a true and fearfull pronouncing of warre against the roman imperial majesty, and withall against the king of poland, by the late emperour of turkey, soloma hometh which said turke is since happily prevented (of his cruell purpose) by death, but by all appearance the now surviving turk that succeeds him hath the like bloudy purposes to prosecute his designes against christendome, as may appeare by the approaching of his formidable armie upon the frontiers of poland at this present / confirmed by diverse letters from severall places, which you shall finde heer truly set downe. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a13128 of text s2913 in the english short title catalog (stc 23424.5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a13128 stc 23424.5 estc s2913 29443606 ocm 29443606 27970 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13128) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27970) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1858:55) a true and fearfull pronouncing of warre against the roman imperial majesty, and withall against the king of poland, by the late emperour of turkey, soloma hometh which said turke is since happily prevented (of his cruell purpose) by death, but by all appearance the now surviving turk that succeeds him hath the like bloudy purposes to prosecute his designes against christendome, as may appeare by the approaching of his formidable armie upon the frontiers of poland at this present / confirmed by diverse letters from severall places, which you shall finde heer truly set downe. süleyman i, sultan of the turks, 1494 or 5-1566. [8] p. printed for nathaniel butter, london : 1640. attributed by stc (2nd ed.) to süleyman i (the magnificent). "with privilege." reproduction of original in: harvard university. library. eng süleyman -i, -sultan of the turks, 1494 or 5-1566. murad -iv, -sultan of the turks, 1612-1640. i̇brahim, -sultan of the turks, 1615-1648. turkey -history -1453-1683. turkey -foreign relations -austria. turkey -foreign relations -poland. venice (italy) -history -turkish wars, 17th century. a13128 s2913 (stc 23424.5). civilwar no a true and fearfull pronouncing of warre against the roman imperial majesty, and withall against the king of poland, by the late emperour of [no entry] 1640 1351 2 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 chris scherer sampled and proofread 2002-11 chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve and fearfvll pronouncing of warre against the roman imperiall majesty , and withall against the king of poland , by the late emperour of turkey , soloma hometh . which said turke is since happily prevented ( of his cruell purpose ) by death ; but by all appearance the now surviving turk that succeeds him hath the like bloudy purposes to prosecute his designes against christendome , as may appeare by the approaching of his formidable armie upon the frontiers of poland at this present . confirmed by diverse letters from severall places , which you shall finde heer truly set downe . london , printed for nathaniel butter . 1640. with privilege . from the great commanding god in the heaven , we alone soloma hometh , god upon earth , of great grace and mercy ; invincible great and mighty emperour of babylon and iudea , from the rising of the sunne to the setting thereof ; king of all kings upon earth , of great grace and mercy ; king of whole arabia and media , duke of the noble race in greece and armenia , a borne triumphator , as also king of ierusalem , lord and protector of the sepulchre of the crucified christ . challenging you emperour of germany , king of poland , and all your princes and peeres ; as also the pope , cardinalls , bishops and all your adherents , by oath of the crownes of all our dominions , give you to understand , with great power , that we will come before your city of vienna with 13 kingdomes and nations , and with 1300000 men , both horse and foot , with tyranny and turkie power and armours , yea with our imperiall strength ( more than ever you have seen or heard of ) and will pursue you emperour with fire and sword , and your helpers ; and your neighbouring polander , with military power and force , with burning , robbing , and murthering and destroying of the whole countrey , and put you to the miserablest death that ever we can invent , banish you into great misery , detaine you prisoners , and use you like dogs . this we absolutely purpose to force you ( being you your selves do cruelly tyrannize amongst the christians , and possesse but a small country ) and to take your kingdomes with the sword , as also we wil suppresse the seale of rome , together with the golden scepter : this we thought to give notice of unto you emperour of germany ▪ and king of poland , and all your adherents , that you may regulate your selves after it , because you shall find it so indeed ▪ given in our mighty city of constantinople ( which comprehends in her 1658 streets , 100 hospitals , 800 publick hothouses , 997 conduits , 112 markets , where all sorts of wares are sold , 115 appointed places and stables for mules , 400 innes for strangers , 1652 great and small schooles , 1600 mills , 417 great and small churches : this great city comprehends in her walls , 4 german leagues ; of the great steeples standing upon the wall are 3600 which city our ancestors have taken by force , according to our will kept and maintained to your great shame . done after our nativity 39 yeares , after our mighty reigne the tenth yeare . venice the 13.23 . of march . it is confirmed , that the emperour of turky