bear in any land-tax . for , from the number of houses , we may compute the people . where the numbers of people are , generally speaking , there are the manufactures , and consumption of home commodities ; there is the wealth and trade ; and there land improves , and rents are highest . in the number of houses , the north and west , are about three fourths of the kingdom . from whence , upon probable grounds , may be inferr'd , that the north and west are three fourths of the rents and value of england , still reckoning without london , &c. and if so , and if the eleven home counties are but a fourth part , the monthly assessment should run thus :   l. s. north and western counties — 1,106,799 18 the eleven home counties — 368,933 6 london , westm. and middlesex . — 175,969 12 total — 1,651,702 16 and it likewise follows , that if in the pound rate of 4 s. per pound , the eleven home counties , which are here reckon'd but at a fourth part of the kingdom , produced 632,388 l. then the north and west , which are three fourths , should produce 1,897,164 l. and a pound rate of 4 s. in the pound , throughout the whole kingdom , would be , north and western counties — l. 1,897,164 the eleven home counties — l. 632,388 london , westminster and middlesex-l . 307,140 total — l. 2,836,692 it may be seen , in the accompts of the exchequer , that , in the ancient subsidies , the north and western counties have been all along favour'd , and the reasons for it may be easily assign'd . vvorcestershire , gloucestershire , herefordshire , shropshire , and cheshire , were subject to the incursions of the vvelsh . the four northern counties , and yorkshire , were always to be upon their guard , against the inroads of the scotch . the western parts lay exposed to descents , and invasions of the french ; so that the private and particular charge in their defence , which lay upon those counties more than others , might be a sufficient cause to give them ease in all public burthens . the parliament , 17 & 18 car. 1. in their assessment of 400,000 l. plainly took their measures from the ancient subsidies . and with that assessment , car. 1. agree the rates laid upon each county by the common-wealth . and what the north and west pay in the pound rate , and what is laid upon them in our present monthly assessment , seem to answer it exactly ; all which may be seen by comparing the rates in the table upon each county . but the equity and reasons ceasing , which made our ancestors so favourable to them , and they enjoying the same common protection , and the publick necessities requiring great sums of money ; it seems but just and fair that they should neither favour themselves , nor oppose the being , in all taxes , upon an equal foot with the rest of the nation . the last observation offered from the table , is , that london , westminster and middlesex are not above a tenth part of the kingdom , which , if plainly made out , will clear a great many points , and very much confirm the calculation that has been made of what the north and west might raise in the pound rate . in london , westminster and middlesex , the pound rate of four shillings in the pound seems to have been well and justly levied ( except in the article of money at interest ) and did raise 307,140 l. now if we could come at an exact knowledge , what proportion the rents and value of those places bear to the rest of england , it would be a very good guide to the forming a computation , what the pound rate , fairly and impartially levied , would raise in the whole kingdom . in the aid of 4 shillings per pound , london , westminster and middlesex , compared with the rest of england , are — as 307,140 l. is to 1,977,713 l. which is near a sixth . in the assessment of 400000 l. 17 and 18 car. 1. london , westminster and middlsex , compared with the rest of england , are — as 54,831 l. is to 403,159 , which is near a seventh . in the present monthly assessment , london , westminster and middlesex , compared with the rest of england , are — as 175,969 l. is to 1,651,702 l. which is above a tenth . in the single poll , london , westminster and middlesex , compared with the rest of england , are — as 80,280 l. is to 288,310 l. which is about a fourth — in the quarterly poll , london , westminster and middlesex , compared with the rest of england , are — as 97,622 l. is to 597,518 l. which is about a sixth . in two millions , according to the aportionment of 1660 , london , westminster and middlesex , compared with the rest of england , are — as 140,000 l. is to 2,000,400 l , which is about a fourteenth . in the ship-money , london , westminster and middlesex , compar'd with the rest of england , are — as 20,180 l. is to 206,980 l. which is about a tenth . in the excise on beer and ale , london , westminster and middlesex , compared , with the rest of england , are — as 140,358 l. is to 694,476 l. which is about a fifth . in the number of houses , london , westminster and middlesex , compared with the rest of england ; are — as 111,215 is to 1,319,215 houses , which is near an eleventh . in the number of hearths , london , westminster , and middlesex , compar'd with the rest of england , are — as 365,568 is to 2,563,527 hearths , which is about a seventh . in the poor rates , london , westminster and middlesex , compar'd with the rest of england , are — as 56,380 l. is to 665,362 l. whatever proporation london , &c. bear to the rest of the kingdom , 't is plain , in the four shilling aid , they pay as about a sixth part of the whole . 't is true likewise , that in the assessment of 400,000 l. 17 and 18 car. 1. they are valued at about a seventh part ; but we are to consider the circumstance of that time ; the parliament wanting a present sum to pay off the debts they were engaged in , which no place could so soon raise as london . in the single poll they seem about a fourth part ; and in the quarterly poll , much about a sixth ; and the reason of the difference is in the single poll , the payment for qualities and degrees of persons was strictly exacted in london , and not in the country ; which swells the article of london . in the quarterly poll it was neither looked after in the country , nor in london , which we see paid little more to the quarterly poll than to the single . but in both polls , and both for london and the country , if we deduct from the whole sum , what was paid on the account of degrees and qualities , it will be found that london , westminster , and middlesex answer about a tenth part of the kingdom . in the excise they appear to be about a fifth part ; but the reason for that is obvious , because in london , almost all pay excise for their drink , which is not so in the country , but in the consumption of malt , london , &c. will be found about a tenth part of the whole . in the number of hearths they seem about a seventh part ; the reason of that is also apparent , for that in the country , to save the duty , the common people took away such hearths , of which they had not absolute use . but in number of houses , london , westminster and middlesex are not an eleventh part of the kingdom . and by the monthly assessment it appears , that the parliament have judged them about a tenth part . in the apportionment of 100,000 l. upon the whole nation in the year 1660 , they are valued and rated at about a fourteenth part . in the assessment of ship-money , at about a tenth part . and in an assessment of 30,000 l. given to harry the seventh , in lieu for that time of the aid , pur fair sitz chivaleer & pur file marrier rot. parl. 19 har. 7. n o. 10. london , westminster and middlesex are rated at but 889 l. 10 s. 2 d. which is about a thirty third part of that tax . and in the poor rate , they appeared to be about a twelfth part of the whole . upon the whole matter , from the foregoing instances , and many others that might be given , it seems very probable that london , westminster and middlesex have been generally esteemed , and are about a tenth part of the kingdom . but the instance which relates to the number of houses , is what we may reasonably lay most weight upon in the present dispute ; because the 307,140 l. which they pay in the four shilling aid , does most of it , without all contradiction , arise from the rent of houses . if indeed money were strictly inquired after , and if the charge upon personal estates made up a great part of the forementioned sum , the comparison might not hold ; because the great stocks of money are in london ; but though money be charged in the act , the law has not been able , hitherto , to reach it effectually . now , to raise the sum of 307,140 l. the general rental of london , middlesex and vvestminster must be upwards of a million and a half per annum . and if the rental of the eleventh ( but suppose them a tenth part of the whole ) be a million and a half , the general rental of the kingdom must be fifteen millions per annum . and if the general rental of the kingdom be fifteen millions per annum , the aid of four shillings in the pound ought to raise three millions . if 111,215 houses in and about london , with no more ground than what they stand upon , are , in rent , one million and a half per annum , it is hardly possible but that the 1,208,000 houses in the country , with all the land about them , and all the benefits that attend land , must be in rent thirteen millions and a half per annum . and whoever considers this seriously , will perhaps be inclined to think , that the four shilling aid would raise at least three millions , if it were levied in other parts of england with the same care and exactness as it is in london , vvestminster and middlesex , which are under the eye and influence of the government . and if the aid could be brought to raise such a sum , the war would almost be maintained by the charge upon land only . 't is notoriously known that a great many persons , both in the assessment and aids , pay a full fifth part of their estates ; if the rest did so , all would be upon an equal foot ; which , in justice and reason , the subjects of the same prince should be in every good government . but this will be very hard to compass in that long possession many countries are in , of being favourably handled in all taxes . 't is true , in the present aid the assessors are upon oath , but , in matters of revenue , it has been always found that oaths are very little regarded . if in the customs and excise all entries were to be made upon oath of the parties , and the king had no other hold , he might indeed save the charge of officers , but he would see very little from those revenues . the officers in the customs and excise are upon oath ; but if there were no other checks upon them , those branches would turn to small account . and we see in the present charge upon interest-money , how little scruple men make of swearing not to have 100 l. who are generally thought to be worth 20,000 l. taxes can never be equally levied where the people are left to themselves , or with no other check upon them , but their own consciences . therefore it was the ancient prerogative of our kings , to name their own commissioners for the levying and collecting such aids , fifteenths , and tenths , as their subjects gave them : which may be seen by the old commissions , ad assidendum & colligendum , that were wont to accompany grants of that nature . in that aid which was granted to harry the third , when magna charta passed , there is the form of that commission , vid. rot. pat. 39. h. 3. m. 8. dorso . and such commissions passed several times after , vid. rot. pat. 1. edw. 2. p. m. 3. rot. pat. 7. edw. 2. p. m. 3. rot. pat. 3. edw. 3. ps . 3. m. 18. rot. pat. 6. edw. 3. ps . m. 19. rot. fin. 23. edw. 3. m. 10. and in the other grants that came afterwards , the king is desired to issue out his commissions for the levying of them , as customably . vid. rot. parl. 6. rich. 2. n o. 16. rot. parl. 2. harry 4. n. 9. rot parl. 14. harry 6. n. 12. where the commissioners have power to examine all parties upon oath of the true value of their estates . in the reign of harry the sixth , there is an authority given to one lord , and the two knights of the shire in each county , who seem to have been in the nature of commissioners , to see that no wrong be done in the distribution of 4000 l. which was to be deducted out of the aid for decay'd towns and places . vid. rot. parl. 11. h. 6. n. 4. the first time we find commissioners named in parliament for the levying tenths and fifteenths , was in edward the fourth's reign , who was a luxurious prince , and gave the people reason to suspect his conduct . vid. rot. parl. 12. edw. 4. n. 41. and 14. edw. 4. n. 7. the records are both dark enough , but the parliament seems there to name commissioners , whom the king shall authorize under the great seal , to assess and levy the aid , and that the money so levied , shall remain in the hands of the collectors , to be appointed by the king in chancery , unto the time that proclamation shall be made by the king of his musters . the parliament suspected an aid was desired , and no war intended , so that their guift seems conditional , and they name commissioners , to see to the due performance of the trust . but afterwards , in the reign of harry the seventh , the occasion of naming commissioners in parliament , seems a great deal more apparent . for that covetous prince was wont to ask great aids of his people , on pretence of wars , that were never intended , therefore the aids which were given him the twelfth of his reign were , upon this condition , to be levied upon the people , if the war proceeded ; but not to be levied if a peace or truce ensued before they came to be due : and it was upon the score of this trust , that in all probability , the parliament named commissioners of the shires , with the justices of the peace to be associated . vid rot. parl. 12. h. 7. n. 12. and n. 13. but commissioners have been several times since named by the king ; as 34 and 37 hen. 8. 2 and 3 edw. 6. 3 and 4 edw. 6. 4 and 5 phil. and mary , 15 and 22 car. 2. but there is a president for this in the first year of their present majesties reign ; and if , pursuant to the powers given in that act , the king had named commissioners of his own in every county , for levying the aid of one shilling in the pound , there might have been a new survey made of all the rents in england ; and , in all likelihood , such sums would have been raised upon land only , as might have near answer'd all the necessities of the government . the second pound rate did not raise so much in proportion as the first ; and there is ground to think this last 4 shiling aid will not raise so much as the former : and there is reason to believe , the aids by pound rate will every time grow less and less , ( like the subsidies in the latter end of queen elizabeth's , and beginning of king iames's reign ) unless there be a new , and regular survey made of land. for let the dangers from abroad , and the wants at home , be never so pressing ; no doubt , most men , if they are left to themselves , will be glad to save their money ; and will rather consult their private interest than the public good. but if the king , as was always practis'd in ancient times , had power to name commissioners ; and if all people were bound under great forfeitures , to give in a true rental of their estates , or a true estimate of what they keep in their hands ; and if the commissioners had power to examin any person ( other than the party himself ) upon oath , of the true value of each man's estate , there is hardly any doubt to be made , but that an aid of four shillings in the pound would raise three millions . and if land could raise that sum , the nation need not be put to such dishonorable and dangerous shifts of raising money , as are new projects , fresh impositions upon trade , and fonds of perpetual interest ; which , if they are made use of as the constant ways and means of supplying the war , must in all appearance very quickly destroy our foreign commerce ; and , by consequence , bring universal weakness and poverty upon the whole kingdom . but there is nothing too hard for the wisdom of a parliament to bring about ; which , perhaps , may find a way to levy the pound rate justly and equally in all counties , without giving the king power to name commissioners . the ancient subsidies did usually consist of a charge by poll , a pound rate upon land , and a pound rate upon money , and personal estates ; so that all sorts of people did contribute something in the old way of taxing , but such as for their poverty were exempted . the usurers , who are the true drones of a common-wealth , living upon the honey without any labour , should , of all people , be brought in to bear their proportion of the common burthen . as yet , they could never be effectually reach'd , but they may be fetch'd in by the wisdom of a parliament , if the house of commons would please resolutely to set themselves about it . what a pound rate of four shillings in the pound , upon money , might produce , is very hard to compute , because , in that matter , there is scarce any rule or measure to go by ; but supposing money at interest to be a sixteenth part ( as some think ) of the annual value and income of england , there is then twenty millions of money at interest , ( which may be , and yet not a third part of that sum , in specie , in the kingdom ) and if there are twenty millions at interest at five per cent. a pound rate of four shillings in the pound , upon money , would raise 200,000 l. that which has made quarterly polls so distastful , is charging the poorer sort ; but if they were all exempted , a quarterly poll well levied might raise 500,000 l. and here it may not be amiss to take notice , that if , in the pound rate upon land , one shilling were taken off from the landlord , and placed upon the tenant , it would ease those who have born all the weight ; nor can it seem oppressive to the tenants , considering how well they have fared hitherto . so that a mix'd aid , by a pound rate upon land and money , and by a quarterly poll , all carefully levied , might raise by four shillings , pound rate , upon land — l. 3,000,000 by four shillings , pound rate , upon money — l. 200,000 by a quarterly poll — l. 500,000 total — l. 3,700,000 which , without any new ways and means , would come very near raising that sum to which the expence of the war has hitherto amounted . if in a war that is so expensive , and is thought so necessary for our preservation , all people would agree to promote equality , no doubt great sums might be raised in this nation , and the country , in all aids , would be found to answer as well as london . that london , westminster and middlesex , pay about a sixth part in the aid , is very plain ; and that they are not above a tenth part of the kingdom 's general rental , is very probable . what proportion in other wealth and substance london bears to the rest of england , is very hard to determine . but some landed man will start up and say , 't is true , london bears a sixth , it ought to bear a half , it has all the wealth ; and the immoderate growth of that city undoes and ruins all the country . it may therefore be well worth the enquiry of thinking men , what truth there is in this common and receiv'd notion , that the growth of london is pernicious to england ; that the kingdom is like a rickety body , with a head too big for the other members . for some people , who have thought much upon this subject , are inclin'd to believe , that the growth of that city is advantageous to the nation , and they seem to ground their opinion upon the following reasons : that no empire was ever great , without having a great and populous city . that the romans drew all the conquer'd cities of italy into rome . that the people of attica were no better than a crew of rude herdsmen ; and neither flourish'd in war , nor in civil arts , till theseus perswaded them to inhabit athens . that the greatness of london will best preserve our constitution , because , where there is a great and powerful city , the prince will hardly enterprise upon the liberties of that people ; in the same manner , a rich and powerful city seldom rebels upon vain and slight occasions . on these grounds , and many others , some people are led to think , the growth of london not hurtful to the nation ; but , on the contrary , to believe that there is not an acre of land in the country , be it never so distant , that is not in some degree better'd by the growth , trade , and riches of that city . perhaps , if all the wealth and substance of london could be truly rated , in a tax of four millions , that city would pay a fourth part without any hardship to it . but , probably , there is nothing but excises that will truly and equally rate all sort of wealth , and substance , and bring in all sort of persons , chiefly those in great cities , to contribute in the public burthens . we have now gone through the chief vvays and means , hitherto made use of , for carrying on the present war , in which an impartial land-tax is chiefly recommended , as most agreeable to the ancient constitution of this kingdom . if it shall be thought expedient to go by the way of a monthly assessment , the aportionment of 1660 , seems a more equal distribution of the common burthen , than has been as yet made use of : according to which , the home counties would pay as they do now ; london , westminster and middlesex , may be rated at the sum they have paid in the aid of four shillings in the pound . and the assessment would run thus : northern and western counties — l. 1,234,400 the eleven home counties — l. 626,000 london , westminster and middlesex — l. 307,14085 1 / 4 total — l. 2,167,54085 ¾ a far larger sum might indeed be produced by a pound rate , equally and impartially levied through the whole kingdom . but some will object , that to levy a pound rate strictly , by commissioners of the king 's naming , may occasion oppression and discontents in the country ; and that such a method of raising taxes , may create so many officers among the best of the gentry dependant upon the court , as may be dangerous to liberty . besides , the northern and western counties , especially such as lye most distant , will affirm , that out of the same value in estates , they are not able to pay the same pound rate , because their rents are not so well paid ; their returns , and markets , are not so quick ; and they taste not that benefit of the trade , and greatness of london , in the same degree as the home counties . it may be likewise objected , that land-taxes in general ( and chiefly if strictly levied ) must be very ruinous to the gentry , if the war should continue for any long time . and since , to a wise and vertuous prince , no sum of money can be desirable , that is levied with the oppression and discontent of his people , it may not be amiss to enquire , what other ways there are of supplying the war , which may be more casie to the nation . excises have had an ill repute with such as have not throughly weighed and compared them with other taxes ; but , however , it may not be improper to examine a little into the nature of such a fond of revenue , to what degree it would supply the war , and how far it may be consistent with the safety of our constitution . of excises . excises seem the most proper ways and means to support the government in a long war , because they would lye equally upon the whole , and produce great sums , proportionable to the great wants of the public . it appears from the books of hearth-money , that the families in england are about thirteen hundred thousand ; so that , allowing six to a family , the people of england may be computed at above seven millions . sir william petty reckons the common mass of mankind to spend in their nourishment , and living of all sorts , one with another , about seven pound a year a-piece ; by which computation , there seems yearly to be spent in england about forty nine millions ; of which , land and rents in london , according to what they pay in the present aids , appear not to be above ten millions ; and trade may be now esteem'd at six millions ; the other thirty three millions are spent from sciences , arts , labour , industry , manufacture , retailing of foreign goods , and buying and selling our home commodities . now in taxing the people , we have hitherto gone chiefly upon land , and foreign trade , which are about one third part of the strength of england ; and the other two thirds of its strength we let escape . so that usurers , lawyers , tradesmen , and retailers , with all that troop that maintain themselves by our vice and luxury , and who make the easiest and most certain gain and profit in the common-wealth , contribute little to its support ; all which , by excises , would be brought to bear their proportion of the common burthen . of the thirteen hundred thousand houses that are in england , it appears , from the books of hearth-money , that five hundred thousand are cottages of one chimney . suppose most of these to be poor families , and that they contribute little to any tax , yet if the other eight hundred thousand families paid in several excises but six pound a year , one with another , the whole amount would be 4,800,000 l. per annum ; which shows what great sums excises are capable of producing . but the disproportion , between what the rich and what the poor consume , would make this fall easily upon the poor , and not very heavily upon the richer sort . the duties upon beer and ale , are an instance of the value of excises , which at 2 s. 6 d. per barrel upon strong , and 6 d. per barrel upon small-beer , and 16 d. per gallon upon brandy , produced , in the year ending 24 june 1689 , clear of all charges , 738,696 l. and , if one branch of our consumption would yield such a sum , what would an excise produce , laid upon several other commodities and manufactures , charging the things of luxury high , and the necessaries of life but at a low rate ? that kind of revenue must needs be very great , where so large a part of the people are every minute paying something towards it ; and very easie , where every one , in a manner , taxes himself , making consumption according to his will or ability . venice and holland , two jealous common-wealths , have not thought excises dangerous to liberty . they are the strength and support of our neighbouring monarchies , especially france ; and if we are to contend with that king , the combat will be with very unequal weapons , if we must make use only of land-taxes and customs , against his excises , and all his other ways of raising money . but it may be objected , that no excise can be laid , but the price of the commodity will rise , which will hurt our manufactures , hinder consumption , and so prejudice the landlords and farmers of england . but that objection would be quite remov'd by a good law of assize ; without which , any new excises may indeed be of evil consequence . the laws of assize were made to increase consumption , and give the common people the benefit of plenty : as the price of corn falls , the weight of bread should encrease ; and if this were strictly look'd after , it would much augment consumption among the common people , who are the great consumers of our home commodities ; and who would consume more , if they might have more for the same money . but this is no where regarded , but a little within the city of london . by this laws not being put in execution , consumption does not encrease as plenty encreases ; neither the farmer , nor the common people , are the better for abundance ; and the benefit of plenty , in a manner , wholly accrues to bakers , corn-chandlers , and corn-brokers , who make immoderate gains by not raising and lowering their prices truly , according to the common rate of the market , which , by law , they are bound to do . as for example , if an excise were laid upon wheat and rye , and , at the same time , the laws of assize were revived , and inforced with higher penalties ; the excise would not be so much felt by the farmer , because he would find consumption increase ; nor by the common people , because they would have more bread for the same money ; so that , in effect , the excise would be answered to the king out of the immoderate and unlawful gain made by the baker , corn-chandler , and corn-broker . so , if an excise were laid upon oats , pease and beans , and an assize of the said commodities were made to force the inn-keepers and corn-chandlers to regulate their prices , in a reasonable manner , by the market price , the consumption would be greater , and the farmer thereby recompenced , and the king's duty in effect would be paid out of the immoderate gain made by the inn-keeper , and corn-chandler . so if an excise were laid upon flesh , candles , and leather , and at the same time provision were made by law to regulate the market of smithfield , and other markets , all cattle would sell so much better ; that the farmer would not so much feel the excise , which would in effect be paid out of the excessive profits made by the butcher , in retailing his flesh , and selling his tallow and hides . 't is strange oeconomy in our government , that plenty should make things a greater drug to the first seller , and very little cheaper to the buyer ; but so it is in fact ; and this proceeds from the want of a good law of assize , and from the fraud and corruption of those who retail these commodities ; such as bakers , inkeepers , and butchers . and since there is a necessity of money , can any tax be more reasonable , than such a one as would intercept and bring to the king , some part of that excessive gain , which these people make upon the publick ? and this will hold in almost all commodities that are the proper subjects of an excise . therefore if ever new excises are thought upon , it will be necessary , at the same time to renew the laws of assize now in force , and to prepare a new bill of assize , with higher penalties , and better accommodated to present use ; in which the justices of peace may be strictly injoyned to settle the assize every month , in their respective divisions , at their monthly meetings . the same law may regulate the markets of smithfield , in which , it is said , there are practices very hurtful to the landed men of england . 't is complained the butchers of london keep great quantities of rich feeding ground in their hands near the town , and are all engrossers of cattle ; and when beasts are brought hither for sale , they drive theirs up to glut the market , and by this combination , command the price , and set it at their own pleasure ; and so make flesh dear in the retail , when cattle sell for nothing in the market . the remedy for this evil can be best found out , and apply'd by the country gentlemen that sit in parliment . the same law may also regulate weights and measures , in which , 't is said , there are great coruptions throughout the whole kingdom . it should be the care of all governments to save and protect the poor , as much as possible , from the frauds and combinations of the richer sort ; and if this were sufficiently provided for , by good and wholesome laws , well executed , all the necessaries of life would be thereby render'd so much cheaper to the poor , that they might pay excises , and yet enjoy more ease and plenty than they do at present . the proper commodities to lay excises upon , are those , which serve meerly to luxury ; because that way the poor would be least affected . but things of that nature are of little bulk , easily hid , vended by a number of different traders , and require many officers to inspect the making , selling , and retailing of them . in holland they easily gather the duty upon things of luxury , where the people are shut up within a narrow compass , and where the execution of the laws is strict and steady ; but it would be otherwise in england , where the people are dispersed about in a large country , and where they have been long used to a slack and unsteady execution of the laws . besides , in holland , the laws that secure such excises to the government , are more strict and penal than our constitution will bear . and yet a duty upon all the vanities and luxuries of this kingdom may be collected , by a far less number of officers , and with less difficulty , than is commonly imagined . the commodities with us , proper to charge excises upon , are such as are bulky , and not easily hid or convey'd away , and where as few traders as possible may be pester'd and vex'd with the search and inspection on of the officers , and where the revenue may be sufficiently secured to the king by mild and gentle laws . excises may be so contrived and laid , as to answer a sum perhaps large enough for the wants of the government , without subjecting any private families , which are not dealers , to the officers search and inspection , or without charging any private person for such commodities as are of his own growth or making . there may a sum large enough arise , only from a duty upon such things as are sold , made , or retailed in market towns and great cities , to be paid only by the seller , maker , or retailer . and the duties will be with much less clamor gathered , where the business lyes only between officers and publick dealers , than where it is between the king's officers and private persons . 't is true , that a duty upon malt cannot be conveniently laid , or would yield little , without subjecting private persons to the inspection of the officer ; but , in regard malt-houses are in out yards , the inconvenience and trouble would be the less . and such a sum as is wanted may be levy'd , and the things of luxury reach'd , for the yearly charge of about 100,000 l. and by about fourteen hundred officers ; casting england into eight hundred districts , as it is laid out for inspecting the victuallers in the duty upon beer and ale ; the remaining six hundred are sufficient to take an account of such goods as are made , sold , and retail'd in great towns and cities . and this is undeniably apparent to any one that is skill'd in the manner of collecting excises , and vers'd in the nature of such revenues . nor is this a number of officers that can be reasonably thought dangerous to our liberties , or able to influence elections in the country , especially as they may be restrain'd by law from intermedling in such matters , and because the officers made use of for the collecting such revenues , are generally taken out from the lees of the people , and are persons without interest or authority . the excise on beer and ale has given such knowledge and light into revenues of that kind , and has chalk'd out so plain a way of dividing the kingdom equally among the officers , and instructed so many persons how to survey the several makers , sellers , and retailers , and to obviate frauds , that excises will now be sooner understood , more easily collected , and with fewer officers than is commonly apprehended by such as have not thought maturely upon this subject . and the books of hearth-money , and the late poles , have likewise given us such an insight into the number of the people , and the abilities of the respective families , that it would not be difficult to make some computation , what the excise upon any commodity would produce ; political arithmetick being a good guide in these matters ; though it gives not demonstrative proofs : so that the parliament would not be quite in the dark in laying any impositions of that nature . as for example , from the excise of london , a computation may be made , what a duty of 3 d. per bushel upon all the malt of england would produce , in this manner . there was brew'd in london , the year , ending the 24th of june 1689 , 1,212,550 barrels of strong beer and ale , and 827,544 barrels of small beer , so , of both sorts of drink , there was brew'd 2,040,094 barrels . to the strong beer and ale , there is allow'd three bushels to the barrel , and to the small one bushel ; but much small beer being brew'd after the strong , it may be a reasonable medium to allow to both drinks , one with another , two bushels to the barrel ; at which rate , to reckon by round numbers , there is used in london 4,000,000 of bushels of malt. the people of england , by the nearest computations that can be made , are reckon'd seven millions ; of which london is accounted a tenth part ; so that there may be in london 700,000 people , divide the 4,000,000 by 700,000 , and there will be found to each man 5 bushels 7 tenths of bushel . but the allowance of two bushels to the barrel being rather of the least , we may reasonably allow to each man's consumption six bushels of malt in a year , which would be 4,200,000 bushels , that is , about three barrels a year , which to the mass of the people blended together , will be about a quart a day . so that if london , which is a tenth part of the peopl , consume 4,200,000 bushels of malt , the whole kingdom , which are seven millions , may consume 42,000,000 bushels , which , at 3 d. per bushel , would produce 525,000 l. per annum . where the use of any commodity is pernicious to the interest of the nation , or prejudicial to the health of the people , such an excise may be there laid , as may amount to a prohibition of the commodity . particularly , such foreign commodities may be highly charged , the importation of which hinders the setting our own poor to work . and here it may not be amiss to take notice , that if the duty upon brandy and spirits was so high , as to amount to a prohibition of them , their want in the king's revenue would be recompenced to him in his customs upon wine , and excise upon other liquors , which undoubtedly they hinder . how brandy obtains among the common people , may be collected from this , that for a long while the importation of it has every year increased considerably ; so that in the year 1689 , there was as much imported as the excise of it at 16 d. per gallon amounted to about 140,000 l. besides the strong waters made at home . and if , as physcians say , it extinguishes natural heat and apetite , it hinders the consumption of flesh and corn in a degree . 't is a growing vice among the common people , and may , in time , prevail as much as opium with the turks , to which many attribute the scarcity of people in the east . there is no way to suppress the use of it so certain , as to lay such a high duty , as it may be worth no man's while to make it , but for medicine . excises may be made the engine to pull down or repress several luxuries , of which our laws could yet never get the better . and suppose these duties should make many commodities so much the dearer , as to lessen their consumption , if thereby luxury in general could be kept down , and the nation driven more to thrift , it would perhaps , tend greatly to our publick wealth ; and that notion , if truly examined , will probably be found false , that riot and expence , in private persons , is advantagious to the publick . unless the nation does unanimously and freely give into excises , upon a full conviction that they are the best ways and means of supplying the government , it will not be the interest of any king to desire such a revenue . for if they are carryed but by a small majority , against the sense and grain of a considerable part of the house of commons , they will come so crampt in the act of parliament , and loaded with so many difficulties , that they will only occasion great clamors in the kingdom , and not yield much money . whenever revenues of that nature are set on foot , all possible ways must be used , that humane wisdom can think of ; to give , in other matters , safety , ease , wealth , and prosperity to the nation . but ; as the foundation of all , it must be made apparent , by every step , that the liberties of the people are the chiefest view , and greatest care of the government ; for nothing else can encourage them to trust the court , in a matter that appears so nice and new , as a home excise . all things must be done that may effectually increase the value of rents , and price of land , which will add true strength to the nation . all laws that would tend to the relief of the poor , and setting them to work , would make excises , and indeed all other taxes , easier to the kingdom . the poor-rate , as has been said before , in the latter end of king charles the second's reign , came to about 665,362 l. and we have reason to think 't is now much higher , because of the great decay in our foreign trade , and home manufacture . besides which sum , there is yearly given a vast deal to their relief in voluntary charity and contributions ; so , that in time of peace , we pay near as much to the poor , as to the maintenance of the government , and for our protection . but , as this money is managed in most places , instead of relieving such as are truly poor and impotent , ( which the laws design ) it serves only to nourish and continue vice and sloath in the nation . if publick work-houses were set up in every town and county , and if the works and manufactures , proper for ever place and country , were fixed and established in it , the poor would be encouraged , and invited to labor and industry ; especially if the magistrate made use of his coercive power upon such as are vicious and idle . the real and true objects of charity would cost the nation but little to maintain ; and 't is to be doubted they have the least share in the publick reliefs . the wisdom of a parliament may , in time , find out a way to make such persons useful and profitable to the nation , who , at present , are a heavy burthen upon it . if all the hands in this kingdom that are able , were employ'd in useful labour , our manufactures would so increase , that the common-wealth would be thereby greatly inriched , and the poor , instead of being a charge , would be a benefit to the kingdom . if the poor were always certain of work , and pay for it , they would be glad to quit that nastiness which attends a begging and lazy life . and if the poor were encouraged , and , where there is occasion , compell'd to maintain themselves ; the pound rate would be much less in every county ; and if the nation were a little eas'd of that burthen , we should be in some degree , abler to support the expence of the war , and land would be eas'd , upon which the poor-rate is a certain charge . nothing would better enable us to pay excises , and all other taxes , than a publick registry , a general liberty of conscience , and indeed all laws that would effectually invite people over to us , and increase our numbers . people are the real strength and riches of a country ; we see how impotent spain is for want of inhabitants , with their mines of gold and silver , and the best ports and soil in the world ; and we see how powerful their numbers make the vnited provinces , with bad harbors , and the worst climate upon earth . 't is perhaps better that a people should want country , than that a country should want people . where there are but few inhabitants , and a large territory , there is nothing but sloath and poverty ; but when great numbers are confin'd to a narrow compass of ground , necessity puts them upon invention , frugality and industry ; which , in a nation , are always recompenced with power and and riches . and this happened to the phoenicians , who were the old inhabitants of canaan , and elbowed out by the hebrews , and driven into a small slip of land on the sea coast ; who , to nourish their great multitudes , were forced upon trade , and so became the first navigators and merchants in the world that we read of and in time grew a most wealthy and powerful nation . spain resisted the romans near 200 years , meerly by their country being then so populous ; for cicero , reckoning the strength of several nations , says , that of spain consisted in its numbers . no country can be truly accounted great and powerful by the extent of its territory , or fertility of its climate , but by the multitude of its inhabitants ; and rich soils not well peopled , have been ever a prey to all invaders . where countries are thinly inhabited , the people always grow proud , poor , lazy and effeminate ; qualities , which never fail to prepare a nation for foreign subjection . all men who have made any computations of that kind , seem convinc'd , england would naturally bear , and nourish , a full third part more of inhabitants ; so that , if it ●ere fully peopled , the value of all land and rents would as certainly rise , as land and rents set better near a populous city than at a distance from it . there are many laws which would invite over to us that complement of inhabitants which our country seems to want ; and tho' vve should get at first only the poorer sort , yet those mouths vvould consume our home product , and those hands vvould help us in our wars ; and in peace , by their labour , over-pay the nation for their keeping . but a public registry , and a general liberty of conscience , would bring among us from abroad the very species of money , real and intrinsick wealth , substantial men , and all sort of manufactures . some people are afraid that foreigners may take the bread from the common people , whom strangers , by reason of their industry and spare living , are able to under-work and under-sell ; and that foreigners may have , in time , strength enough to awe the natives . and others believe , that tolerating all religions may be hurtful to the church . but these opinions proceed from a narrowness of mind , not becoming religious and wise men. for god can protect his own cause in the middle of a thousand errors , and variety of heresies will but give our church-men a more ample field of shewing their learning and piety . the same protection , and the same laws , will give foreigners the same interest , with the natives , and in time , probably , the same religion . and the industrious frugality of foreign handycrafts-men , will be a good correction to the sloth and luxury of our own common people . at a time when tyranny is so much the fashion round about us , if our arms were open to receive all the afflicted and oppressed part of mankind , the goodness of our climate , mildness of our laws , and the excellence of our constitution , would invite over to us such multitudes , as would exceedingly add to our power and strength , and make us more a ballance to the greatness of france . and with these additions of strength , excises would be less felt by any part of the kingdom . but there are many real lovers of their country , and jealous of its liberties , who object against excises , and say , they will be so easie and little felt , that the ministers , some time or other , may be tempted , if such a revenue were once afoot , to get it settled into a perpetuity , or for a long term , and so make parliaments useless . they say , land-taxes , polls , and customs , lye so heavy upon the men of interest and figure in the nation , that by such kind of impositions , the gentlemen of england will never enable a king to live without a parliament . but excises being an easie way of contributing , insensibly paid , and falling chiefly upon the common sort , they apprehend our representatives may , some time or other , by the arts and power of the court , be prevailed upon to let them pass into a lasting supply to the crown ; and they think so large a revenue would make the prince absolutely independant of his people , which would quite destroy our constitution . 't is true , some of our former princes have had designs to enslave this country , partly led into those measures by the gentries flattery , and corruption of their manners , who have been all along willing enough to traffick the peoples rights . however , the nation was never yet so deprav'd , but there was a party strong enough in the house of commons to preserve the being of parliaments , which would cease if they should make the crown rich enough to subsist without them . this party will ever , with jealous eyes , watch the motions of the court ; some , perhaps , only to bring their abilities and repute with the people to the better market ; others , to wreak their discontents , and some out of meer love to their country ; though it may be feared , the public has but few friends that are so truly upon the score of vertue and honesty . these will always be ready to make a stand in the house of commons , in case , hereafter , the ministers should have any designs to make kings independant on parliaments . but in the present posture of affairs , and in a long prospect of the future , it is not probable any thing will be enterprised upon liberty : for there are those , on the other side the water , that would sufficiently improve , to their advantage , any false steps that should be made of that nature ; and , while our fears of france and popery continue , the side that is for keeping the government within its ancient limits , will have always sufficient strength and credit in the nation . no king , with despotick power and an army , could levy a third part of that money in this country , which is now paid in a quiet and legal manner . if our kingdom had been under arbitrary power , when we broke with france , in all probability the conquest of us had not been the work of two campagnes ; for nothing but liberty , our interest in the laws , and property , could have made us willing to endure such a heavy war , and able to bear its expence . the rights and liberties of a free people , are chiefly what we have to oppose against the numbers , wealth , oeconomy , and military skill of france . so that there seems the less reason to fear any breach upon our constitution , because it is as much the interest of the prince , as our own , to preserve it . nor can a great tax of any kind be laid , which will fall so easie upon the people , as that the entire body of the nation will not find it self concern'd to throw it off in parliament , as soon as that necessity ceases which first brought it on . all taxes whatsoever , are in their last resort a charge upon land ; and though excises will affect land in no degree like taxes that charge it directly , yet excises will always lye so heavily upon the landed men , as to make them concern'd in parliament , to continue such duties no longer than the necessity of the war continues . besides , when 't is said excises are easie , 't is in respect of other taxes , and in regard they charge every individual man more equally than other impositions : for all ways and means whatsoever , that raise great sums , and drein the country of money , are , and ever will be , thought burthensome to the whole . and though the dangers which threaten from abroad , have made us willing to raise such great sums , as for these late years have been levied in england , yet all men know , that in times of peace , they are far above the value , wealth and power of this country , and cannot be continued , nor under any head whatsoever paid a long space , without depriving the people of that stock which should carry on their labour , trade , and manufacture , and consequently , introducing universal poverty . so that there seems little reason to fear the gentlemen in parliament can ever be prevail'd upon to make excises a standing revenue . there are other taxes , that probably , in their consequence , may prove more dangerous to liberty than excises . the rights of the people are safe so long as we preserve parliaments ; and while that post is secure , and well guarded , we are out of danger ; our felicity being such , that we cannot be undone , but by our selves , and by our own consent . those kings who have design'd the subverting of our laws , by force and open war , as king john , harry the third , edward and richard the 2d , could never prevail ; on the contrary , their attempts did end in procuring to the nation more ample charters of freedom . but those princes have been more likely , and nearer to compass their ends , who have had the art to undermine our priviledges by corrupting parliaments . and nothing can sooner dispose the gentry to that corruption , and put them more in the power of the court , than such heavy taxes as will make them uneasie in their fortunes . and the subversion of most free governments that we read of , has happen'd when the gentry has been ambitious , and overwhelm'd with debts , and press'd with too great necessities . if these hight land-taxes , are long continued in a country so little given to thrift as ours , the landed men must inevitably be driven into the hands of scriveners , citizens , and usurers , except some few of the most wary families . and in such a case , the country gentlemen would still preserve the interest of being chosen into the parliament for a time , because they would hold their estates till they are evicted out of them by law , or forc'd to sell to their creditors , who , indeed , are the true owners . now can there in the world , be a circumstance more dangerous to the liberty of a nation , than to have the real right , interest , and property of land , in one hand , and the power of being chosen into parliament in another ? to preserve the rights of this nation , we should be represented by such as have the greatest share in property . and yet if these high land-taxes should last any considerable time , the real property of land will belong to the bankers and usurers , and we shall be in a great measure represented by such as have only the name and show of estates . and 't is left to the consideration of any impartial man , whither such a parliament would not be entirely in the power , and at the devotion of the court : and whither liberty would not be thereby more endanger'd , than by making excises a fond of revenue for this war. when the people grow once so degenerate , as to surrender the rights of the nation , there is no ward against such corruption ; and a parliament that would consent to continue excises , beyond the necessities of the war , would give up magna charta , or settle the present land-taxes into a perpetuity upon the crown . but 't is hoped there are not hands enow in this country , to help a few flatterers in the pulling down the fences of our liberties , and to promote a design that would as well ruin the king as his people . if an honorable and safe peace be so much in our power as some men imagine , there will be no occasion of new ways and means of supplying the government . but if we are so jealous of our trade , and maratime interest , as to desire the war may be continued , till the naval power of france be a little humbled and broken , then it vvill import us to think on the ways and means proper for the carrying on a business of difficulty and length . upon the whole matter , it would be much for the honour and safety of england , if we could bring it about , to answer the years expence , with the revenue that shall arise within the year ; and not to live upon anticipations , which eat us out with interest-money , and run the nation into a long debt . all reasonable men must grant , that if the government could be otherways supplied , it were expedient to let land breath a little , in order to give the country gentlemen opportunity to repair the breaches which are lately made in their fortunes . and in all likelihood , excises might maintain the whole war , if they can be so settled , as the giving of them may not hazard the constitution . but if excises are thought dangerous to liberty , there seems good reason to believe , that an aid of 〈…〉 ound upon land , and money , join'd with a quarterly poll , and all justly and fairly levied through the whole kingdom , would near supply the present necessities . if aristides , cimon , and themistocles , or any of the ancient worthies , could rise from the dead , they would be astonish'd at our proceedings , and wonder to see a nation , that fights for the cause of liberty , tax themselves partially , and not with due proportion . 't was not by such measures , in their public assemblies , that the grecians so long withstood the persian monarchy , but by observing , among themselves , mutual justice and equality , each man submitting his private interest and concerns to the common good of his country ; which , 't is evident , they did in the whole course of their affairs . finis . a sermon preached in london before the right honorable the lord lavvarre, lord gouernour and captaine generall of virginea, and others of his maiesties counsell for that kingdome, and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation at the said lord generall his leaue taking of england his natiue countrey, and departure for virginea, febr. 21. 1609. by w. crashaw bachelar of diuinitie, and preacher at the temple. wherein both the lawfulnesse of that action is maintained, and the necessity thereof is also demonstrated, not so much out of the grounds of policie, as of humanity, equity, and christianity. taken from his mouth, and published by direction. crashaw, william, 1572-1626. 1610 approx. 147 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 46 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19590 stc 6029 estc s109071 99844721 99844721 9559 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19590) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9559) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 727:03) a sermon preached in london before the right honorable the lord lavvarre, lord gouernour and captaine generall of virginea, and others of his maiesties counsell for that kingdome, and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation at the said lord generall his leaue taking of england his natiue countrey, and departure for virginea, febr. 21. 1609. by w. crashaw bachelar of diuinitie, and preacher at the temple. wherein both the lawfulnesse of that action is maintained, and the necessity thereof is also demonstrated, not so much out of the grounds of policie, as of humanity, equity, and christianity. taken from his mouth, and published by direction. crashaw, william, 1572-1626. l. d., fl. 1610. [94] p. printed [by w. hall] for william welby, and are to be sold in pauls church-yard at the signe of the swan, london : 1610. editor's note "to the printer" signed: l.d. printer's name from stc. signatures: pi⁴ a-l⁴ (-pi1(?)). the last leaf is blank. running title reads: a new-yeeres gift to virginea. reproduction of the original in the new york public library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general 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-early works to 1800. united states -colonization -sermons -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached in london before the right honorable the lord lavvarre , lord gouernour and captaine generall of virginea , and others of his maiesties counsell for that kingdome , and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation . at the said lord generall his leaue taking of england his natiue countrey , and departure for virginea , febr. 21. 1609. by w. crashaw bachelar of diuinitie , and preacher at the temple . wherein both the lawfulnesse of that action is maintained , and the necessity thereof is also demonstrated , not so much out of the grounds of policie , as of humanity , equity , and christianity . taken from his mouth , and published by direction . daniel 12. 3. they that turne many to righteousnesse , shall shine as the starres for euer and euer . london , printed for william welby , and are to be sold in pauls church-yard at the signe of the swan . 1610. to the thrice honorable , grave , religiovs , the lords , knights , bvrgesses , now happily assembled in parliament : l. d. hvmbly considering the vnion of their interest in all endeauours for the common good , together with the zealous , costly , care of many of them , to aduance the propagation of the gospell ; doth consecrate this sermon , spoken and published for incouragement of planters in virginea . to the printer . myearnest desire to further the plantation in virginea makes me perhaps too bolde with mr. crashaw , thus without his leave to publish his sermon : but the great good i assure my selfe it will doe , shall merit your paines and my pardon . you may giue it what title you will : only let this inclosed dedication to the parlament be fairely prefixed , and the booke for your credit truly printed : to the care whereof i leaue , you . your friend l. d. a 4 page 1. line 6. for floud read flouds . c 1 page 2. line 1. for was read were . c 3 page 2. line 9. for the knowledge read that knowledge . e 4 page 2. line 6. for istuc read istud . g 2 page 1. line 1. and 2. for it bee certaine read if it bee certaine . h 2 page 2. line 28. sor hold it read bold of it . h 3 page 2. line 5. put out with . k 1 line 14. for many in england read many thousands in england . a sermon preached in london before the right honourable the lord lawarre , lord gouernour and captaine generall of virginea , and others of his maiesties counsell for that kingdome , and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation . lvk. 22. 32. but i haue praied for thee , that thy saith saile not : therefore when thou art conuerted strengthen thy brethren . foure places of scripture are abused by the papists aboue the rest . first , those words of christ , vpon this rocke i will build my church : secondly , his words at his last supper , this is my bodie : thirdly , his speech to peter after his resurrection , feed my sheepe : lastly , these to peter afore his passion , i haue praied for thee , that thy faith faile not . these last bellarmine likes so well , that ten times he allegeth them in one of his tomes , and makes them serue , not for one , but many purposes . hence he can prooue , that the pope is the supreme and infallible iudge of all controuersies : why ? because christ saith to peter , i have praicd for thee , that thy faith faile not . hence he can prooue , that peter is the head and prince of his brethren : why ? because he is bid to strengthen his brethren . hence hee can prooue that the pope cannot erre in matter of faith , because christ praied that peters faith might not faile . hence he will proue that peter hath more and greater priuileges then the whole church : nay this serues his turne to prooue that councels cannot erre if they be confirmed by the pope . lastly , he can prooue from this , that it is probable , the pope , as he is a priuate person , cannot bee an heretike . such plentifull vse can bellarmine make of any peece of scripture , if he thinke it doe but sound for him . but i dare say the scripture that the diuell brought against christ was as fitly and properly alleged as some of these are by bellarmine , as may be euidently shewed in another place and time . but seeing the primitiue fathers haue made no such conclusions from this place , therefore out of their and the latter fathers exposition wee haue gathered another kinde of diuinity from these words . to which end i first lay down this general ground : christ is our true and spirituall physitian , from whom and the vertue of whose merits we must receiue all the spirituall physicke that can cure and saue our sinfull soules . particularly , as the body , so the soule stands in need of three sorts of physicke . first , it is necessarie that it be purged from the corruption of sinne , which else will kill the soule : then , being purged , it is to be restored to life and strength : lastly , being so restored , it is requisite that it bee preserued in that state vnto the end . answerable vnto these there is a threefold kinde of physicke wee receiue from christ : viz. purgatiue , restoratiue , and preseruatiue . first , purgatiue , to purge our soules from the corrupt humours and the infectious staine of sinne : and this powerfull potion is confected of the precious merits of the death and passion of our lord iesus christ , who died , that we might die to sinne , and our sinnes die in vs : and was crucified , that our sinnes might be nailed on his crosse : and buried , that our sinnes might so die , that they may neuer liue againe in vs. but when a sicke man is purged of all his euill humours , it helpeth not if he be not also restored to strength . therefore secondly , wee receiue also from christ restoratiue physicke , such as whereby we are restored to the life of grace , and fauour of god. and this comfortable restoratiue balme distils from the glorious merits of the resurrection of christ : who , as he died for our sinnes , so hee rose againe for our iustification : and who therefore rose from death to life , that he might merit grace for vs whereby wee may rise vp from the death of our sinnes to newnesse and holinesse of life . but because it is not sufficient to be restored , vnlesse a man be kept in health , for that a relapse is more dangerous then the former sicknesse ; therefore to keepe vs from deadly relapses ( into which without christ we were sure to fall ) we doe finally receiue from christ preseruatiue physicke , by the vertue whereof wee are preserued in the state of grace , and fauour of god ; and these blessed and soueraigne antidotes are confected of the glorious merits of christ his ascension and intercession , who therefore is entred into heauen to appeare now in the sight of god for us . now for the words in hand , they speake of the sweet and comfortable preseruatiues wee receiue from christ his powerfull intercession : as though christ had said , i confesse ( peter ) thou art a great professor and protester , but little knowest thou how mighty thy enemy is , and how weake thy selfe ; thou rellest me thou wilt die for me , but know that thy enemy satan will sift thee to the full , and not cease till he haue tried the vtmost of his power against thee : but i who redeemed thee will not leaue to loue thee ; i will therefore by the power of my intercession , purchase thee such grace , as shall vphold thee and raise thee vp againe , and will so make thee a comfortable example to all my elect : thou therefore in remembrance of what i haue done for thee , when thou feelest the sweetnesse of this my mercy to thy selfe , teach others by thy example , and endeuour seriously the conuersion and confirmation of thy brethren . all this the lord iesus piles vp in a few words : but i haue praied for thee that thy faith faile not , therefore when thou art conuerted strengthen thy brethren . the parts are two : christs mercy , and peters dutie . first an euident declaration of christs loue to the soules of his seruants : i haue praied for thee , &c. secondly the duty of all men who tast of that loue ; when they are conuerted they must labour the conuersion of others : when thou art conuerted , &c. both are directed first and personally to peter , but from him deriued to all gods children in the world , for that which then was peters case , falles out to be the case of all men : so that the words are not spoken to peter as he was an apostle , but as he was an ordinary christian and a child of god. and as in the first part christ did no fauour to peter which he doth not to euery christian in like case ; namely to pray for them that their faith faile not : so the duty here laid vpon peter , in him is laid vpon all men , to labour to bring others to christ after they be brought themselues . the meaning being thus explaned , let vs open the points in order . but i haue praied for thee that thy faith faile not . this time and occasion will not giue leaue to vnfold the questions that might bee mooued touching christs praier and intercession for his church ; much lesse may wee spend any of the short time wee haue in discouering or disproouing the popish abuse of these words . i wish no congregation did need it more then this : for then the names of pope and poperie might be buried as they long agoe deserued . let vs therefore come to such necessarie instructions as arise directly out of that meaning which hath beene laid downe . and first of all , wee may heere see out of the dependance of these words with the former , the greatnesse of gods mercie and christs loue to a sinfull soule . satan ( faith christ ) hath desired to sift thee , but i haue praied for thee . see , satan cannot bee so ready to hurt as christ to helpe vs : satan not so malicious to conspire our fall , as christ is mercifull to sustaine and preserue vs : and if the diuell deuise any new way to hurt vs , christ is present with new meanes , and new supply of grace to releeue vs. a comfortable doctrine and hath comfortable vse to all that are any way distressed . for if it be satisfaction to a man in matters of this life where hee hath a potent enemy , that is able many waies , and much to hurt him , to be assured that he hath a friend that most deerly loues him , and is wiser , stronger , wealthier and euery way mightier then his aduersary : then doubtlesse it cannot but minister strong consolation to a distressed soule and terrified conscience to remember that they haue a sauior more mighty in his mercy , then the diuell can be in his malice , and more willing to saue then the diuell can be to destroy . and no lesse vnto the penitent sinner , who may hereupon be assured that though he haue to grapple with many and mighty corruptions , yet christ will be ready with continuall supply of grace , that so where sinne abounds grace may abound much more . the man also that is oppressed in this world with the might and multitude of his enemies may here receiue comfort to consider , that there are still more with him , then against him : and lastly , the poore man , whom the floud of outward misery doe beate vpon , may here see for his comfort that the loue and prouidence of his sauiour shall euer be as ready to releeue him , as the worlds occasions can fall out to pinch him . and to make application : it may yeeld vs much satisfaction who are ingaged in this present action , to consider that though satan seeke to make vs desist , and because he cannot , therefore will hurt vs , by all his power ; ( as who can maruel seeing we touch his freehold so neere ? ) yet we haue christ iesus on our side , whose kingdome we goe to inlarge : whose loue to his children is such , that euen then when satan sifts them most narrowly , he with his praiers is most neere them for their assistance : and therefore we doubt not , but that seeing satan is now so busie to sift vs by all discouragements , and by slanders , false reports , backwardness of some , basenesse of others , by raising obiections and deuising doubts , endeauours to dant vs , and so to betray the businesse that god himselfe hath put into our hands : the more i say are we assured that christ will the more mightily oppose this malice of the diuell , and by his glorious intercession , obtaine from his father so much the greater blessing both on vs and it . furthermore , in as much as christ himselfe praieth for his children , that their faith shall not saile , no not in the greatest temptations , and when satan sifts them most narrowly , wee learne , that therefore a christian truly conuerted and called to the state of grace , cannot fall away totally nor finally . the aduersaries of the grace of god the papists , hold he may fall both finally and totally : others much neerer vs then they , say totally , but not finally . both are confuted by these words of our sauiour ; for if a man should fall totally from faith and the fauour of god , though it were but for a day , and the next day should bee restored againe , yet for that time , be it more or lesse , his faith hath failed : but saith christ , i haue praied that it shall not . hereupon we argue ; that which christ praieth for god will grant : but christ praieth ( not that we may not be tempted or sifted , but ) that our faith faile not , and this not for peter alone , but as himselfe saith , i pray not for these alone , but for all that shall beleeue in me through their word : therefore no true christians faith shall or can faile either finally or totally . a doctrine of vnspeakable comfort to the christian soule , but not a fit doctrine ( say some ) to be diuulged to the people . and why ? because say they , if we be sure we cannot fall from gods fauour , then what needs a man care how he liues ? but i answer ; no man can iustly take occasion thus to abuse this doctrine ; for the vngodly and vnsanctified man was neuer yet in the state of grace , therefore to him this doctrine pertaines not : and for him that is sanctified and in gods fauour this resolution cannot befall him : which appeares most euident , both in reason and religion . in reason , we know a gracelesse child will neither be feared from euill by the anger , nor wonne to his duty by the loue of his father : but contrary is it with the good and gratious child ( i meane if he haue no more but the grace of a ciuill nature and good education : ) if his father so loue him that though he often offend him , yet he will not disinherit him , will he therefore be imboldned to offend him the more carelesly ? nay , he will say to himselfe , haue i so good a father as will not deale with me according to my deseruings , but so oft and so mercifully hath forgiuen my offences ? surely i will endeuour by all the meanes i can to please him and to bee worthy of such a father . much more is it true in religion , for when a man is conuerted , he is cast in a new mould , flesh and bloud no longer beare rule in him , and hee bids battell and stands in opposition and defiance with all such carnall resolutions as this is . i say not , but such thoughts may come into his mind , and hee may be tempted to such cogitations , but that hee should entertaine such resolutions it is impossible : beleeue not me herein ; but let god himselfe be iudge : to which end read and marke well a notable place : i. ioh. 3. 