being 33. yeares of age in the 17. yeare of his raigne is departed out of this life , and that in his place is chosen emperour , the 10. of february his brother , being 27. yeares of age , and was called ibraim the first , who would not accept of the government , unlesse they did shew him first the body of his deceased brother , and having looked upon him , said , here lies dead a good souldier , a mighty king , but also a great tirant , and although he refused the government till such time , notwithstanding hee is now resolved , ( being the peace with persia is now concluded , and the primo vezier confirmed in his high offices ) to goe against the king of poland with an army of 500000 men , to which end 70000 tartarians are sent already into the wallachey . stetin 12.22 . of march . is written that the tartarians have defeated in podolia the podolian troopes . the lord koningspotzky levieth at dantzick and prusia a regiment at his own charges : it is likewise certaine , that the emperour of turkie is resolved to warre against the king of poland , wherefore the said king hath sent the lord palatin in embassage to rome , in the meane time great preparations for warre are made in poland . gen : baudis hath likewise commission to leavie 2000. curassiers for the king of poland , the count of denhof is likewise to leavie a regiment of foote . venice 20.30 . march . it is writen the turks have taken not far from cadix two english ships with some 100 barrs of silver to the value of 800000. crownes , which were appointed for the cardinal infant in the low countries : two turkey pirats which were kept block'd up by our galleis at modoy , are got out of the harbour by a faire winde , but our gallies pursued presently after them , and sunck them : and from constantinople they certifie , that fortie thousand tartarians have alreadie made an invasion into poland , whereof the king of poland hath sent alreadie divers troopes and peeces of ordinance towards the frontiers to oppose the tartarians . he hath likewise called a diet against the 3 13. aprill . march 21.31 . from marseilles is writen , that the turks of tunis and algiers are gone to sea with 60. galleys and saile of ships . the report goes , that they are setting out yet a navie , 120. galleys ; wherefore the knights of malta keepe a watch full , and cause divers harbours , where they might land , to be paled up , and divers sconces and watch-houses to be made . venice march 27. april 6. from constantinople is written , that the new emperour of turkie , with great joy and triumphing , and and the tartars strengthen themselves more and more , and lie but five leagues from the polonian frontiers , which fell unawares about 12000. strong upon the polonian gen. laska , who was gone with 400. horsmen to descrie the strength of the turkes , slew the most part of his men , and the said generall laska himselfe came shrewdly wounded back againe . april 4.14 . another letter from poland is written , that in the same kingdome great terrour and feare is , because of the turke which lies very strong upon the frontiers of poland : wherefore the king of poland levieth in his dominions , as also in prussia , great forces ; and that the said levying may goe the speedier forward , all other levying about dantzick is prohibited : and in the said citie diverse fasts have been kept , that god may turn off the great danger of the turk . march 31. april 10. from dantzick is written , that before the dyet in poland , the 27 of this moneth , a generall meeting is appointed to be at moriaberg in prussia , because the king of poland was warned againe by the king of persia , and the emperour of russia of the turkes , and that already 80000. tartars are already arrived neare the nippe on the frontiers of poland . the benefit of the ballot, with nature and use thereof particularly in the republick of venice. harrington, james, 1611-1677. 1680 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70329 wing h806a estc r19369 12399107 ocm 12399107 61226 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70329) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61226) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 941:7 or 1672:19) the benefit of the ballot, with nature and use thereof particularly in the republick of venice. harrington, james, 1611-1677. 4 p. s.n., [s.l. : 1680?] reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. caption title. attributed to james harrington. cf. nuc pre-1956. item at reel 941:7 identified as h828 (number cancelled in wing 2nd ed.). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng voting -early works to 1800. venice (italy) -politics and government -1508-1797. 2004-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the benefit of the ballot : with the nature and use thereof : particularly in the republick of venice . the use or practice of the ballot hath been very ancient in the eastern countries ; and postellus conceiveth , that the venetian use of the ball , is the same with that , which was of the lot in the commonwealth of israel , and of the bean in atthens cicero himself doth give a very good account , and a very great encomium of the table or ballot of the people of rome ; and certainly rome nor carthage had ever attain'd to their grandeur and reputation in the world , had it not been for the ballot . by this only art ( we had almost said ) the commonwealth of venice hath preserv'd it self against the most potent enemies for these 1300 years ; and it hath flourished in the greatest splendour of any state in europe . where the ballotting