3. we shall be like vnto him , and shall see him euen as he is . and euery man that hath this hope in him , doth he therefore sinne the more , or take more scope to himselfe ? no , but contrariwise , purgeth himselfe euen as christ is pure . he therefore that sinneth the rather , it is certaine he hath not this hope in him ; and he that hath this hope in him is so far from that , that he endeuoreth and striueth euery day , how he may ouercome his sins and walke more worthy of so louing and mercifull a father . so then the true vse of this doctrine is , that it serues to bee an excellent incitement to stir vp and prouoke a man vnto holinesse , vnlesse he purpose to proclaime to the world that hee hath no hope in him , and that he is not in the state of grace . in the third place we may here learne , what is the true cause of a christian mans standing in the state of grace : namely , not the excellencie of our strength , nor the perfection of our faith , or of any thing in vs , but the true cause is out of vs , euen in god : it is the stablenes of his purpose , the immutability of his election , the truth of his couenant , the infallibility of his word , and the certainty of his loue wheresoeuer hee bestoweth it : and the excellency and all sufficiency of christs merits , in whom we are loued and elected : therefore saith the apostle , the gifts and callings of god are without repentance : and whom he loueth , he loueth vnto the end : and the prophet saith of god : i will put my feare into their hearts , and they shall not ( marke , he saith not , they cannot or will not , but they shall not ) depart from me : so here christ telles peter , sathan desires to sist thee as wheat ; and such a sister is hee as who can stand by his owne strength ? but i who so loued thee as i died to saue thee , haue also praied for thee that thy faith shall not saile . so then had it not beene for the intercession of christ , peter had faine and failde in that temptation . this truth may fitly be illustrated by this comparison . a strong man visits his sicke friend , and willes him to walke ; the sicke man would , but cannot ; the strong man lifts him vp , he walkes , in the hand of the strong man , ech hauing hold of other : by and by the sicke man faints and lets his hold goe , but the strong man holds fast , and keeps him from falling , and so he stands not by his owne , but the strong mans strength : so is it in this case , a christian conuerted hath hold of god by his faith and loue : god hath hold of him by his eternall election and couenant of grace and by the loue he beares him in christ : now we walke with god in the course of our obedience , but if temptation come , we shrinke and fall away , our faith and loue , like a sick mans strength are soone spent . but then , though we let goe the hold we haue of god , god will neuer let goe the hold he hath of vs ; but in that loue he beares vs , he still vpholds vs : and so we stand not by our own strength but by the grace and mercie of god , who like the stronger man holds vs so , as we shall not depart from him . then for the vse of this doctrine we may here learne : first that the romish synagogue in denying this , and affirming that a man may fall vtterly from the state of grace , doth no wrong at all to vs , but the wrong is to god himselfe , the certainty of whose couenant and truth of whose purpose is heereby called into question , as though god should chuse a man he will forsake , and loue him to day , whom he will hate the next : whereas contrariwise , as he loued vs when we loued not him , so hee will keepe fast hold on vs , when wee in our weaknesse would let goe the hold wee haue of him . and for our selues , let this teach vs to ascribe the cause where it is due , euen to the lords mercie and christs mediation . if wee slip or fall , we may thanke our selues : but if we stand and perseuere , we must thanke the lord : let vs therefore crie to god with the prophet : not vnto vs o lord , not vnto vs , but to thy name giue the praise . and why to him ? for thy louing mercics and for thy truths sake : for it is his mercie and truth that vpholds vs from falling and perishing eternally . lastly , in as much as christ saith he praied for him that his faith failed not , and so vpheld him by the vertue and merit of his holy praier ; we learne here the excellencie of praier , namely , that it is the best and pourfullest meanes , whereby wee may doe good one to another : when christ would doe the greatest fauour to peter next to dying for him , he praieth for him . praier and preaching are the two comforts of the church . if thou pray ( saith augustine ) thou speakest with god : if thou heare or-read , god speakes with thee . both are commended to vs by the continuall practise of christ , who spent much time in preaching , and much time in praier . let vs therefore religiously embrace both these sacred ordinances , as the speciall meanes of our spirituall comfort . and by this practise of our sauiour let vs all be stirred vp to this holy duty : shall christ pray , and not thou ? is he tied , and wilt thou be free ? bee ashamed of thy prophanenesse , thou that neuer praiest : and say not that thou goest to the church , and praiest with the congregation , for therin thou doest but that the law requires thee : the church is to be commended for that , and not thou . but remember that christ besides his daily presence in the temple , did goe aside to his priuate praiers . and let vs further heere learne one to pray for another . shall christ pray for vs , and not we for our selues ? he for vs all , and not we one for an other ? and the better to stirre vs vp to this dutie , let vs consider that praier hath three excellencies aboue other duties which wee performe to our brethren . first , it is the cheapest and easiest for the giuer ( i meane to a sanctified man ) for he who for want of abilitie cannot giue almes , nor lend to his poore brother ; nor for want of wisdome can giue counsell , nor instruction for want of knowledge , yet he hath a mouth , at least if his tongue were cut out , he hath a heart to pray for his brother ; and he that can doe nothing else can doe this : and this the poore may doe for the rich , as well as the rich for the poore . secondly , it is the most powerfull and profitable for the receiuer . an almes wee see how much it is : counsell we see how good it is ; and what good they will doe vs is easily perceiued : but what good a good mans praier doth for thee is past knowledge , and beyond all measure . giuing and lending may helpe thee before men : praier preuailes with god , and puls downe blessings of all sorts ; and those good things we often imagine to come other waies , are sent vs from god vpon the praiers of gods children . thirdly , it hath this peculiar honour more then any other duty , that it is profitable both to the giuer and receiuer . as it procures those good things vpon thy friend thou praiest for , so it returnes also into thine owne bosome , and brings downe the same or greater blessings vpon thy selfe . therefore ( for a conclusion of the first part ) let vs aboue all duties not forget to pray for our absent friends . when they are present wee doe such duties as may let them see wee loue them : and when they are absent , let vs pray for them ; that doth testifie to god that we loue them . and no better dutie can we performe to this noble voiage now in hand , then earnestly to commend it to the lord. men may furnish it , but god must blesse it , and praier must procure that blessing . money may winne , and profit may allure men to assist it : but praier alone can preuaile with god to blesse it . some ingage their persons , and more their purses ; but our petitions shall doe more good then our persons , and our praiers then our purses . thou therefore that canst doe nothing else , yet pray for vs : thou that canst doe more , yet pray besides : for though thou shouldest venture thy person , and ingage thy money , yet let vs haue thy praiers also : which ( if thou bee as thou oughtest ) will doe more good then all the rest . remember the end of this voiage is the destruction of the diuels kingdome , and propagation of the gospell . are not these ends worthy of thy praiers ? remember thy brethren who haue ingaged their persons , and aduentured their liues to lay the first foundation , and doe now liue in want of many comforts and pleasures , which thou at home enioiest . are not these mens soules worthy of thy praiers ? canst thou open thy mouth in publike or in priuate , and not remember them ? oh let their liues be precious , and their enterprise honourable in thine eies : and if thou canst doe nothing else , send vp thy praiers to heauen for them . and thus much for the first generall part , christs mercifull promise to his church . the second is the duty he inioines peter and all others that shall be partakers of this promise . therefore when thou art conuerted strengthen thy brethren . as the promise , so also the comandement vpon the occasion then offred was personally directed to peter , but from him deriued to the whole church , and euery particular christian : so that this commandement is laid vpon him , not as an apostle , but as a christian man and a member of christs body : and as his case then may be the case of any man , so euery man is bound to this dutie : and as there is no christian but may challenge this interest in the intercession of christ , that by the vertue of it his faith shall not faile : so there is no man , but in his measure hee is tied to the performance of this dutie . for the sense of the words they are not difficult : satan hath taken vantage of thy infirmitie , and hopes to giue thee such a fall , as thou shalt neuer recouer : but i will beare thee vp with my owne strength : i will make thy faith to hold out , and ouercome him in the end . thou therefore when thou hast tasted of my mercie , and art raised vp againe from that fall , ( which was so dangerous and fearefull , that thy restoration is as it were another conuersion ) then bee mindfull of thy brethren , as i haue beene of thee , and by thy example and all other good meanes helpe forward the conuersion and confirmation of them that need . the meaning is plaine : let vs come to the doctrines . and first of all , whereas christ saith , when thou art conuerted , &c. wee learne , that a man is not borne in the state of grace , and fauour of god , but there is a certaine appointed time of euery mans conuersion : when thou art : therefore there is a time when a man is not . now the time of a mans conuersion is first especially in gods hand , but partly also in our owne . for the first , dauid saith , my times ( o lord ) are in thy hand . if all the times and changes of his life , then especially the time of his conuersion . now it is in gods hand , not only because he giues the grace , and opens , softens , and prepares the heart ; but further because hee giues the meanes of a mans conuersion . he sent out his word and healed them , saith the prophet . it is also in a mans hand when god vouchsafes to giue a man the meanes of vocation and conuersion ( as to vs at this day : ) this time is therefore called the acceptable time and day of saluation . now then it concernes euery one of vs to looke to our selues . art thou changed and renued since thou wast borne ? knowest thou the time and the meanes ? and doest thou discerne the fruits and effects of thy conuersion ? thou art a happy creature . if not , and thou die so , it had beene good for thee thou hadst neuer beene . and say not , thou wast conuerted , but thou hast forgotten it : for canst thou forget the time when thou wast maried ? when thy eldest sonne was borne ? when thy ships came home ? when a great and vnexpected inheritance fell vnto thee ? much lesse possible is it for the soule that is truly turned to god , to forget the time and circumstances of his conuersion . wee may bee sure peter neuer forgot all his life long how christ looked at him : for that was the blessed houre of his conuersion : so the houre and time of our conuersion is when christ will vouchsafe to looke vpon vs. now though his corporall presence be remooued , he is present in his spirit , in his power and his grace , and lookes mercifully vpon vs euery day in his holy word . oh then remember peter , who at the first looke of christ went out and wept for his sinne , and bee ashamed that thou hast had christ looke so many hundred times vpon thee , and all in vaine . in the next place , wheras christ bids peter when he is conuerted , strengthen his brethren , as though then a man was fitted to doe good to others , when he is himselfe conuerted , and not till then : wee may heere learne the true cause why men are so negligent in performance of duties to others , euen because themselues are vnsanctified men : for true loue begins at home : and how can hee loue another , that loues not himselfe ? or care for anothers good , that neglects his owne ? seest thou therefore a magistrate that gouernes not his people carefully , but le ts all runne as it will , and himselfe takes his ease , followes his pleasure , or fils his purse ? the cause is , he is a carnall man , and vnsanctified . seest thou a minister that receiues the fleece , but feeds not the flocke ? the cause is , he is an vnsanctified man. seest thou a merchant or tradesman that deceiues , a master , a father , a husband , a wife , childe , or seruant , that are negligent or vnfaithfull ? the cause is , they are vnsanctified : for if a man were conuerted himselfe , his next care will be to doe all good he can to others . more particularly , wee heere see the cause why no more come in to assist this present purpose of plantation in virginea , euen because the greater part of men are vnconuerted & vnsanctified men , and seeke meerely the world and themselues , and no further . they make many excuses , and deuise obiections ; but the fountaine of all is , because they may not haue present profit . if other voiages be set afoot , wherein is certaine and present profit , they run , and make meanes to get in : but this , which is of a more noble and excellent nature , and of higher and worthier ends , because it yeelds not present profit , it must seeke them , and with much difficultie are some brought in , and many will not at all . tell them of getting xx. in the c. oh how they bite at it , oh how it stirres them ! but tell them of planting a church , of conuerting 10000. soules to god , they are senslesse as stones : they stirre no more then if men spoke of toies and trifles : nay they smile at the simplicities , and laugh in their sleeues at the sillinesse of such as ingage themselues in such matters . but these men proclaime to the world what they bee , euen sowes that still wallow in the mire of their profit and pleasure , and being themselues vnconuerted , haue therefore no care to conuert others . and in deed no maruell , if hauing cast all care of their owne saluation behinde their backes , they be insensible of others miseries . thirdly , inasmuch as heere christ commands him that is conuerted to strengthen another , it appeares ( by a necessary implication ) of what an excellent nature godlinesse and holinesse is ; namely , of a large , a liberall , a communicating and diffusiue nature , and such as will euen compell him that hath it to seeke to make others as good as himselfe . it is not so in wealth , honour , learning , wisdome , authoritie , estimation . you shall not heare a carnall man say , oh that euery one were as wealthy as i , as wise as i , as high as i , as learned as i , as highly in the kings fauour as i , as well esteemed , and as much followed as i : no , for these are of a base and retractiue nature , and doe imprison and close vp the heart of man : but grace is of a high and roiall nature , and inlargeth his heart that possesseth it : oh ( saith mises ) ●hat all gods people did prophecie as well as i. and paul he cricth , i wish that all beere present were as i am , except these bonds . we would rather haue said , i would you had my bonds : i wish you were in prison in my roome . but hee contrariwife wisheth not any man in his bonds ; but that they were as holy , and patient , and learned , and zealous , and as highly in gods fauour as himselfe . and so assuredly as many as are induced with true sauing and sanctifying grace , will say with their tongues , pray in their hearts , and endeuour with their best assistance , that the poore sauages in virginea were as good christians as we our selues . lastly , out of this commandement of christ we may further learne a doctrine specially pertinent to the present occasion , and the businesse now in hand : namely , that it is not voluntary or left indifferent to a mans choice , but ( plainly ) a necessarie dutie , for euery christian to labour the conuersion and confirmation of others that are not : and this necessity ariseth not only from the excellent nature of religion , which desireth euer to propagate and diffuse it selfe , as we heard before : but especially from the power of christs commandement , which being vnrestrained doth absolutely bind all christians to obedience : but here the commandement is generall and vnlimited to euery one that is conuerted to confirmt his brethren , therefore it lies vpon all men by an vnauoidable necessity to performe it : it being no way in the power of man to dispence with the generall commandement of christ. out of which ground appeareth euideutly , not only the lawfulnesse , but euen ; the excellencie and goodnesse , and indeed the plaine necessity ( as the case now stands ) of this present action : the principal ends thereof being the plantation of a church of english christians there , and consequently the conuersion of the heathen from the diuel to god : which ground being so laid , it then followeth that either we are not conuerted , or they are not our brethren , or els that we being conuerted must labour their conuersion : but we by the blessing of god are conuerted lately from popery , and formerly from paganisme : nor can it be denied that they ( in this case ) are our brethren : for the same god made them as well as vs , of as good matter as he made vs , gaue them as perfect and good soules and bodies as to vs , and the same messiah & sauiour is sent to them as to vs , for if a virginian hauing our language had learned our religion , professed our f●ith ; craued baptisme , and challenged saluation by christ : could either man deny him baptisme , or would god deny him saluation ? surely god would not the one , and man may not the other : so then they are our brethren , wanting not title to christ , but the knowledge of christ : oh thrice happy then are they that shall carry the knowledge to them : and we by the mercy of god are the men to whom god hath offered the meanes and opportunity to do it : first granting vs the meanes to discouer the land more fully then those that attempted it before vs : then , to find out a faire , easie , and short passage , as though hee had seated vs here and them there for such an entercourse : then , giuing vs fauour in the eies of the sauages , who rather inuite vs then resist vs : then , directing vs to a land where is want of inhabitants , and consequently roome both for them and vs ; and to a people inclinable ( as we see by some experience already ) first to ciuility , and so to religion : and to such a land and such a people as ( more then any other people or land we know of ) haue the commodities which we want , and want that which we haue for them . these meanes and opportunities , i say , being offered by gods prouidence vnto vs , it not only shewes vs the possibility , but laies vpon vs a necessity of seeking their conuersions , and consequentlie of setting forward this plantation , without which the former cannot be : and do not thinke that this dutie lieth more vpon him or him then vpon thee , for what euer thou art , if thou be conuerted , this duty belongs vnto thee to teach others : kings themselues are not priuiledged from the obedience of this duety , which dauia knowing full well , doth publikely acknowledge to god and to his church , saying : restore me to the ioy of thy saluation , and stablish mec with thy free spirit . then sha'l i teach thy way vnto the wicked , and sinners shall be conuerted vnto thee : and in another place , come ( saith he ) ye children , hear ken to me , i will teach you the feare of the lord : as though he had said ( as in another place ) i will tell you what god hath done for my soule : thus kings are tied , and shall you be free ? and our most gratious and christian king hath shewed himselfe conscionablie obedient to this commandement , setting forward this blessed businesse by his princely priuiledges and gratious grants vnder his great seale to all the vndertakers : recording it also vnto all ensuing posterities , that he greatly affects the effectuall prosecution and happy successe of the said plantation , and commends the good desires of the vndertakers , and grants these priuiledges for their encouragement in accomplishing so excellent a worke that is so much pleasing to god and profitable to these kingdomes . and in a former grant , that his maiesty greatly commends and gratiously accepts the vndertakers desires for so noble a worke , which by gods blessing is like to tend to the great glory of his diuine maiesty , in propagating of christian religion to such people as yet liue in darknesse and miserable ignorance of the true knowledge and worship of god. if then his maiesty out of his duty to god , loue of his religion , and care of their soules haue thus put to his roiall hand for the furtherance of this blessed and worthy worke , who art thou that wilt be free from the bonds of this duty ? but besides this necessity of duty : another necessity in nature and reason lieth vpon vs : for the time was when wee were sauage and vnciuill , and worshipped the diuell , as now they do , then god sent some to make vs ciuill , others to make vs christians . if such had not been sent vs we had yet continued wild and vnciuill , and worshippers of the diuell : for our ciuilitie wee were beholden to the romanes , for our religion to the apostles and their disciples . did we receiue this blessing by others , and shall we not be sensible of those that are still as we were then ? in what a case had we beene if god had not sent some to ciuilize and conuert vs ! and shall not we now labour to procure the same good ro others ? otherwise surely we are most vnworthy of the fauours we haue receiued . nay that is not all , but it appeares that we are not truly and effectually conuerted : for if wee be , then assuredly as by vertue of gods commandement wee must , so out of our owne conscience and fellow-feeling of our brethrens miseries , we will be most willing and ioifull to procure them saluation , where of wee by gods mercie and the same meanes are alreadie partakers . out of these grounds i conclude , that for my part ( without preiudice to others opinions ) it is not only a lawfull , but a most excellent and holie action , and , as the case now stands , so necessarie , that i hold euery man bound to assist , either with his countenance , power , and authoritie ( as doe our gracious soueraigne and noble prince ) or with their persons , as some ; or with their purses , as others of the honorable and godly vndertakers : or with their prayers and best wishes , as al , i hope , doe , that loue the lord. but because the first part of this assistance belongs onely to our soueraigne , none can therefore , nay none neede take part in that : and as for the last , which is by prayer , seeing that the poore may do as well as the rich , i hope i may spare my labour to exhort to that , none being so prophane to neglect that dutie for vs , vnlesse they neglect it for themselues also . but for the middle , of purse and person ; as i will presse none to goe in person : so those whose consciences and resolutions doe presse themselues , i doubt not to affirme that they aduenture their liues in the most worthie action that was attempted in the christian world these many yeeres . but for assistance by the purse , i will here discharge my owne conscience ; which is , that vpon the premisses before proued , and grounds formerly laid downe , i hold euery one that knowes the true ends of this enterprise , and is able , is bound to assist it according to that abilitie of his . but lest any man mistaking or abusing my words , should here cauill and say ; belike then this man holds all damned that are not aduenturers to virginea , and it is a sure signe of a prophane man , if he be not an vndertaker in that action , or the like : take notice that my assertion is qualified with these two limitations : first , that a man must know the true state of this businesse , and true grounds and ends both of his maiesties gratious grants , and of the vndertakers aduenture : which as they be ignorantly mistaken by many , so most malignantly and malitiously misreported by papists , who mislike all things done by protestants , and others of base minde , couetous , or otherwaies maleuolent spirits , who cōdemne all things that serue not their profit or their pleasure . but it is most certaine that there be thousands in this citie and kingdome , who if they knew the truth , would be more willing to assist it , then hitherto they haue kept out : such therefore wee are farre from condemning , but leaue them till they be satisfied of the truth , and then if they change not their opinion , their owne consciences will condemne them , if none else would . secondly , though a man know it neuer so well , hee must bee of abilitie to contribute , or else this ties him not : for a man is bound first to maintaine himselfe and his family , and to beare his part of the needfull burthens of the church and state where he liues : then out of that which remaines , such actions as this doe challenge a part . now whether a man be able or no , hee must be left to his own conscience to giue iudgement . but herein let a man take heed hee flatter not himselfe : it is easie for men to decciue themselues , and the diuell delights to make men betray their owne soules : thou therefore that pleadest thou art not able , consider how much thou hast abroad at interest , how much thou hast in other aduentures , into which nothing but hope of present profit did allure thee : consider how much thou spendest in sports and other vanities , ( besides necessarie recreation ) how much in plaine superfluities of apparell , furniture , building or diet , all which it may be , or much of it , were better spared then spent : if thou and thy conscience doe but cast vp this account , thou wilt neuer say hereafter , thou art vnable , for thou knowest how smal a part of those vaine expences would haue sufficed this : and that that hath done thee hurt , being vainely spent , would haue done much good to this godly businesse : and take heed , thou that art of this minde , the time come not that thy soule wisheth a great part of that thou hast voluntarily and wilfully cast away otherwaies , were all bestowed in this or some such action . thus with these two cautions i make my conclusion , that the assistance of this businesse is a dutie that lies on all men : and that whosoeuer is of abilitie , and knowes the true grounds and ends of this voyage , if hee assist it not , discouers himselfe to be an vnsanctified , vnmortified , and vnconuerted man , negligent of his owne and other mens saluations : or else peter might haue replied on christ and said : nay sir , i may be conuerted , and yet be not bound to strengthen my brethren . and this may suffice for the true meaning and right vse of this text . but now ( right honorable and beloued ) seeing we are assembled peculiarly for this businesse , euen to consecrate this enterprise to the lord of heauen : and to send away our honorable gouernour and his associates and attendants in the name of the lord ; giue me leaue ( not as calling once into question the lawfulnesse of so noble an action , but ) for the further cleering of the truth to them that know it not , for the iustification of our course against the aduersaries of all excellent exploits , for the stopping of the mouthes of the malignant , and for the better satisfaction and encouragement of our selues , who either in purse or person , or both , are ingaged in the action , to descend a little more particularly into consideration of the true state hereof . all i haue to say i will reduce to two heads , namely , to lay downe truly the encouragements . the discouragements in this businesse . for in this or any other action to be vndertaken , if the encouragements to it , and discouragements from it , be both of them truly & iustly laid down , and then weighed in the balance of wisedome , it will easily appeare to men of vnderstanding , whether the businesse be fitter to be vndertaken , or relinquished : answerably let vs deale in the present action , and so proceed accordingly . and first let vs truly and impartially propound the discouragements that seeme to attend this present intendment of plantation of an english colonie in virginea . the first and fundamentall is the doubt of lawfulnes of the action , the question being moued by many , and some not out of curiositie , nor other sinister , but conscionable and christian respects : and this keepes many from assisting it ; for how may they put their helping hands to that which they are not resolued in conscience , to be lawfull and warrantable in it selfe ? for these mens sakes , and not for such as make it but a shelter of their couetous and carnal respects , we will giue passage to this obiection . and for answere hereunto ; first , we freely confesse an action cannot be good , excellent or honorable , and much lesse can it be necessarie , vnlesse it first of all appeare to be lawfull : secondly , for the present action , we also confesse and yeeld to this as to a principle of iustice. a christian may take nothing from a heathen against his will , but in faire and lawfull bargaine : abraham wanted a place to burie in , and liked a peece of land : and being a great man , and therefore feared , a iust and meeke man , and therefore loued of the heathen , they bad him chuse where hee would , and take it : no , saith abraham , but i will buie it , and so he paide the price of it : so must all the children of abraham doe . thirdly , it is most lawfull to exchange with other nations , for that which they may spare , and it is lawfull for a christian to haue commerce in ciuill things euen with the heathen : vnlesse they bee such of whom god hath giuen a plaine and personall charge to the contrarie , as he did to the israelites of the cursed canaanites , whom they were commaunded to kill , and haue nothing to doe withall : but we haue no such commaundement touching the virginians . vpon these grounds , which i hope are vndeniable , i answere more particularly to the present occasion : that first we will take nothing from the sauages by power nor pillage , by craft nor violence , neither goods , lands nor libertie , much lesse life ( as some of other christian nations haue done , to the dishonour of reiigion . ) we will offer them no wrong , but rather defend them from it : and this is not my bare speech , but order is so taken both in our pattents and instructions , and such is the resolution of our gouernours . secondly , we will exchange with them for that which they may spare , and we doe neede ; and they shall haue that which we may spare , and they doe much more need . but what may they spare ? first , land and roome for vs to plant in , their countrey being not replenished by many degrees : in so much as a great part of it lieth wild & inhabited of none but the beasts of the fielde , and the trees that haue growne there it may be 1000. yeares ( whose antient possession to disturbe , we holde no great offence : ) and who knowes not , but as the present state of england stands , we want roome , and are likely enough to want more ? againe , they may spare vs timber , masts , crystall ( if not better stones ) wine , copper , iron , pitch , tar , sassasras , sopeashes , ( for all these and more , we are sure the countrey yeeldes in great abundance ) and who knowes not we want these , and are beholden to some for them , with whom it were better for vs if we had lesse to doe ? these things they haue , these they may spare , these we neede , these we will take of them . but what will we giue them ? first , we will giue them such things as they greatly desire , and doe holde a sufficient recompence for any of the foresaide commodities we take of them : but we holde it not so ; and therefore out of our humanitie and conscience , we will giue them more , namely such things as they want and neede , and are infinitely more excellent then all wee take from them : and that is 1. ciuilitie for their bodies , 2. christianitie for their soules : the first to make thē men : the second happy men ; the first to couer their bodies from the shame of the world : the second , to couer their soules from the wrath of god : the lesse of these two ( being that for the bodie ) will make them richer then we finde them . for he that hath 1000. acres , and being a ciuill and sociable man knowes how to vse it , is richer then he that hath 20000. and being a sauage , cannot plow , till , plant nor set , and so receiues no more profit then what the earth of it selfe will yeelde by nature : so that we are so farre from disinheriting them of their possessions , or taking any thing from them , that contrariwise we will make them much richer , euen for matter of this life , then now they are , as they themselues will hereafter confesse . whereby appeares the vanitie of this obiection , for when they are ciuilized , and see what they haue receiued from vs , i dare say they will neuer make this obiection against vs that these men now doe . and now if the smaller and baser part of our paiment be better worth then all wee take from them , then it seemes the second , which is the chiefe of all , namely , religion , they haue from vs for nothing : and surely so it is , they shall haue it freely for gods sake , and for their soules sake : and yet we know the holy ghost hath tolde vs , that if we communicate vnto them our spirituall things , it is but a a small thing if they impart vnto vs their temporall : then how much smaller is it if they impart vnto vs their temporall , when we communicate vnto them both spirituall and better temporall then we receiue from them . and this may suffice for the lawfulnesse of the action , especially seeing whosoeuer would be satisfied more particularly , may haue recourse to a lcarned and godly sermon , and to a short , but a iudicious and sincere declaration , well pend , both set out by authoritie for that end , and the truth whereof will be iustified both by the authors , and the whole bodie of the counsell for that kingdome . this discouragement troubled the conscience , the rest are rather grounded on politike and humane reasons , wherein therefore i will bee the shorter , and commit them to those whose element it is to consider and determine of such matters . the second discouragement , is the difficultie of plantation , for that the countrey is farre off , and the passage long and dangerous , the climate hot and disagrecing with the state and temper of our bodies . for answere , if these obiections proceede from malice , they are to be reiected , if from ignorance , as we rather suppose , let them then know for satisfaction , that first for the distance , it is nothing to speake of : a two moneths voyage , and wee hope wee shall shortly bee able to say a moneths : compare it with other voyages that are of name , and it is the neerest of all . secondly , for the passage , it is the easiest , fairest and safest that hath been discouered to any place : we come not neere the sunne , nor vnder the aequinoctiall line , to distemper our bodies : wee haue no straits to passe through , we come neere no enemies countrie ; no rocks , shelues , sands , nor vnknowne ilands lie in our way : we are not in danger of the turkes gallies , nor other enemies of christian religion ( who neuer yet did peepe out of the straits of gibraltar : ) we feare no congealed seas nor mountaines of ice , to immure vs : but after we are out of our owne dores ( the narrow seas ) wee keepe a faire course , betwixt the sunne in the south on the left hand , and the ice in the north on the right , vpon the maine ocean , where we haue sea roome enough : and it is hard to name any other great voiage from this land , but the passage is subiect either to the vntemperate heate of the sunne on the one side , or the danger of the ice on the other side ; witnesse the voyages to the east indies , and others into the south , and to moscouie , danske , and others into the north and east : onely this passage into virginea , being into the west south-west , or thereabouts , is in that true temper so faire , so safe , so secure , so easie , as though god himselfe had built a bridge for men to passe from england to virginea . and let no wise man obiect that our last fleete was dispersed and sore shaken by a storme ; for he cannot but know that such as saile by sea must as well expect tempests of winde , as trauellers on the land shewers of raine , and as he on the land is but a simple swaine , as the prouerbe is , that lets his businesse for a shewer of raine , no lesse is he that feares to saile on the sea for a tempest of winde : but our comfort is , that as the heauens cannot giue raine of themselues , but it is the lord : nor the windes can rise of themselues , but at gods word the stormie winde ariseth , and lifteth vp the waues of the ocean : so neither sea nor winde are in the hand or power of the diuell nor the pope , for if they were , we should neuer plant nor land at virginea . as to the third , which is the climate , let vs not abuse our selues by ignorance or vaine reports , but examine the trueth , looke into the mappes and cards , or , if thou hast not skill in them , looke into our patents , or if thou canst not reade , or hast them not , aske and inquire of trauellers by sea or land , if the land that lieth betweene the 34. and 45. degrees of northerly latitude from the aequinoctiall line , be not farre enough from the torrida zona , and from the distempering heate of the sunne : and though the middle of virginea seeme to be in the same position with the heart and middle of spaine , as toledo , or thereaboutes : yet it falles out ( for reasons not yet fully discerned ) it is not so hot as spaine , but rather of the same temper with the south of france , which is so temperate and indifferent , as if our owne were something neerer vnto it , we would be well content with it . and a further euidence that all this is true , we haue from the experience of a virginean , that was with vs here in england , whose skinne ( though hee had gone naked all his life , till our men persuaded him to bee clothed ) was so farre from a moores or east or west indians , that it was little more blacke or tawnie , then one of ours would be if he should goe naked in the south of england . and to that experience adde a better , namely of our brethren in virginea , who some of them haue been there many yeeres , and doe not complaine of any alteration , caused by distemper of the climate . the third discouragement is , that it hath so poore and small a beginning , and is thereupon subiect to the mockes and floutes of many , who say it is but the action of a few priuate persons , and they send but poore supplies , but handfuls of men at a time , and one good ship would beate them all . for answere , i say , many greater states ( then this is like to proue ) had as little or lesse beginnings then this hath : the israelites went downe into egypt , being but seuentie soules , and were there but about two hundred yeeres , or little more , and most of that time vnder miserable , bondage , yet did they grow to six hundred thousand men , beside children , and soone after to one of the greatest kingdomes of the earth : looke at the beginning of rome , how poore , how meane , how despised it was ; and yet on that base beginning grew to be the mistresse of the world . oh but those that go in person are rakte vp out of the refuse , and are a number of disordred men , vnfit to bring to passe any good action : so indeed say those that lie and slander . but i answere : for the generalitie of them that goe , they be such as offer themselues voluntarily , for none are pressed , none compelled : and they be like ( for ought that i see ) to those are left behind , euen of all sorts better and worse . but for many that goe in person , let these obiecters know , they be as good as themselues , and it may be , many degrees better . but as for mockers of this businesse , they are worthie no answere : yet i could tell them a sale , not vnfitting them , but i will spare this place and audience , not them . but i will repeate them a true storie , and leaue it to themselues to make application . when god had moued the heart of artaxerxes to send nehemiah , and a few with him , to restore ierusalem and build the walles , the text tels vs that as that poore people were at their worke , presently certain , who thought themselues no meane men , namely , sanballat the horonite , and tobiah an ammonite , were not a little stirred , and mocked the iewes , and spake in the hearing of their companions , vvhat doe these weake iewes ? will they fortifie ? will they sacrifice ? will they finish it in a day ? they build , saith another ; but if a fox goe vp he will breakdowne their stonie wall : and are not the like scornefull words muttered against vs and this present voyage ? but what were these mockers ? euen horonites and ammonites , and such as had no portion , nor right , nor memoriall in ierusalem : i wish better to our mockers , though they wish so euill to vs : but let them take heede , though they care not for hauing portions with vs in this aduenture , that yet they haue their right and portion and memoriall in ierusalem , or else they will proue mockers of vs in iest , and of themselues in earnest . but what saith nehemiah and the iewes that thus were flouted ? heare o our god , for wee are despised , and turne their shame vpon their owne head , giue them vnto a prey in the land of their captiuitie , couer not their iniquitie , nor let their sinne be put out in thy presence , for they haue prouoked vs before the builders . farre be it from me and vs all thus to say of ours : but contrariwise i pray god this curse be farre from our mockers , but i also pray they may be as farre from deseruing it . but if any with no mocking spirit nor ill mind , doe only for his owne satisfaction further obiect that we send men that cannot liue here , men that are in debt , men of base fashion : indeed thus said nabal the churle , of dauid and his companie reprochfully , terming them , a rout of vnruly seruants that runne away from their masters , and base fellowes of whom i know not whence they are , 1. sam. 25. 10 , 11. but hoping that these doe obiect out of better mindes , i answere , first , this is true for some , not all , and so it is in euery towne in england . secondly , wee doe and must send such as we can , not such as we would . thirdly , if they were all , or the most , such as is obiected , it is no more then wee haue obserued to be the beginners of great and noble actions : remember who and what they were that came to romulus and remus , and were the founders of the romane citie & state , euen such as no man can without impudencie compare ours with them . if any man say , this is a prophane example , and a base president : let him looke into gods booke , and see who kept with dauid , and were the beginners of the kingdome of iudah : there gathered vnto dauid all men that were in trouble , and all that were in debt , and all that were vext in minde : and dauid was their prince , and they were about foure hundred men . see for their number but foure hundred : and for their qualitie , who were they ? three sorts : first , mé that had done some trespasses against the law , and therfore were in trouble : secondly , such as were in debt , and could not pay : thirdly , such as were malecontent at the proceedings of the state in the times of saul , and discontented at his gouernment : a strange kinde of people , and a poore number ( a man would thinke ) to be the founders and reformers of such a kingdome . but thus hath god vsed to set on foote , and lay the beginnings of greatest matters , that his power might be seene in weaknesse , and that it might appeare to be the work of god and not mens : & that therefore the glorie might be his . thus deales he in things naturall , humane , politike and spirituall . for the first , we see he made this goodly world out of a rude & confused chaos , and the beautifull sunne and starres out of a deformed heape . for the second , wee see the mightiest emperours of the earth that haue made the nations tremble , were at the first crying infants , kept and caried in the armes of sillie women . and thirdly , forthings spirituall , the glorious church of the new testament , which now hath kings to be her nursing fathers , and queenes her nursing mothers , and princes to licke the dust of her feete ; was it not begun by twelue poore men , not worthie to bee looktat , and taken most of them from base , and some from bad occupations : no maruell then though it be so also in the politike bodie . did not god found the first world on the only two sonnes of adam , and the second on the three sons of noah ; and were not one of adams two , and one of noahs three apparantly wicked ? were not heere two strange beginnings both for number and for condition ? but thus god can and will doe , that men may see it , and seeing may haue cause to say : a domino factum est istuc ; this is not mans power nor wit , but , this is the lords doing , and it is maruellous in our eyes . if any doe yet further replie and say : but it can neuer doe well to send such fellowes , such loose , leaud , licentious , riotous , and disordered men , they that cannot bee kept in compasse at home , how can they be ordered there ? i answere , this obiection is much in shew , but the least of all in substance : for to say nothing that there is not that meanes nor occasions , to offend in many kindes that be here in abundance , we are further to know that as long as we haue wise , couragious , and discreete gouernours , together with the preaching of gods word , we much care not what the generalitie is of them that goe in person ; considering we finde that the most disordered men that can bee raked vp out of the superfluitie , or if you will , the very excrements , of a full and swelling state , if they be remoued out of the fat and feeding ground of their natiue countrey , and from the licentiousnesse and too much libertie of the states where they haue liued , into a more bare and barren soile , as euery countrie is at the first , and to a harder course of life , wanting pleasures , and subiect to some pinching miseries , and to a strict forme of gouernement , and seuere discipline , doe often become new men , euen as it were cast in a new mould , and proue good and worthie instruments and members of a common-wealth : witnesse the companions of romulus and remus , that were the founders of the romane state. and if you will haue a more infallible testimonie , looke into the scriptures , call to minde the men that came to dauid , qualified as you heard before , men in danger of law , men in debt , and discontented persons . our base churles would roundly answer like nabal , are these dauids companions ? are these his partakers ? such fellowes as these , that bee the scumme and skouring of the streetes , and raked vp out of the kennels , are like to be the founders of a worthie state . but see the shallownes of these mens conceits : for when those men had liued a while in dauids fashion , and been trained vp vnder his discipline , they were so altered and refined , that many of them ( all being some foure hundred ( no more then a virginean fleete ) became worthie to bee of the honorable order of dauids worthies , or mightie men , and proued great statesinen in the common-wealth , and all of them did dauid hold so well to haue deserued , that when god gaue him peaceable possession of his owne , he brought vp all those men euery man with his household , and they dwelt in the cittes of hebron , where they proued good members , nay rather gouernours of the common-wealth , and raised their families to greater honour then euer they had before . now if those men so basely giuen , and ill qualified ( as we heard afore ) notwithstanding by sharpe and godly discipline proued so well ; how much rather may wee hope the same , of our brethren gone and going to virginea ? many of whom are of good descent , of noble and generous spirits , vertuous , and valorous , and fearing god , and many waies as worthie as many of their ranke that are left behinde them . and to conclude , it is well enough knowne to them that know any thing , that there are good reasons , whereupon it comes to passe that such as liue licentiously in a state of long continuance , which is ripe and rotten for want of reformation , will easily be brought into order in a new gouernment : and no lesse good reasons are there why there is and will be better gouernment , and better execution of lawes in a little territorie , then in a great and populous kingdome , and in a new begun rather then in an old and setled state : the truth whereof many of you ( right honorable and beloued ) doe better conceiue then i can expresse . as to the small number of our aduenturers , besides that which was said before , let vs further consider how dauids kingdom began with poore foure hundred men . but what saith the text ? his cause being good , and so knowne to be , there came more day by day to dauid to helpe him , vntill it was a great host like the host of god. euen so wee doubt not , but as god hath alreadie augmented our numbers farre aboue the expectation of many in the beginning : so he will also stirre vp the minds of worthie and generous men to assist this blessed businesse in purse and person , vntill it be growne as dauids foure hundred , to be as as an host of god : and i doubt not to see the day that men shall speake of this plantation as is spoken in another case ; though thy beginning be small , yet thy latter and shall greatly increase . the next discouragement is , that the countric is ill reported of by them that haue been there . i answere , it is not true , in all , nor in the greater or better part ; for many there be and men of worth who haue been there , and report so well of it , that they will not be kept from going thither againe , but hold it and call it , their home , and habitation , nor can all the pleasures , ease , delights and vanities of england allure them from it . but that some , and it may be many of the vulgar and viler sort , who went thither only for ease and idlenesse , for profit and pleasure , and some such carnall causes , and found contrariwise but cold entertainment , and that they must labour or else not eate , and be tied within the bounds of sharp laws , and seuere discipline ; if such base people as these , doe from thence write , and here report , all euill that can be of that countrie , we doe not maruell , for they do but like themselues , and we haue euer found that all noble exploites haue been so maligned and misreported by the greater part ( which generally is the worse part ) of men : let vs take but one testimonie , but that shall be beyond exception . god with his owne voice gaue the israelites the land of canaan , and in the word of his truth told them it was a good land , and they should ouercome the heathen , and enioy it . would a man thinke that after this any durst haue affirmed the plaine contrarie ? yet marke what followed . a little afore they came to take possession , god bad them send men to search it : and such were sent as were rulers and heads of the people , of each tribe one : a man would also haue thought that such men would haue spoke truth . but see the corruption of mans nature , how it is giuen to maligning and deprauing of gods blessings , especiallie if they be commended and aduanced by some whō they affect not : for of those twelue men so sent by gods commandement , tenne did directly deny what god had said . it is a good land , saith god : no , say they , it is a land not worth dwelling in , for it eates vp the inhabitants therof . you shall ouercome them , saith god : no , say these , wee are not able to goe vp against this people . thus you ( right honorable and worshipfull ) that speake well of virginea , and cannot be beleeued , be cōtent , god himselfe , you see , was thus vsed , and can you look for better ? but though these men ( like men , or more like monsters ) durst thus ( as the holy ghost saith ) bring vp an euill report of the land , which they had searched : yet two of the twelue stand vp for the truth , ( and therefore the diuell got not a verdict for him ) and spake boldly , the land which wee walked thorow is a very good land ; if the lord loue vs he will bring vs vnto it ; and feare not the people of the land , for the lord is with vs. and see the vile nature of the multitude , when they gaue place to their furious passions , they rather beleeued those ten that spoke euill , out of their owne base feare , then these two that spoke the truth , and no more then god had spoke before them ; nay they would not indure to heare it well spoken of , and therefore cut them off in the midst of their relation , and outragiously cried , stone them with stones ; dare they speake well of canaan ? stone them . but the god of heauen tooke the cause of his owne truth into his hands , and deliuering his seruants , pronounced iust sentence on all three parties : first , on the false reporters that had so slandered that good land ; those men shall die by the plague before the lord. secondly , on the base beleeuers of this false report ; you shall neuer see it , your carcases shall fall in the wildernesse : but your children , which you said should be a prey to the heathen , they shall go in and possesse the land which you haue refused . thirdly , on those two that spake for the truth , and stood to it with danger of their liues : ioshua and caleb shall liue , and i will bring them into the land , and their seede shall inherit it . this was the iust sentence of the righteous god , which accordingly was executed vpon them all . now how fitly this storie resembles the present businesse we haue in hand , i leaue it to others to make application of the particulars . i onely say thus much : the israelites had a commandement from god to dwell in canaan , we haue leaue to dwell in virginea : they were commanded to kill the heathen , we are forbidden to kill them , but are commanded to conuert them : they were mighty people , ours are ordinarie : they armed , ours naked : they had walled townes , ours haue scarce houels to couer them : that land flowed with milke and honie , our abounds with as good or better : they sent men to search that , so we to search this : they brought of the commodities , so haue we : many slandered that countrey , so they doe ours : more beleeued the slander then the trueth , and so they doe of ours : yet some stoode boldly for the trueth , and so there doe in ours , and better then those that doe depraue it . and as two of the twelue resisted the slaunder , whereby the diuell had not a full iurie : so though many slanderers open their mouthes against vs and our land , for how can they speake good things when themselues are euill ? yet i hope it is hard to finde that euer twelue good men and true ( as a iurie must be ) did agree together to speake euill of it , and so i doubt not , the diuell shall neuer get a verdict against vs. but god whose cause we vndertake , will euer and in all companies haue a caleb or iosua ready to speake the trueth , and put the slanderers to silence . there remaines the application of the iudgements and executions , but that belongs not to me ; it is the lords to inflict : the slanderers die a suddaine death , the beleeuers a lingering death ; far be both these curses from you all . but farre be you also from deseruing them . the next discouragement , is the hard and miserable conditions of them that goe and stay there , their fare , their diet , their drinke , their apparell , their houses , their bedding , their lodging , are all so poore so pitifull , that no english men are able to endure it . i answere , first , doe we purpose to attempt and atchieue , to begin and to perfect any noble exploite , in such fashion of life as wee liue in england ? let vs not deceiue our selues . stately houses , costly apparell , rich furniture , soft beds , daintie fare , dalliance and pleasures , huntings and horse-races , sports and pastimes , feasts and banquets are not the meanes whereby our forefathers conquered kingdomes , subdued their enemies , conuerted heathen , ciuilized the barbarians , and fetled their common-wealths : nay they exposed themselues to frost and colde , snow and heate , raine and tempests , hunger and thirst , and cared not what hardnesse , what extremitie , what pinching miseries they endured , so they might atchieue the ends they aimed at : and shall wee thinke to bring to passe a matter of this honour and excellencie , which the ages to come shall stand amazed to beholde , and not to endure much corporall hardnesse ? what was there euer excellent in the world that was not difficult ? nay euen therefore more excellent and more esteemed because difficult : they therefore were misaduised that went to virginea with purpose to liue for the present , as they liued in england , and vnworthie are they to be counted fathers and founders of a new church and common-wealth , that resolued not to vndergoe and endure all difficulties , miseries and hardnesse that flesh and blood is able to beare . secondly i answere , this obiection yeeldes no cause of mislike of this action more then others ( seeing there neuer was noble action that was not subiect to these miseries : ) but it discouers the pusillanimitie , the basenesse , the tendernesse and effeminatenesse of our english people : into which our nation is now degenerate , from a strong , valiant , hardie , patient and induring people , as our forefathers were : which comes to passe not by our peace & plentie ( as some causelesly cauill ) but by the abuse of thē , that is , by want of exercise of armes and actiuitie , want of trades and labour , by our idlenesse , lazinesse and lasciuiousnesse , wherein cities haue laboured to match the court , and the countrey enuies the cities , and so now at last all turne after state and pompe and pleasures : and if any occasion fall out that men should be put to any hardnes , in cold or heate , by land or sea , for diet or lodging , not one of 100. is found that can indure it : but when other people can indure winter and summer , winde and weather , sunne and showers , frost and snow , hunger and thirst , in campe or garrison , by land or sea , and march on foote through snowe or waters , then our men for the most part are consumed and dead , or else got home againe to the fire side in england . but it was another kinde of life that made our forefathers fearefull to other nations , and terrible to their enemies : had they been such mecocks and milksops , as we are now , they had neuer expulsed the danes , nor ouercome the french ; we had neuer quartered the armes of france , nor crowned our kings in paris : we had neuer taken so many forraine kings in the fielde , and sometimes on their owne ground : we had neuer made the mightiest emperours seeke alliance and marriages with vs , and some of them to come in person into our land , and fight vnder the banners and pay of our kings . thus they with labour wonne , what we with idlenes haue lost : for what is there that industrie , labour , paines and patience will not winne , and yet all those cannot winne so much , as idlenesse , dainties , and effeminatenesse will easilie lose : witnesse for proofe hereof , our selues and our neighbours of the lowe countries : who can but wonder that will obserue , what the hollanders were an hundred yeares agoe , how dull , how base , how poore and seruile ? but since they shaked oft that dull and lazie humour , put themselues to paines & labour , to indure all hardnesse , and vndergoe any extremities , are they not become for their valour , their gouernement , their wealth , their power and their policie , euen the wonder of nations ? let some ascribe this to a fortunate constellation , others to other causes , but all wise men may casily perceiue that this grew only from these two rootes , of industrie and vnitie : both of them being perfected with a valour and resolution of heart to endure any thing , so they might attaine the honorable ends they proposed to themselues : ( which whether they haue not now attained , and that in so braue a fashion as is to the worlds admiration , i can say but little , but let wise men iudge . ) the premisses considered , were it not good for vs if our people were inured to more hardnesse , and brought vp vnder obedience of sharper discipline , and accustomed to lesse daintinesse & tendernesse then heretofore ? and are not those to be commended , which shew by their resolute vndertaking of an action so honorable in the ends of it , and yet accompanied with so many difficulties , that the ancient valour of english blood is not yet extinguisht ? and canst not thou , who , like a churle or an epicure , sitst at home by the warme fire , and saiest , it is good sleeping in a whole skin ; and that drinkest thy wine in boles , and stretchest thy selfe vpon the bed of lazinesse , and followest nothing but pleasure after pleasure ; canst not thou , i say , be content to see others take in hand noble enterprises , but thou must depriue them of their due praises , and bring them vnder the compasse of thy base censure ? if the action be honorable and excellent , then either do thou attempt it , not withstanding the difficulties ; or if thou darest not , at least honor them that dare . this should be my answere if the voyage were attended with as many difficulties and miseries as these men doe , or any can imagine . but now i answer more particularly , that if our men there haue been at any exigents in this kind , it grew not from any necessitie that must needes accompanie that plantation , or that countrey : but proceeded plainly from the want of gouernement , and absence of our gouernours , which was caused by the hand of god , and force of tempest , which neither humane wit could foresee , nor strength withstand . or suppose something was miscarried by negligence , haste , or other humane infirmitie ; shall one staine blemish the beautie of so faire a businesse ? shall one particular miscariage , ouerturne the frame , or condemne the substance of the whole action ? surely wisedome and good reason will not admit it . and to conclude , seeing it is knowne to all , that know any thing in this matter , that the principal ( if not the only ) wound in this businesse hath been the want of gouernment , there is now care taken , that ( by the blessing of god ) there neuer shall bee want of that againe : which being once setled , we doe very well know that there will nothing else be wanting ( in a short time after ) needfull for the comfort of mans life : in the meane time wee care not ( i speake in their names who goe in person , of whom out of my owne heart i could wish to be one my selfe ) i say we care not what we indure , as long as we go forward in comming neerer to those high and excellent ends , which in the beginning wee proposed to our selues . the next discouragement is , the vncertaintie of profit , and the long time that it must be expected , it be certaine . but i will not wrong you nor my selfe , in seeking to say much to so base an obiection . if there be any that came in only or principally for profit , or any that would so come in , i wish the latter may neuer bee in , and the former out againe . if the planting of an english colonie , in a good and fruitfull soile , and of an english church in a heathen countrey ; if the conuersion of the heathen , if the propagating of the gospell , and inlarging of the kingdome of iesus christ , be not inducements strong enough to bring them into this businesse , it is pitie they be in at all . i will discharge my conscience in this matter : if any that are gone , or purpose to go in person , do it only that they might liue at ease and get wealth ; if others that aduenture their money haue respected the same ends , i wish for my part the one in england again , and the other had his money in his purse ; nay it were better that euery one gaue something to make vp his aduenture , then that such nabals should thrust in their foule feete , and trouble so worthie a businesse . and i could wish ( for my part ) that the proclamation which god inioyned to bee made before the israelites went to battell , were also made in this case : namely , that whosoeuer is fainthearted , let him returne home againe , lest his brethrens hart faint like his : for the coward not only betraieth himself , but daunts and discourageth others . priuate ends haue been the bane of many excellent exploits , and priuate plots for the gaine of a few , haue giuen hindrance to many good and great matters . let vs take heed of it in this present businesse , and all ioyntly with one heart aime at the generall and publike ends , lest we finde hereafter to our shame and griefe , that this one flye hath corrupted the whole box of oyntment , though neuer so precious . let vs therefore cast aside all cogitation of profit , let vs looke at better things : & then i dare say vnto you as christ hath taught me , that if in this action wee seeke first the kingdome of god , all other things shall be added vnto vs : that is ( applying it to the case in hand ) if wee first and principally seeke the propagation of the gospell and conuersion of soules , god wil vndoubtedly make the voiage very profitable to all the aduenturers and their posterities euen for matter of this life : for the soile is good , the commodities many , and necessarie for england , the distance not farre off , the passage faire and easie , so that there wants only gods blessing to make it gainfull : now the high way to obtaine that , is to forget our own affections , & to neglect our own priuate profit in respect of gods glorie ; and he that is zealous of gods glorie , god will be mindfull of his profit : and he that seekes only or principally spirituall things , god will reward him both with those spirituall and temporal things . and as , though we may not do wel to be wel spoken of , yet if we do wel , god will make vs wel thought of , and spoken of , of all good men : so though we do not intend our profit in this action , yet , if wee intend gods honor , and the conuersion of soules , god will assuredly send vs great profit , which we may take lawfully and thankfully as his blessing . but if it be vrged further : why is there not then present profit , at least after so many voyages and supplies sent ? i answere , that profit is not the principall end of this action ; if it were , what should so many of the nobilitie , of the gentry , and especially of the clergie , haue their hands in it ? it is not fit for them to be merchants : but the high and principall end being plantation , of an english church and common-wealth , and consequently the conuersion of heathen , hence it is therefore that profit cannot be presently expected , because we are still to send more supplies of men , munition , instruments and tooles for all trades : but when there be sent so many that they are able to defend themselues , when they haue emptied a sufficient quantity of the land from trees , & made it fit for corne , ( which is the onely want in that place ) and when they haue built their church and towne , and haue the gouernment setled , ( all which are at this day ( blessed be god ) in a comfortable forwardnesse ) then it is time to expect , and then we are sure to receiue such quantitie of gaine , as will giue full contentment to euery man for his moneyes aduentured : and then for a short time of disbursements , begins a long time of profit , euen so long , as ( for ought that man can foresee ) it will continue whilest there are men to goe betwixt the two kingdomes . the seuenth and last discouragement is , that we haue many enemies and mighty , and that therefore it cannot proceede to any perfection . i answer , if it had not many enemies it should not haue so many friends , and it is therefore better liked of some because it is misliked of others : for there neuer was noble action that had not many enemies . but what enemies haue we , or are like to haue ? they answer , first , the spaniard . i answere , deceiue not your selues , we haue him not our enemie : for first , he is in league with vs , and we doubt not but either he holds vs no heretikes ; or if he doe , yet he hates that peece of popish doctrine , that couenants with heretikes are not to be kept : we hope they bee too wise and worthie a nation to breake their league and falsifie the oath of god which they haue made : they know the story , that when the christians had taken truce with the turkes for a time , and within that time spying a vantage contrarie to their oath , fell vpon them ; god , whose name was dishonoured , so disposed the matter , that when in all humane reason the turkes would haue been slaine vp like sheepe , and not a man left : contrariwise they had such aduantage offered them , by gods owne prouidence , that they were the conquerours and gaue the christians one of the foulest ouerthrowes that was since the beginning of their empire , and that cardinall that was the author of this periurious breach of league , was miserably , but iustly massacred in a ditch , and that noble king of hungary being of incredible valour and vertue , who gaue way to this wicked counsell of the cardinall , died there on the fielde in his young and flourishing age . they write that amurathes the great turke being thus prouoked to battell , and seeing the picture of christ on the crosse in the christians banner , cast vp his eyes and hands to heauen , and cried out as loude as he could ; oh , thou that diedst on the crosse , if thou be a god , powre out thy wrath and shew thy iustice on this vile people that haue so horribly dishonoured thee , violating the oath they tooke in thy name , which i that sware by the name of mahomet dare not doe . if thus it fell out to them that brake oath with the turkes , we hope no christian prince will offer it to vs : if they should , we doubt not but god himselfe will be our shield and buckler , and make vs strong enough against such enemies . againe , the title that spaine may pretend , must either be possession or the popes gift : as for the pope , we know indeede that a spanish pope gaue america to a spanish king ; but the question is what right he had to giue it , for nemo dat quod non habet , and they who remember that long agoe he gaue away england also , cannot but know how vaine & idle his gifts be : and yet if we examine the very words of his gift , they run thus , that he giues him all america , which is not actually possessed before by any other christian prince : so that if the graunt were good , yet it seemes to follow , that whosoeuer is possessed afore him , hath right before him . but of this part called virginea , hee neuer was , and wee for many yeeres haue been possessed : and whereas his grant is conditionall , that he shall send preachers of the christian faith into those parts . if wee doe not so into ours , let all nations rise against vs , and giue it to them that better shall deserue it . the graunt of america by alexander the 6. vnto ferdinando , is restrained by cardinall bellarm. lib. 5. de roma . pont . cap. 2. in fine cap. and by the iesuite valent. tom . 