is us'd , those states are most free from all factions and rebellions . there , persons of the most accomplisht parts are advanc'd for their integrity and worth. there , virtue is as speedy a ladder to climbe unto honour , as nobility of birth ; and a good man is as much respected as a great . every one giveth his election and vote freely , and that without the fear of great-ones , or favour to freinds ; but according to the value and worth of the persons , do they give their suffrages ; and for those who are of the most noble spirits : not for persons designing their own private interest , to the impoverishing of the publick . there is not a place for pensioners , who are the burs of a nation , and the suckers , which hinder the growth of any state. they are very just in their rewards and punishments ; which rightly laid , do ballance government . by these means their councellors are of great honour , and wisdom ; for mean men make it their master-piece of credit , to give venturous councils , which no great or wise man would or durst : and princes usually find instruments more for their will and humour , then for their service and honour ; which never can be so in this state : for they ever prefer safe councils with reason , before rash , which only chance can make prosperous . their management of their treasure is prudent , and their officers frugal in the disposal of it ; knowing well , that good husbandry may stand with great honour , as well as breadth with height ; and certainly nothing doth consume it self like prodigality ; ( which some by mistake call liberty ; ) for if it be long us'd , it takes away the means to continue it , and consequently it does make a state poor ; or else to avoid poverty , it 's often enforc'd to oppression , and thereby becomes odious . it is necessary ( like venice , ) for every state to have a full treasure , if it be but for the keeping up of its reputation abroad ; for the power of a state is valued according to the fulness of its purse , rather than the largeness of its teritories . the officers in that state are but few ; and they make choice of such as are knowing : for , being rich , they need not abuse the state themselves ; and , being knowing , they will not suffer others do do it . but in some monarchies , where there are such multitudes of officers , ( which is a great calamity ) they serve for nothing , but to rifle the princes purse ; and the fuller they fill their coffers , the more facile is their justification , when question'd . neither are they for making of parties , or for debaucheries in elections ; as it is observ'd ( to our great grief ) in some other places . there are no tumults or noise at their votes or suffrages , which in some places are so great , that strangers ( hearing the shouts and noise they make , ) have conceiv'd themselves to be at ephesus . that state that useth it , must needs have the greatest advantages against others which use it not : neither is it possible to be destroy'd but by another state , which useth the ●ame . carthage had never been subdu'd by the romans , but that the romans us'd the ballot , as well as they themselves ; and that makes us often to think , that venice preserving her ancient rules and methods of balloting , must be immortal . let us consider , that anno 1508. when the emperour , and most of the kings and princes of europe entred into a league against her , ( by this one practice ) how prudently she behav'd her self against them all . we need not instance the prudent conduct , and the management of their affairs against the most formi●●●ble power of the sultan , which would have been a terrour , if not a confusion , to the greatest princes of europe ; if we consider the ottoman power , and the continuance of those wars ; and we are apt to conceive , that by this art they have done more severe execution , and given the greater disturbance to the ottoman forces , than all the princes of europe ( tho all conspir'd against them ) during the holy war ; for by reason of their divisions , piques and animosities among themselves ( which by the ballot would easily have been prevented ) they never effected any action of grandieur ; or gain'd any place but to lose again . whether the ballot be so practicable in a monarchy , where all great offices and honours are at the disposal of a prince , and by him conferred as a reward of services ; we must submit that to their pleasures . but certainly to that state wherein it is entertain'd , the advantages which thereby accrew , must needs be very great ; and would be the best expedient to establish monarchy for ever : for monarchy can never be destroy'd , but by factions and divisions , which can never happen in that state where the ballot is used . galgee the king of mindao , a prince who had many kingdoms and great dominions , being in a war ; and for the better carrying on of the same , assembled his grand conciliado , or convention of states , ( for without them no money could be rais'd , ) which consisted of magnifico's and populo's ; ( as with us in england , ) that is , of lords and commons . they being assembled , granted many royal aids to the king ; but being continued together over long , they fell into parties , ( as great bodies are very apt to do . ) some accusing the most eminent ministers of state for their ill councel , and male administration of publick affairs ; others opposing the granting of any further aid , affirming that taxes and impositions ought to be in the state , as sails in a ship , not to charge and over-lade it , but to conduct and assure it . the king finding so many of them to be troublesom , the better to obtain his own ends , took them off by honours , preferments and pensions ; but thereby the king became indigent , the subjects miserably poor , and the great council ( which ever us'd to be a medicine to heal up any rupture in a princes fortune , ) were grown worse than the malady , broken into parties , because others were prefer'd in honours before them , who , ( as they conceiv'd ) were much inferior to themselves in merit ; and commonly the people cannot endure excessive fortune any where so ill , as in those who have been in equal degree to them ; and nothing begets more disdain , then to see others go before them in the princes favour , who come behind them in virtue and worth. the kingdom being in this distemper , and the king incircled in so many infelicities ; vanly , a persian , an excellent person , and a great friend to galgee , advis'd him not to dissolve his great council , ( for in that juncture it might hazard his dominions , and prove fatal to him , it being the great idol of the people , ) but to continue them during his life ; and the better to reconcile all interests , to cause 30 to be chosen out of the conciliado to be of his council di stado , ( or privy council as we call it ; ) whereof 15 to be lords , and 15 to be commons ; and all those to be elected by themselves by the ballot , out of the most virtuous and publick spirited persons amongst them : and every year 10 of those to be remov'd out of the council di stado , and to return to the conciliado or great council ; and by the ballot to make choice of other 10 of the most eminent amongst them for integrity and parts . king galgee gave an exact observance to his sober council , and by these means he united all parties in his council ; and there was such a due administration of justice in his dominions , and such virtuous persons were chosen for the management of publick affairs , that in a short time king galgee became so potent , and belov'd of his people , ( for that prince , who will gain their affections , must give them ease and plenty , ) that when badurius , king of c●mbaia , invaded mindao with an army of 150000 horse , and 500000 foot ; that prince , by the assistance of his own subjects , and of some mercenary persians , and zagathay , defeated and destroy'd that great army . certainly , as it was great wisdom in vanly to give this council , so it was great prudence in king galgee to follow it ; for the great council consisting ( or at least presum'd to consist ) of the most wise , and sufficient persons , of all his dominions : the privy council , and others , the great officers of state , being , by the ballot , chosen out of the most eminent of them for parts , and integrity , there must needs be a rare felicity of government . there could be no complaints of the male-administration of the ministers of state , ( which usually makes the greatest noise ) they being virtuous and wise , and chosen out of the ballot by themselves ; neither were they , who were advanc'd to honour , envied ( which is ever an attendant upon greatness ) by any of the conciliado ; because they themselves , in time , might attain to that dignity , if their wisdom and integrity should in worthy them . which was a rare happiness ; for great men may secure themselves from guilt , but not from envy : and we have observ'd , that the greatest in trust of publick affairs , are ever shot at by the aspirings of those , who deem themselves less in imployment , than they are in merit . therefore it highly concerns great ministers of state , to keep sentinel ; for every step they tread is pav'd with fate , and every misfortune of theirs commonly procures them as much dishonour , as if they had been perfidious in their practice , and their unhappiness is deem'd for a crime . therefore let those , who are rais'd to the height of their greatness , consider , that princes favours are always perillous ; and that it 's a difficult thing to stand long firm upon ice , and that the fall ( how gentle soever ) will never suffer them again to rise . but king galgee , by his prudent government , had a peculiar felicity in his reign , and establish'd his dominions upon the center of a flourishing happiness ; yet we cannot but observe one great soloecism in point of state , in king galgee's rewarding so many persons , for being troublesome unto him ; for that prince , who does practise it , shall find , that no sooner he takes off one , but presently another gets up ; and it will animate others to do so , when they find such encouragement for being troublesome , and at last , if the prince be notable to gratifie all , ( which is impossible for him to do ) it may turn to the dissolution of the government . but certainly king galgee could have no kindness for those persons , he had so advanc'd , ( preferment being the reward of virtue , and not to gratifie disquiet spirits ) and the people , who are ever jealous of their rights , must look upon them , as betrayers of their liberties ; and the end of such persons ( if one well observe it ) is commonly very miserable : and the subjects never so much repine at their contributions , as when they observe them to be the rewards of persons , to whom fortune , not merit , gives a growth . it was a remark of henry the fourth of france , that such persons , who made the greatest noise in the parliament of paris , were men of the least sufficiency ; but they had soft tongues , and hard faces , they did not vent their own conceits , but the projections and designs of others ; and they were like hollow singing bullets , which usually flew but half way to the mark ; whereas the designer doth execution , but makes no report . it was afterwards observ'd , that the successors of this great galgee , not imitating his excellent arts of government , and neglecting the choice of the great ministers of state by the ballot ; by reason whereof men of no sufficiency were promoted to the highest offices of state , which gave discouragement to others of more desert ; and , by their male-administration , discontent to all : thereby their countrey in a short time , was overcome by merhamed the mogul tartar. whereas if they had observ'd the prudentials of galgee , and us'd the ballot , ( which had been a wall of steel to them ) they had been invincible . there is no government but this of the ballot may suit with , if the prince , and his great council , please to make a law for the practice of it ; neither is it any diminution to the prince's dignity , to depart with the conferring of offices ; when , by the use of the ballot , all things will multiply to honour , and the aggrandizing of his name . for many times it 's as fatal to a prince to have bad officers under him , as for himself not to be good . the revolt , which was made from richard the second , was more for the displeasure taken against sir john bushy , sir william bagot , and sir henry green , &c. who manag'd the publick offices under him , than against the king himself . for princes , in the elections of their officers , do more respect their particular affections , and to serve their turns , than the sufficiency of the persons elected ; and more kingdoms and dominions have been overthrown by the ill management of officers , than by the severity of the greatest tyrants ; and the investiture of the meanest persons to great commands , hath often prov'd fatal to the greatest undertakings . an instance whereof is that of james the fifth of scotland , who , in the year 1542. invaded england with an army of 60000 horse and foot ; and was met with the lord wharton , then warden of the north-west marches ; the battel being ready to joyn , one sir oliver synclere , ( the scottish king's minion , but of no great extraction , or skill in martial affairs , ) was by the king's order proclaim'd general ; which the scottish nobility took in such indignation , that they threw down their arms , and suffer'd themselves to be taken prisoners ; there being not one man slain on either side : whereas if they had made choice of a captain-general themselves by the ballot , one , who had good skill in martial affairs , and whom they would willingly have follow'd ; what actions of grandeur they might have effected , we leave it to the judicious to consider . the practice , and method , which the state of venice useth in their elections by the ball , may be read at large in contarini , gianotti , and sansovinus ; but in case these authors be wanting , mr. john ray's observations , printed anno 1673. will fully inform you , who hath ( folio 157. ) exactly collected out of the said authors , all the observables in their elections ; which would be over-tedious to express here , the same having been perform'd so particularly , and excellently , by that learned gentleman . we will here set down , in a few lines , somewhat of the practick part ( for it is us'd in some cases with more nicety , than in others ) in great councils of state ; we will mention the most facile here . the electors being assembled in some convenient place , ( as a great hall , &c. ) the doors are shut up , and the prime officers , who assemble , or call together the electors , keep the keys till the election be over . the syndick , or chief officer for that purpose , takes the ballot-box , and opens it in the view of all the company , to see that it is empty , and without secret conveyances ; then placeth it on a table for that purpose , at one end of the room , and calls such of the company as he thinks may make most dispatch ; gives to each a ball in the fight of the people , a little ball made of fine linnen , as at * venice ; he puts into the box , either the affirmative , or negative , and so departs to one side from the rest ; and then he calls the next , and does the like to him , and so of the rest , till all are call'd ; all , who have voted , stand apart by themselves . the box is somewhat long , and hath a partition in the midst , the which hath two holes to drop the balls in , which are taper-wise , broader at the top , and narrower at the bottom ; the right-hand hole is for the * affirmative , and the left for the negative . and , because that no man shall know on which side a man puts his ball , ( who is giving his vote ) there is a place roundish made in the box , to put in the hand and arm , almost half way to the elbow , so as the hand being in , the party may let his ball drop as he pleaseth . when all have done ballotting , the box is open'd , and what is in the affirmative noted down . then the next competitor is ballotted for , as the former , and so of the rest ; and he who hath most votes in the affirmative , is elected . all very easily perform'd in a short time , without noise , without tumult , without animofities , and the most deserving always is elected . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70329-e10 * in some places they use beans . * they may also be distinguished by the colours , black and white . an account of the present war between the venetians & turk with the state of candie (in a letter to the king, from venice) / by the earl of castlemaine. castlemaine, roger palmer, earl of, 1634-1705. 