3. disput . 1. 9. 10. punct . 7. where ( although he were a spaniard ) hee doubteth whether alexander the 6. erred in this particular fact . vpon these grounds , wee are perswaded that they will neuer offer vs that indignitie and iniustice : but if they should , wee hope then to giue another answere . what enemies then haue we ? the french ? nay they are rather inclined to follow our example , & to plant in another countrey not far frō ours : the same also might i speake of other christian nations . the sauages ? nay , they inuite vs , and vse vs well : & if they were , a small matter , as long as they are their owne enemies . but when they are conuerted and loue their owne soules , then they will loue vs also , and eternize their names who brought the gospell to them . thus no enemies are yet found . but i will saue their labour : we confesse this action hath three great enemies : but who be they ? euen the diuell , papists , and players . but first , let no man thinke much that i ioyne them together , for i would gladly separate them , but they will not : for who but the diuell , and papists , and players doe mocke at religion , and abuse the holie scriptures ? that the diuell doth , who doubts ? that the papists doe , their many bookes doe witnesse , especially their damnable and hellish prurit-anus : that players doe , too many eyes and eares can witnesse , some to their content , and many to their hearts griefe . seeing then they will not be separated , let them goe together : the rather seeing they bee all enemies to this noble action . 1 the diuell : and who can blame him ? for we goe to disherit him of his ancient freehold , and to deliuer from out of his bondage the soules , which he hath kept so many yeeres in thraldome : wee therefore expect that hee will moue all the infernall powers against vs , and that we shall want no hurt nor hindrance that he is able to effect . but let him and all his partakers know , wee haue him on our side , who was promised in the beginning to be the breaker of his head , and who accordingly trampled him vnder his feete , triumphed ouer him on the crosse , and ouercame him in the graue ( his owne denne ) : we goe to preach the faith , against which all the gates of hell shall not preuaile . and for his pleading of possession , wee care not : the possession is his , but the right is christs , and we are for him , and therefore doubt not but to bring from heauen such an iniunction out of the highest court of equitie , as shall remoue him out of possession , maugre his malice . wee know his force , his furie , his malice , his wit and subtletie : and , as the apostle saith , we are not ignorant of his practises . but when wee remember that he cannot enter into a hogge , but by gods permission : when we remember that the windes and seas are not his , nor doe obey him , but him that we serue : when wee remember how the apostles ouerthrew him , euen by the preaching of the gospell , which wee carrie to virginea ; these and such like considerations make vs that wee feare not him , and all his angels so much , as hee feares the prayers of the poorest christian in the world . and yet we will not countermine against him by charmings and inchantments , we will not cast out diuels by the prince of diuels , but wee will onely assault him with the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god : for we know that when the apostles were to giue him the great ouerthrow , and his deadly wound , by recouering the whole world from heathenisme to christ , this was that onely weapon with which they ouercame him : and though wee be not so skilfull fencers , nor can handle this weapon so well as they , yet wee know it hath not lost his force , but is the sharpe two edged sword , in whose hand soeuer it is vsed . and as long as our end is to plant and preach the gospell , hee may for our sinnes , and sinfull cariage , hurt and hinder , but hee can neuer ouerthrow the worke , but contratiwise it shall be his ouerthrow , and the ruine of his kingdome in that countrey . 2 for the papists , wee know they approue nothing that protestants vndertake ; but wee vndertook not this to be approued by thē : they would haue all the glorie to themselues of conuerting the heathen ; and if they did conuert them indeed , wee would commend and imitate them : but let them not enuie vs , for doing that which they extoll in themselues . if they seeke the popes and their owne glorie , why should not wee seeke gods ? if they seeke gods glorie , wee haue cause to seeke it more then they : in such workes as these wee will neuer breake from them , we will neuer forsake them : wee would ioyne with them to conuert the heathen , wee would ioyne with them to vanquish the turke . but their blinde guides the iesuites tell them that wee are cursed , and all that partake with vs , and that they had better suffer heathen and turkes then ioyne with vs. and hence is it that they maligne and depraue this voyage , and wee are well assured that they haue filled all corners of this kingdome , with all base reports and slanders of this action , that mans wit can deuise . but let them goe on , wee little regard it , the more they hate it , the more we loue it ; the more basely they speake of it , the more honourably doe wee hold it . oh but the pope will curse vs. let him doe so , when hee would haue god the more to blesse vs : for what protestant or any other did hee euer curse , but god blest them the more ? leo the 10. cursed luther , and all men expected when he should haue died some horrible death : but hee liued to die in his bed , and proued the confounder of the pope in his life and death . paul the 3. cursed henry the 8. but after that he rooted the pope out of england . impious pius the 5. cursed noble elizabeth of england , and all the poore papists of the world lookt when some terrible confusion should haue fallen on her and her kingdome : but she liued to see the death of that pope , and six or seuen more ; and more then thirtie yeeres after liued in that glorie , as neuer queene on the earth in more , so as all ages to come will speake of her and of her times , and of the blessings of this church and state receiued by her . sixtus the 5. cursed the french king that is : but his successor was faine to absolue him on his owne conditions . pope paul that now is , cursed the venetians : but was glad to receiue them againe , on such tearmes , as his best friends wish hee had neuer begun it , and confesse he hath lost more by it , then euer he can gaine . hee and his predecessors in that chaire of pestilence , haue cursed all makers and merchants of allom , that belong not to himselfe , and all others that shall any waies inuade any of his reuenues or patrimonie : but wee see they prosper better for it ; and all princes and states goe forward as they can , each one to plucke away their feathers from him , with which that proud peacock of rome did adorne himselfe : and so the time will come shortly that the holy ghost foretold , namely , that she shall be left desolate and naked . and thus as all her curses which shee hath cast out on them that shall impaire or inuade s. peters patrimonie , ( for so hee calles his owne reuenues ) haue not preuailed , but that her glorie and wealth is decaied by many degrees : so all his other causelesse curses doe now appeare ( euen to many of his owne ) to be but flashes , and to be such thunderclaps as terrifie , but strike not , and hurt no where , but where they are feared . let him then curse vs , when hee would doe vs good , for wee know his curse shall fall on his owne head , and when he hath cursed vs , the lord will blesse vs in more abundance . and to conclude , wee know well , that as soone as this intent and enterprize of our nation is knowne at rome , foorthwith there will bee a consistorie called , and consideration will be had ( with wit and policie enough ) what course may be taken to crosse vs and ouerturne the businesse . but we are prepared for it , and looke for no lesse then all they can doe : but if they haue neuer a gamaliel left to tell it them , let me tell them , that if this worke be onely of men , it will come to nought of it selfe without their helpe : but if it be of god , they cannot destroy it , but shall be found euen fighters against god. 3 as for plaiers : ( pardon me right honourable and beloued , for wronging this place and your patience with so base a subiect , ) they play with princes and potentates , magistrates and ministers , nay with god and religion , and all holy things : nothing that is good , excellent or holy can escape them : how then can this action ? but this may suffice , that they are players : they abuse virginea , but they are but players : they disgrace it : true , but they are but players , and they haue played with better things , and such as for which , if they speedily repent not , i dare say , vengeance waites for them . but let them play on : they make men laugh on earth , but hee that sits in heauen laughes them to scorne ; because like the flie they so long play with the candle , till first it singe their wings , and at last burnes thē altogether . but why are the players enemies to this plantation and doe abuse it ? i will tell you the causes : first , for that they are so multiplied here , that one cannot liue by another , and they see that wee send of all trades to virginea , but will send no players , which if wee would doe , they that remaine would gaine the more at home . secondly , as the diuell hates vs , because wee purpose not to suffer heathens , and the pope because we haue vowed to tolerate no papists : so doe the players , because wee resolue to suffer no idle persons in virginea , which course if it were taken in england , they know they might turne to new occupations . thus the diuell , papists , and players , ( the enemies of this action ) single them asunder , or let them ioyne their forces , wee care not for their malice , wee seeke not their fauour : nay wee had rather haue them all three against vs then with vs : and against them all , and all other that shall maligne vs whosoeuer , we say no more but this : he hath set vs on worke that will maintaine vs : and for our selues no more but this ; if god be on our side , who can be against vs ? and thus with an indifferent vnpartiall eye we haue obserued , and laid downe all the discouragements that seeme to be incident to this businesse : and all , which i euer heard , either friend to feare , or enemy to obiect , and haue answered them all out of the grounds of truth . now let vs accordingly consider of the encouragements which god hath giuen vs , to proceede in the prosecution of this enterprise . the first encouragement is , the consideration of the excellencie of the action in it selfe : this excellencie consists of these three degrees : it is a most lawfull , an honorable , and a holy action . 1 the lawfulnesse of this enterprize hath been , i hope , sufficientlie declared alreadie , and more may be said , if any thing be further obiected against it . secondly , the honour of this action is extraordinarie , 1. in regard of the ends , being of a more high & excellent nature then are in other voiages , which for the most part bee profit and pleasure . 2. it is more honourable in regard of the vndertakers . where was there euer voiage that had such a king and such a prince to bee the patrons and protectors of it ? the one to begin , the other to second it . what voiage euer was there which had so many honourable vndertakers , and of so many sorts and callings , both of the clergie and laitie , nobilitie , gentrie , and commonaltie , citie and countrie , merchants and tradesmen , priuate persons and corporations ? as though euery kinde and calling of men desired to haue their hands in so happie a worke . all which considered , giue me leaue to affirme ( with due respect to other , and without disparagement to any ) that of all voiages euer attempted in this nation , the virginean voiage is the most honour able . thirdly , this is also a holy action , in regard of the ends and purposes of it : for this action is not only lawfull , so that a man in doing it may be assured he sinnes not , but it is moreouer a holy action , euen such a one as in the performance whereof a man may bee assured that hee pleaseth god , and shall haue a bountifull reward from the mercie of god : and this is peculiar to this voiage aboue other . by others we may shew our selues good common-wealths-men : by this good christians . by others we may inrich our purses : but by this our consciences . others may helpe vs to liue the more wealthily , but onely this can helpe vs to die the more comfortably . other voiages may purchase vs some praise before men , but none like this can procure vs reward from god : for they that enter into voiages of certaine profit for profits sake , these haue their reward . but they that vndertake a voiage of vncertaine and future profit , and certaine and present difficulties , and not for profit , but for the gospels sake , let them know , that if hee that giues a cup of cold water in christs name , and hee that giues one peny to him whose body wants releefe , cannot want his reward : then how liberally and bountifully shall hee bee rewarded from the lord his god , who disburseth so great portions of his estate , for the releefe of distressed and miserable soules . and of all the voiages and actions that men meddle with in this world , none can yeeld this satisfaction and comfort to the conscience that this can : so that this is an enterprise of that worth & excellency , as no other , seeing it is not onely lawfull in it selfe , and therefore acceptable to god , but honourable before men , and comfortable to the conscience of the doer : and therefore euery wise and morall man may be allured , especially euery christian man may be encouraged to assist it . the second encouragement is , the consideration of the friends and assistants which this busines hath : which are such and so great , so many and so mightie , that whosoeuer compares them with the enemies before spoke of , will presently finde cause to say with the prophet , there are more with vs then against vs. our principall friend and defender is the lord our god , the god of heauen and earth , whose king dome wee goe to enlarge , and to accomplish the number of his elect : and christ iesus , whose banner we go to display , and to beare vp his standart , and erect his throne , euen there where sathans throne is : and the holy ghost for whom we go to erect temples , that is , to prepare the soules of men for him to dwell in , who hath told vs that his delight is with the sonnes of men : euen this god blessed for euer , whose cause it is we go to maintain : whom therfore we may hope to haue on our side : nay we know we haue him , and hee hath vouchsafed vs no small tokens and testimonies thereof . 1 by inclining the hearts of our mighty king & noble prince , to make themselues fathers and founders of this plantation and protectors of this royall enterprize , thereby shewing themselues new constantines or charles the great : for by the attempting and atchieuing of this great worke of the heathens conuersion , let their highnesses bee assured , the ages to come will stile them by the glorious names of iames the great , and great henry : the one for setting on foote , the other for seconding , and both for protecting so great , so gracious , and so glorious a worke : this is doubtlesse in them , the blessed worke of that mighty god , in whose hand are the hearts of kings . 2 inclining the hearts of so many persons of honour and high place ( who cannot go in person ) not onely to grace the action with their presence , countenance , and commendation , but to part with so faire a portion of their estates vnto it , without any assurance of present profit for the same . 3 perswading so many of our nation ( and many of them of noble blood and honourable descent ) to ingage not onely a great part of their estates : but euen their very liues and persons , for the good of this businesse , though it be attended with neuer so many dangers & difficulties , & though in the vulgar conceit ( which cōmonly carrieth most men ) so many corporall miseries are threatned on them that be the first aduenturers in this plantation . and this i say was done by gods perswasion ; for what man can be perswaded by a man to vndertake a matter of such a nature as this is ? nay we dare say , that all who are go ne thither , vnlesse they were misled by some sinister perswasions of their owne apprehensions , haue gone onely vpon the powerfull perswasion of gods spirit to their consciences : for who should perswade hereunto , but either god or the diuell , or men , or a mans owne reason ? but the diuell we all know is against it , with might and maine he seekes to keepe men from it , by raising slanders and putting lies into the mouthes of men , to disgrace it : by these and such like meanes he will disswade all he can , but perswade none . againe , wee who are interessed in the action , haue perswaded none , haue allured none , much lesse compelled any ; but of all that haue voluntarily offred themselues , or been offered by their friends , haue made choice of the best ( to our best skils ) : it remains then , that either they perswaded themselues vpon some carnall hopes , ( which we in charitie will iudge of none ) or rather ( which wee know of some , and vvish in all ) that god who perswaded laphet to dwell in the tents of shem , hath perswaded the minds of many honorable and worthy gentlemen to venture their liues in the prosequution of this noble action . fourthly ; by inclining the hearts of the sauages , who liue in that country , louingly to call and inuite vs , and to vse our men well , ( when they themselues are well vsed ) : and by this meanes to make a way to their owne conuersions . fiftly , stirring vp the minds of so many hundreds of good protestants and professors of true religion , to assist it with large contributions ( it being a worke which cannot be effected without much mony , as al discreet men do see and acknowledge ) : insomuch as , when those worthy men and euer to be honored , that were the first vndertakers of it , did euen shrinke to consider , what masses of mony it needs must cost , and yet knew not how nor whence it would arise : the god of heauen bad them rest contented , goe on with what they had in hand , and leaue that care to him , who accordingly hath so wrought vpon the hearts of men , that hitherto it hath been both manned and monied without all rating , taxing , or compelling , but only and wholly by voluntary contributions and continuall supplies : and though the worke grow so great and glorious that it seems already too heauy for the shoulders of vs that hitherto haue borne it : yet it pleaseth god himselfe so to commend it to mens hearts that we see hope enough of sufficient supply from more persons of honour and other men of all sorts and degrees : and surely wee were vnworthy of such a blessing , if we did not willingly acknowledge it to be as it is , euen the lords doing and very maruellous in our eies . sixtly by exciting so many thousand soules , ( whose want of ability keepes them from assisting it with mony ) to wish well vnto this action , to commend it to god , and with their continuall and earnest praiers to giue it all the furtherance they can : and surely where i obserue how many millions of christian soules do powre out their earnest praiers to god daily for the conuersion of those poore virginians , it makes me say of them , as holy olde ambrose said of yong angustine , for whom ( whilst hee liued , in the errors and vanities of his youth ) his mother poured out continuall praiers and teares : sure ( saith he ) a soule that cost his mother so many praiers and so many teares cannot perish : so may we say populus tantarum precum perire non potest : a people that hath so many a good praier possibly cannot perish . and these sixe publicke euidences wee haue ( which all the vvorld may take notice of ) that god is on our side , and doth fauourably accept the enterprise of ours of carrying the gospell to this people : many more priuate fauours and encouragements doth this businesse and the vndertakers of it daily receiue from god , vvhich are all so many testimonies of his louing fauour , to vs and this action . and thus vve haue not only cause to hope , but do find and feele it in our experience that the god of heauen is a friend to this enterprize . our next friend and assistant is the glorious and innumerable multitude of the holy angels : for if the angels reioice when one soule is conuerted , ( vvhich because it might seeme strange , that so many great ones should ioy in the saluation of one poore creature , therfore christ hath affirmed it with his ovvne mouth ) then iudge vvhat ioy is amongst that blessed fellovvship , vvhen this newes comes to heauen that england hath enterprized the conuersion of virginia : whereby so many thousand soules shall be brought to heauen : oh happy man that shall helpe forward this worke , the very angels themselues will doe him honour and seruice : againe if they be sent out by god for the good of all the elect , and are commanded and are willing to pitch their tents about euery one that feares god , then how much more willing will they be to assist , defend , succour and protect vs in this voiage , who go about a worke which pleaseth and delights them aboue any one thing in the world : for it is not said of any thing that man can doe , that it makes the angels in heauen reioice , but this onely one the conuersion of soules . lastly if it be true that they haue charge ouer euery child of god to keepe him in all his waies ; then let vs be assured that this action being one of the worthiest waies that euer a christian nation walked in since the apostles times , vve shal therefore be sure of the presence and protection of gods holy angels , to bee with vs and all our partakers , and namely vvith you ( our right honorable generall ) and all your company , to preserue you by land and sea , at home and abroad , from the diuell and all other enemies : and though our sinnes or yours may procure the contrary from gods iustice , ( vvhich his mercy auert ) yet this i dare affirme , as an vndoubted truth , that it is the delight and ioy of those glorious creatures to doe you seruice for your seruice in this action . another and a comfortable friend vvhich vve haue , is , the praiers and hearty vvelvvishings of all gods children in the vvorld , vvhereof as many as knovv it doe particularly , and all doe in generall tearmes and inclusiuely commend vs and it to the lord : a mighty comfort is this to all you that goe in person , if euer you should be in vvant or misery , danger , or any distresse by sea or land , to remember that euery day in the vvorld there is a sacrifice offered to god , and a strong crie sent vp to heauen from millions of soules for you . it is very memorable hovv vvhen our noble henrie the fift vvas to giue the french battell at agincourt , vvhere vvere scarce 10000. english men , vveake and sickly , against 60000. french ( in vvhich army vvas the principall chiualrie of france ) that valorous king rising vp from his priuate praiers , and hauing purposely put off the battel till nine of the clocke , at that houre he vvent in person about all the host , and cheering vp his people with princely words , he bad them stand to him and fight valiantly , and feare not ( saith he ) but bee valiant and assured of the victory : for at this houre they are praying for vs at euery church in england . semblably may you ( right honourable and beloued brethren ) cheer vp your spirits against all doubts and dangers whatsoeuer , seeing you may assure your selues there is scarce an houre can passe , vvherein you haue not the praiers of many in england for you . thus you see our enemies , the diuell , papists and players : and you see our friends , god , good