1666 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 60 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31229 wing c1239 estc r7289 12272613 ocm 12272613 58324 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31229) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58324) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 134:2) an account of the present war between the venetians & turk with the state of candie (in a letter to the king, from venice) / by the earl of castlemaine. castlemaine, roger palmer, earl of, 1634-1705. [18], 93, [1] p. : 2 maps, port. printed by j.m. for h. herringman ..., london : 1666. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng venice (italy) -history -turkish wars, 17th century. hērakleion (greece) 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-07 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the right honble : roger earle of castlemayne baron of limbrick . etc. portrait an account of the present war between the venetians & tvrk ; with the state of candie : ( in a letter to the king , from venice . ) by the earl of castlemaine . london , printed by j. m. for h. herringman , at the anchor on the lower walk of the new-exchange . 1666. to the king . gracious sovereign , i sent your majesty this account at my return from candie , emboldened by the orders you were pleased to give me ( when i left england ) to acquiant you with all i found new abroad ; and this i could by no means call old , seeing to me the cause and progress of the war was altogether unknown . from you ( great sir ) it had a gracious acceptance , and from you again it begs reception , since by your commands it is now made publique : nor will your people be unwilling to hear how miraculously christendom is defended against the common enemy of our faith and peace . this is that man of sin that exalteth himself against all that is called god ; and that great leviathan , whose teeth are thought so terrible ; yet in his nostrils there is fix'd a hook : for certainly never did providence more plainly appear , then in giving bounds to this monster at sea , where had he been but ordinarily victorious , with terrour he had appeared at their doors , to whom now his name is hardly known . 't is in the deep he has seen gods wonders , and where he never had the least success , though that be the grand argument of his belief and doctrine . that memorable battel of lepanto made him then know , that our vnited force could stop his fury ; but now the victories at fogies , nixia , and the dardanels , have apparently proclaim'd his weakness , and that the venetians themselves are more then match for him . 't is past my reach ( sacred sir ) to find in humane reason how men so approvedly stout as these infidels are , and not unacquainted with maritime affairs , should always so degenerate at sea , as to seem contemptible to half their number , who have no extraordinary traffique to make them more experienc'd then themselves : nay , which is yet more wonderful , why should the apostates that command these ships ( who were , whilst christians , admired for their valour and conduct ) turn presently inconsiderable , as if with their faith they became bankrupts of their natural talents too ! the pyrats of tripoli , tunis , and algiers , do far excell all other turks in vessels ; nor put they one scarce out whose officers are not renegades , of eminence in their respective professions , and drawn thither by the great assurance of gain and profit . yet about ten years since , sixteen of the best of these ( sent as auxiliaries to constantinople ) were ruined by lazaro mocinigo ( that thrice worthy general ) with the armata sottile , his fleet at oars only : when as one ship of the republiques has in a dead calm destroy'd as many of the enemies gallies , as he had then to oppose these rovers . nothing ( mighty prince ) but this christian state could ever parallel you , who have a puissant foe now on your hands , and yet no noise of drums within your streets : your enemy must be acknowledg'd also much to resemble theirs , in commencing a war when 't was least expected , and presently forc'd to seek means of avoiding fighting and encounters . may you then both be for ever victorious , as hitherto in all engagements you have been ; for as religion compels me to wish the one , so the laws of god and man obliges me to the other , as bearing the indelible character of your majesties faithful and most obedient subject , castlemaine . london , may 23. 1666. reader , you have here a very exact map of candie ( considering the bigness ) with all its remarkable places and fortifications , and also the manner how the turks attaqu'd it two several times . first on the east and south sides of the town , anno 1648. secondly ( because they found those places strong ) on the west , in 1649. and lest you should confound the one with the other , there is a ●●rick'd line that passes between them . nevertheless , you must know , that there was a battery for a little while in the second attaque against st. demetrius fort , as you may see farther in the explanation of the map. and if all the figures in it be not successively set down , you must impute it to the gravers mistaking my directions : yet they will be sufficient to shew each particular . if you think fit carefully to peruse the map , and its explanation , you will find it much conduc● to the history of the siege . remember also , that the part of new-candie in the east corner of the map , is part of the new town which the turks have built , and where they now lye closely besieging candie , having transferred their leaguer from their tents to this walled town , which is commodious enough , and reasonably well built . the explanation of the map of candie . a the castle to defend the port. b the port. c the arsenal , or store-house to make and repair the gallies . d the gate sabionera . e the gate st. george . f the gate jesus . g the gate panigra . h the gate st. andrea . i the gate tramatta . k the gate of the mole . l the bulwark sabionera . m bulwark vitturi . n bulwark jesu . o bulwark martinengo . p bulwark bettelem . q bulwark panigra . r bulwark st. andrea . s mount of sabionera . t m. of vitturi . v m. of martinengo . out-works . 