angels , and holy praiers : against the diuell vve haue god : against the vvicked papists holy angels : against plaiers , praiers . novv if the povver of the vvhole army of angels be vnto god , but as a drop of vvater to the sea : and the might of all men be inferior to the povver of one angell , and yet the praiers of one good man is able to shake hell , and make the diuell tremble ( which is the ringleader and chiefe of all our enemies ) then it is apparant enough that our enemies are lesse then nothing to the friends that this action hath . the third encouragement to this businesse , is the due consideration of the true ends of this action : for the end of any attempt , though it be the last in execution , yet is it the first in intention , and it is the end that crownes the worke , and if the end and finall purpose of any action be euil , that action cannot be good : and accordingly in all lawfull actions the more excellent the end , the more excellent is the worke : let vs therefore consider the true ends of this businesse , and herein i will deale truly and sincerely : we will not deny but as we are mē , we may be induced in the beginning with hope of great profit , of winning a goodly country for english men to liue in , which now by multitudes are thrust out at home , and of liuing a more free and pleasant and contented life : and some that go in person , as they are corrupt men may dreame of greater ease and licentiousnesse , and therefore put themselues into the businesse . but as we are christian men , as we are sanctified men the principall and predominant ends are of a far more high and excellent nature : and they be of two sorts . first , respecting the sauages of that countrie : that is , the conuersion of their soules ( after they first be made ciuill men ) a worke so excellent as he that doth it but to one soule , hath done that which shall yeeld him more comfort in this life , and gaine him more glory in heauen , then any one worke in the world besides : and more then that , the poore soules when they are made happy by their conuersions will sing for euer of them that did it : oh how beautifull are the feete of them that brought vs these glad tidings ! secondly , respecting our god , our selues , and our religion : in which respect our ends are in this businesse to appease and pacifie the wrath of our offended father , for sacrifices are offered to appease and propitiate . now of all the sacrifices of the new testament this is not the least , to offer vp a sacrifice of conuerted gentiles to the lord : to me ( saith paul ) is this grace giuen of god , that i should be the minister of iesus christ to the gentiles , that the offering vp of the gentiles might be acceptable , being sanctified by the holy ghost . now the sins of this our nation haue been horrible , our vnthankfulnesse for the blessings of this last age hath been intollerable : what can we offer to the lord better , though not for satisfaction , yet for gratification , then to offer vp a sacrifice of conuerted gentiles ? secondly , to honour the name of our god which by our sinnes hath been horribly prophaned , and to aduance his kingdome , which by vs and our sinnes hath been too much hindred . thirdly , to honor our religion , which by the politick papists hath been in this respect disgraced . for we must cōfesse that they in these last c. yeers , ( such is their gouernment , and such their obedience to their superiors : wherein we may worthily learne of them ) haue sent many men into the west and east indies to preach christ ; which if they had done without other abominable idolatry and superstition , their fact had been most honorable . but howsoeuer it is to be granted , that it is held of many no small staine to our religion that we haue sent none into heathen countries to conuert the sauages : which accusation how true and iust it is , as i vvill not now dispute , so this confidently i dare auow , that this enterprize taking effect vvill discharge vs and our religion for euer of that imputation : in which respect , if there vvere no other in the vvorld , it is vvorthy to haue the praiers and the purses , yea the persons and liues of the best of vs all . fourthly , to giue testimony to the vvorld that some sparkes of that spirit , vvhich vvas so plentifull in the apostles doe yet remaine in vs : vvhich as it made them most willing to conuert the heathen vvorld , though it cost them their liues : so the same spirit of god prouokes vs to helpe forward the conuersion of that remainder of the heathen , vvhich by them could not be finished . these be the high and soueraigne ends of this action : now these being first laid , there follovv others not to be neglected , nay the least vvhereof is vvorthy to make vs vvilling vndertakers of this businesse , for hereby vve shall honour our selues and strengthen our selues by propagating our owne religion : hereby we shall mightily aduance thehonorable name of the english nation , the honor vvhereof we ought euery one to seek : hereby vve shall mightily inrich our nation , strengthen our nauie , fortifie our kingdome , and be lesse beholding to other nations for their commodities : and to conclude , hereby vve shall rectifie and reforme many disorders vvhich in this mightie and populous state are scarce possibly to be reformed vvithout euacuation : and consequentlie vvhen vve haue atchieued all these ends , vve shall eternize our ovvne names to all ensuing posteritie , as beeing the first beginners of one of the brauest and most excellent exploits that vvas attempted since the primitiue times of the church . and to adde one vvord more , ( but it is of much moment , vve shall hereby vvipe off the staine that stickes vpon our nation since , ( either for idlenesse or some other base feares , or foolish conceits ) vve refused the offer of the west indies , made vnto vs by that famous christopher columbus , who vpon englands refusall , tendred it to the prince that now enioieth them . and thus i haue giuen you a tast of the roiall encouragements which naturally and infallibly doe attend this blessed businesse : you see the discouragements how base and idle and imaginary they bee ; contrariwise , the encouragements how reall , solide and substantiall : now therefore let vs all bee exhorted and encouraged to the effectuall prosecution of this enterprise vnto the end . and you first of all , right honourable and worshipfull of the counsell , and the rest of the vndertakers that liue here , by whose wisedome the action is to be directed , and by whose purses maintained , consider what you haue entred into , euen vpon an action of that nature and consequence , as not only all nations stand gazing at , but euen heauen and hell haue taken notice of it , the holy angels hoping , and the diuels fearing what will be the issue . therefore let all nations see , to their amazement , the diuels to their terror , the angels to their ioy , and especially our god to his glorie and the honor of his truth , that the english christians will not vndertake a publike action which they will not prosecute to perfection . let vs then beleeue no tales , regard no slanders ( raised or spred by papists or epicures ) feare no shadowes , care for no oppositions , respect no losses that may befall , nor bee daunted with any discouragements whatsoeuer ; but goe forward to assist this noble action with countenance and counsell , with men and money , and with continuall supplies , till wee haue made our plantation and colonie able to subsist of it selfe , and till there be a church of god established in virginea , euen there where satans throne is . thus shall we honour our god , our religion , our nation , and leaue that honour on our names , which shall make them flourish till the worlds end , and ( which is all in all . ) lay vp that comfort to our soules which shall stand by vs at our deaths , & speake for vs to the great iudge at the last and great day . and to you ( right honourable and beloued ) who ingage your liues , and therefore are deepliest interessed in this businesse , who make the greatest ventures , and beare the greatest burdens ; who leaue your ease and pleasures at home , and commit your selues to the seas and winds for the good of this enterprise ; you that desire to aduance the gospell of iesus christ , though it be with the hazzard of your liues , goe forward in the name of the god of heauen and earth , the god that keepeth cauenant and mercie for thousands ; goe on with the blessing of god , gods angels and gods church ; cast away feare , and let nothing daunt your spirits , remembring whom you goe vnto , euen to english men your brethren , who haue broke the ice before you , and suffered that which with gods blessing you neuer shall ; remembring what you goe to doe , euen to display the banner of christ iesus , to fight with the diuell and the old dragon , hauing michael and his angels on your side : to eternize your owne names both heere at home & amongst the virgineans ( whose apostles you are ) and to make your selues most happy men whether you liue or die : if you liue , by effecting so glorious a worke ; if you die , by dying as martyrs or confessors of gods religion : and remembring lastly whom you leaue behinde you , euen vs your brethren , of whom many would goe with you that yet may not , many will follow you in conuenient time , and who will now goe with you in our harts and praiers , and who will second you with new & fresh supplies , & who are resolued ( by the grace of that god in whose name they haue vndertaken it ) neuer to relinquish this action ; but though all the wealth already put in were lost , will againe & againe renue and continue their supplies , vntill the lord giue the hoped haruest of our endeuors . and thou most noble lord , whom god hath stirred vp to neglect the pleasures of england , and with abraham to goe from thy country , and for sake thy kindred and thy fathers house , to goe to a land which god will shew thee , giue me leaue to speak the truth : thy ancestor many hundred yeeres agoe gained great honour to thy house ; but by this action thou augmentst it . he tooke a king prisoner in the field in his owne land : but by the godly managing of this businesse , thou shalt take the diuell prisoner in open field , and in his owne kingdome : nay the gospell which thou carriest with thee shall binde him in chaines , and his angels in stronger fetters then iron , and execute vpon them the iudgement that is written : yea it shall lead captiuitie captiue , and redeeme the soules of men from bondage . and thus thy glory and honour of thy house is more at the last then at the first . goe on therefore , and prosper with this thy honor , which indeed is greater then cuery eie discernes , euen such as the present ages shortly will enioy , and the future admire : goe forward in the strength of the lord thy god , and make mention of his righteousnesse only . looke not at the gaine , the wealth , the honour , the aduancement of thy house that may follow and fall vpon thee : but looke at those high and better ends that concerne the kingdome of god. remember thou art a generall of english men , nay a generall of christian men : therefore principally looke to religion . you goe to commend it to the heathen ; then practise it your selues : make the name of christ honourable , not hatefull vnto them . suffer no papists ; let them not nestle there ; nay let the name of the pope for poperie be neuer heard of in virginea . take heed of atheists the diuels champions : and if thou discouer any , make them exemplarie . and ( if i may be so bold as to aduise ) make atheisme and other blasphemie capitall , and let that bee the first law made in virginea . suffer no brownists , nor factious separatists : let them keepe their conuenticles elsewhere : let them goe and conuert some other heathen , and let vs see if they can constitute such churches really , the idaeaes whereof they haue fancied in their braines : and when they haue giuen vs any such example , we may then haue some cause to follow them . till then we will take our paterne from their betters . especially suffer no sinfull , no leaud , no licentious men , none that liue not vnder the obedience of good lawes : and let your lawes be strict , especially against swearing and other prophanenesse . and though vaine swearing by gods name be the common and crying sinne of england , and no mortall , but a veniall sinne in popish doctrine , a yet know that it is a sinne vnder which the earth mournes : b and your land will flourish if this be repressed . let the sabbath be wholly and holily obserued , publike praiers daily frequented , idlenesse eschewed , and mutinies carefully preuented . be well aduised in making lawes ; but being made , let them bee obeied , and let none stand for scarre-crowes ; for that is the way to make all at last to be contemned . this course take , and you shall see those who were to blame at home , will prooue praise-worthy in virginea . and you will teach vs in england to know ( who almost haue forgot it ) what an excellent thing execution of lawes is in a common-wealth . but if you should aime at nothing but your priuate ends , and neglect religion and gods seruice , looke for no blessing , nay looke for a curse , though not on the whole action , yet on our attempt ; and neuer thinke that wee shall haue the honour to effect it . yet thinke not that our sinne shall hinder the purpose of god : for when this sinfull generation is consumed , god will stirre vp our children after vs , who will learne by our example to follow it in more holy manner , and so bring it to that perfection which we for our sinnes and prophanenesse could not doe . but you ( right honourable ) haue otherwise learned christ , and ( we hope ) will otherwise practise him , and will declare by your managing of this action the power of that true religion you haue learned in england . thus shall heauen and earth blesse you , and for this heroicall aduenture of thy person and state in such a godly cause , the god of heauen will make thy name to bee remembred thorowout all generations : and thousands of people shall honour thy memorie , and giue thankes to god for thee while the world endureth . and thou virginea , whom though mine eies see not , my heart shall loue ; how hath god honoured thee ! thou hast thy name from the worthiest queene that euer the world had : thou hast thy matter from the greatest king on earth : and thou shalt now haue thy forme from one of the most glorious nations vnder the sunne , and vnder the conduct of a generall of as great and ancient nobilitie as euer was ingaged in action of this nature . but this is but a little portion of thy honour : for thy god is comming towards thee , and in the meane time sends to thee , and salutes thee with the best blessing heauen hath , enen his blessed gospell . looke vp therefore , and lift vp thy head , for thy redemption draweth nie : and he that was the god of israel , and is still the god of england , will shortly i doubt not bring it to passe , that men shall say , blessed be the lord god of virginea ; and let all christian people say , amen . and this salutation doth my soule send thee , o virginea , euen this poore new-yeeres gift , who though i be not worthy to be thine apostle , yet doe vow and deuote my selfe to be in england thy faithfull factor and sollicitor , and most desirous to do thee any seruice in the lord iesus christ our sauiour and thine : whom wee beseech for his precious blood-shedding to aduance his standard amongst you , and that you may once crie for your selues as we do now for you , euen so come lord iesus . finis . god to evrope . the kingdome of god shall bee taken from you , * and giuen to a nation that shall bring foorth the fruits there of . god to england . but i haue praicd for thee that thy faith faile not : therefore when thou art conuerted strengthen thy brethren . luk. 22. 32. england to god. lord heere i am : send me . esay 6. 7. god to virginea . he that walketh in darknesse , and hath no light , let him trust in the name of the lord , and stay vpon his god. esay 50. 10. virginea to god. god be mercifull to vs , and blesse vs , and cause the light of thy countenance shine vpon vs : let thy waies bee knowen vpon earth , and thy sauing health among all nations . psal. 67. 1. 2. england to virginea . behold , i bring you glad tidings : vnto you is borne a sauiour , euen christ the lord. luk. 1. virginea to england . how beautifull are the feet of them that bring glad tidings , and publish saluation ! es. 52. 7. england to virginea . come children , hearken vnto me : i will teach you the feare of the lord. psal. 34. 11. virginea to england . blessed bee hee that commeth to vs in the name of the lord. psal. 118. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19590-e580 matth. 26. mat. 16. iohn . 21. bellar. tom . 1. lib. de verbo dei 3. cap. 5. pag. 178. idem de rom. pont. lib. 1. cap. 20. idem ibid. lib. 4. cap. 3. idem ibid. idem tom . 2. lib. de concil . 2. cap. 2. idem tom 1. de rom. pont. lib. 4 cap. 6. matth. 4. vide ambros. in hoc capus , & alios . rom. 5. vlt. hcb. 9. 24. two parts of the text . first part , christs mercis . doct. 1. rom. 5. 20. doct. 2. ioh. 17. 30. doct. 3. rom. 11. 29. iohn 13. 1. ierem. 32. 40. psal. 115. 1. doct. 4. august . ser. 122 de tempore . tom. cum oramus ipsi cum deo loquimur : cúm legimus scripturas ipsi cum deo loquimur . second part , peters duty . doct. 1. psal. 31. 15. psal. 107. 20. 2. cor. 6. 2. luk. 22. 61. luk. 22. 62. doct. 2. doct. 3. num. 11. 29. act. 26. 29. doct. 4. bonum est sui diffusiuum . the excellencie and necessity of this action for virginea . psal. 51 12. 13. psal. 34. 11. psal. 66. 16. the words of the second patent , dated 1609. the words of the former patent of anno 1606. another necessity , we must doe as wee haue been done vnto . assistance of this voyage cōsists in foure things : countenance , person , purse , prayer . a particular consideration of the true state of the virginean voyage , vpon occasion of this text . first , the discouragements in this action laid down , and remoued . the first discouragement : qu●stion of the lawfulnes . a christian may not doe wrong to a heathen . genes . 23. christians may trafficke with the heathen . we will take from them only that they may spare vs. first , their superfluous land . secondly , their superfluous commodities . the commodities certainly known to be in virginia , timber , crystall , masts , wine , copper , iron , pitch , tarre , sope-ashes , sassafras . we giue to them what they most neede , as 1. ciuilitie and skill in trades , and tooles for trades , and gouernement . 2. religion , and the knowledge of the true god. 1. cor. 9. 11. m. simonds his sermon . the second discouragement : difficulty of plantation . 1. by distance . how neere virginia is to england . 2. for hard passage . how faire , safe and easie , the passage to virginea is . ierem. 14. 22. psalm . 107. 25. 3. the climate . the climate in virginea temperate . the true position of virginea . their skins not blacke . our men there complainc not of the climate . the third discouragement : smalenes of our beginnings , and pouertie of our proceedings . many greater matters haue had smaller beginnings . cōpare deut. 10. 22. with exod. 12. 37. a storie for the mockers of this plantation to reade and obserue . nehem. 1. 7 , 8. chap. 4. 1 , 2. ibid vers . 3. chap. 2. 10. chap. 4. 4 , 5. 1. sam. 22. 2. god brings to passe great matters on small beginnings . 1. in matters naturall . genes . 1. 2. in matters humane . 3. in matters spirituall . esay 49. 13. 4. in matters politike . psal. 118. obiect . we send base and disordered mé . the basest and worst men trained vp in seuere discipline , sharpe lawes , a hard life , and much labour , do proue good members of a common-wealth . 1. chron. 11. 11 and chap. 12. 1. &c. 2. sam. 2. 3. better gouernment and discipline in small then in great states , and in those that are newly setled . i. sam. 22. 2. i. chron. 12. 22. the fourth discouragement : ill reports of the countrey , by them that come from thence . numb . 13. 3. numb . 13. 32. and 33. ibid. vers . 32. chap. 14. 7 , 8 , 9. chap. 14. 10. chap. 14. 37. ibid. 29. ibid. 14 & 30. a comparison of searching of canaan and virginea , and of the report thereof made . matth. 12. 34. rom. 13. 19. the fifth discouragement : miseries of them that goe in person . answere 1. no great thing atchieued without induring miseries . difficilia qua pulchra . answere 2. this obiection riseth from balenesse and cowardize of spirit . the ancient valour and hardnesse of our people . how the low-countrie men are altered within these 100. yeares . a good thing in a state for people to be inured to hardnesse . answ. 3. the miseries and wāts that haue been sustained , came accidentally by the absence of our gouernours . the sixth discouragement : vncertaintie of profit , and the long stay for it . ans. 1. profit is the least & last end aimed at in this voyage . deut. 20. 8. prou. mat. 6. 33. ans. 2. the voiage wil be assuredly profitable in short time . the cause why the profit can not be presently expected , is , because that continuall supplies are still to be sent . the seuenth discouragement : multitude and might of our enemies . answ. 1. the spaniards are not our enemies , for he is in league with vs. uide annales silesy , per curaeū , pag. 139. & deinceps . clades varnensis . cardinali , iulianus . crucifixe crucifixe , si deus es , effunde iram tuam in populum tuum , qui iuramentum sub tuo nomine factum scelerate riolant . alexander the sixth to ferdinando king of castile , anno 1493. this bull of pope alexander the sixth , is extant verbatim amongst the constitutions of the popes , let out by peter matthew at lions 1588. and is to be found at page 150. this enterprize hath only 3. enemies . 1. the diuell . genes . 3. coloss 2. 15. matth. 16. 18. 2. cor. 2. 11. matth. 8. 31. 32. mark. 3. 41. matth. 12. 24. ephes. 6. 17. heb. 4. 12. 2. the papists . the euill and base reports that haue been seattered of this enterprize came originally from some papists . lutherus de seipso : pestis eram uiuens , moriens ero mors sua papa . popes haue euer lost by their curses and excommunications . apoc. 17. 16. the 3. enemie , the players . two causes why the players maligne this action . rom. 8. 31. 2. the encouragements in this businesse are three . 1. encouragement , the excellency of the designe , in it selfe , being 1. a lawfull action . 2. an honorable action , both in regard of the ends & vndertakers . 3. a holy action . math. 10. 42. 2. encouragement : the friends of this action . 2. kings 6. 16 1 friend , god himself . prou. 8. testimonies that god is our friend . in our king and prince . in the vndertakers . 3. in them that goe in person . it is god that moues men to go thit her gene. 9. 27. fourthly in the sauages fiftly in the multitude of contributors . sixtly in mouing all good men to pray for it . filius tantaram precum & lachrimarum perire non potest august . confess . second friend gods angels . luk. 15. 10. heb. i. vlt. psal. 34. 7. psal. 91. 11. third friend the praiers of gods church . see the english chronicle in henrie the fift . a comparison of the friends and enemies of this enterprise . 3. incouragement , the ends of this action . 1. accidentall ends . 2. true ends principall , in regard of the sauages their conuersion . esay 52. 7. 2. in regard of god. 1. to appease him , because iustly offended . rom. 15. 16. 2. to honor him , being by vs dishonoured . 3. in regard of our religion . 4. in regard of our selues . ends subordinate . in the time of henry the seuenth . the conclusion . 1. to the honorabls counsell & vndertakers . 2. to them that goe in person . exod. 34. 7. particular to the honorable generall . genes . 12. 1. at the battle with the black prince psal. 149. 8. 9. admonititions and aduices to our generall and his company . a molanus comp . pract . theol . tract . 2. cap. 7. concl . 2. nic. a grana de poenit . & confess . quaest . 40. b icr. 23. 10. iac. de graff . decis . aur . to . 1. lib. 2. cap. 14. art . 9. and almost all their casuists doe teach this doctrine . a salutation of virginea . notes for div a19590-e11380 * too true : for the greater part is ouer-runne either with turcisme or poperie . 