2 fort st. demetrius . 3 crepa core. 4 palma . 5 st. maria. 6 mocenigo . 7 panigra . 8 revelin st. niccol● 9 rev. bettelem . 10 half moon mocen●go . 11 rev. panigra . 12 rev. st. spirito . 13 redoubt st. andrew 30 the turks quarter in both the attaques . the first attaque , 1648. 31 battery against the port. 32 battery against the city , bulwark vitturi , jesus , and st. demetrius fort. 33 batt . against st. mary , and martinengo , after removed to 34. 35 batt . against palma , and vitturi , after removed to 36. 37 batt . that made the breach in st. demetrius . the palma was taken , and in it a battery raised against crepa core. there was a battery raised on the counterscarp which made the great breach in martinengo . ● the approaches of cussaim bassa chief commander . ● the aproaches of assan bassa . breaches made by mines were in palma , s. mary , jesus , s. demetrius , and martinengo . in jesu 5 mines were sprung , and 9 countermined ; the breach was 54 italian paces . in martinengo 7 were sprung , and 8 countermined ; the breach was 84 italian paces . this place was taken by the turks , and maintained for seven hours . the second attaque was on the west side of the town ( as the former was on the east and south ) : this began aug. 20. 1649. and ended octob. 6. following ; and is distinguish'd from the first by a prick'd line between them . the batteries in this storm were against mocenigo's out-work , bettelem , and panigra : these batteries are mark'd with figures , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , 66. there was in this attaque also a battery against s. demetrius , ( marked with fig. 61. ) but being repulsed there , the chief fury of the turks was during the attaque against mocenigo's out-work , which they took thrice , but were driven out again with great loss of men , and eight banners . 68 the approaches of that assault against s. demetrius . 70 , 71 , 72 the several approaches on the west side in this assault . map of kandi (herakleion) the cittie of candy the old town map of eastern mediterranean mediterranean sea. may it please your majesty , the kingdom of candie , since the taking of rhodes and cyprus , has ever been the aim of the ottoman emperours , to the end ( the christians having no harbour in the east ) they might fall upon the west with all security and ease . in the year 1645. ( when the whole christian world was at odds ) ibraim , the father of the present monarch began this war , who in the depth of a long peace unexpectedly set upon the venetians , and made this the pretence of his quarrel : it seems in their former agreement ( among many other articles ) the republique did engage not to give shelter to the knights of malta in any of their ports or havens . in 1644. it hapned that the galleys of the order took a sultana , who with three millions of crowns was going to pay her vows at mecha : these making homeward with this great booty , were constrained either for want of good weather , or water , by stealth to strike into a by-port of candie ; where ( having put on shore some horses they had got ) after refreshment they safely returned to their own isle . the year following the turk provided a fleet ( in great and small ) of 460 sail , protesting to the senates embassadour it was for malta ; but when they had pass'd by , neer as far as sapienza , they again tack't about , and without the least declaration of war , landed sixty thousand men , which presently sate down before canea . the republique being in this manner surprised , provided for their defence as fast as they could ; yet before their courage was awak'd they lost the whole kingdom , except the metropolis candie , and three adjoining insulets ( of much value for their ports ) viz. carabusa , spina longa , and suda . this prosperous success made then the grand signior own the war , laying openly the sheltering the malteses to the charge of the senate ; but had he received any check at the first , 't was privately decreed ( to satisfie the venetians ) that the captain bassa should lose his head , as if the design had been his capriccio , without the least order for it . after the taking of canea and rhetimo , they soon became masters of the field , and in 1648. began the siege of candie , making then so furious an onset , that they entered the breach , and for seven hours were within the town ; but the valour of the defendents beat them out again with infinite loss and damage . in anno 49. they made another assault , which proving vain , they have now left off for ever the thought of winning the place by storm . on a rising ground ( where formerly the enemy pitch'd their tents ) neer three miles from the old , they have built another town , which is called new-candie ; here resides the bassa , and here have they fortified themselves , blocking up the city , so that there 's now no commerce but by sea , which sends yet plenty of all things that can be requisite or needful . if the turk were prosperous here , he had not the like success in dalmatia ; for this being neerer home , the venetians so got the start , that they not only preserv'd their own , but took whatever they design'd , still beating all supplies , though thrice exceeding theirs in number . of 46 places taken , none was preserv'd but clissa ; the rest they have destroyed , leaving waste in bredth at least fifty miles , and so along even to the confines of albania . the towns upon the shore ( zara , sebenico , trau , spalato , almissa , cataro , and budoa , ) being a defence for the gulph , they keep ( as before ) well fortified : nor has the turk on the sea-side but narento , and castelnuovo , both which are so shut up with the gallies there on purpose attending , that they are able by pyracie to do no harm at all . when the war here began , part of the morlacks ( who are croats , or dalmatins , but so called from the hills where they lived ) revolted from the sultan , and threw themselves into the protection of the republique : these , though kindly received , do not inhabite the towns , either out of fear they may again fall off , or by reason that having store of cattle , they could not attend them with such commodity and ease . their dwelling then is under the walls of the strong places , where they build huts ; and here being well defended , they lye secure , enjoying the advantage of the fields ; and besides , whenever they please they can make their plundering excursions into the enemie's country . against these the turks bear a mortal hatred , at no time giving quarter , unless it be to put them to new pains and torments . never were people more agile and strong of body , or that could suffer hardship with more patience then they ; and yet for all these innate virtues , they cannot be made souldiers , ( i mean the major part ) since no art will reduce them to the exact rule of martial discipline : the greatest good they are now fit for is to do harm , which commonly happens , they daily running out in headless troops , and often returning home with cattle , slaves , and other useful booty . in their sea-affairs the republique is so triumphant , that were the particulars at large writ , 't would seem it may be far more fabulous then true . 't was long after the war broke out before the navies met , the venetians being loth to hazard a fight , which had they once lost , and the turks become masters of the mediterranean , the destruction of them , and of christendom too , perchance must have also followed . the first business then of their fleet was to furnish their maritime towns with men and necessaries ; and by doing this they had many private encounters , in which having still the better , it gave them such heart and vigour , that since the year 47. they got many famous victories , and by them are become so terrible now , that ( unless it happen by chance ) 't is impossible to meet with the enemie's fleet abroad . in the beginning of the war the republique was at a great expence , their officers affirming , that for the first four years they spent neer thirty millions of pistols , which is above twenty of our sterling money : and this may possibly be true ; for never was army more duly paid ; which caused the best souldiers from all parts even to make friends to be in their service . the rates are still the same ; but ( through their wants by the length of this contest ) the payment is thought so bad , that at present few come , unless they are spirited , as planters are sent to the indies . seventeen thousand ( within a little either under or over ) are the number of those in this service ; for in the kingdom of candie there are not above 6000 in pay , 1000 more there are in their other fortified islands , in the garrisons of dalmatia 4000 ( besides a regiment which the pope maintains at his charge ) ; and lastly , in the armata they keep about 6000 more . thirty six livres a month is the contract with the common-souldier , and this to be reckoned according to the standard of the place where they are , which makes the income different ; for 36 livres in candie amount not to above 3 reals , but in the army they are equal to 4 r , or eighteen shillings . of this , in candie the souldier receives 6 s. 9 d. per mensem , and 16 ounces of bisquet a day , and in clothes to the value of 15 or 20 s. a year . in the armata to each is paid only 4 s. 6 d. a month , and the like allowance of bisquet as afore : and after they have satisfied for their armes they imbezil , if any thing remains , their credit is own'd , which presently the poor wretches sell for five or six in the hundred . yet these last are thought to fare the best , by reason their duty is easier ; ( for those of the city mount the guard every second night ) and besides , are more in the way of pilfering , and of sometimes getting prizes . the allowance to their officers is very different also : for the tramontans , or forreigners ( to encourage their coming ) have far more then what they give the italians ; and the pay of both is reckoned by ducats , which may be valued at 3 s. 9 d. apiece . italians are thus paid per mensem . to a colonel 100 duc. lt. colonel 080 duc. major 060 duc. captain 040 duc. to each of these is low'd also the pay of 3 common-souldiers . lieutenants they have none . ensigne 020 duc. serjeant 010 duc. corporal 006 ½ duc. strangers are thus paid . to a colonel 150 duc. lieut. colonel major captain each 100 duc. lieutenant 050 duc. ensigne 030 duc. serjeant 015duc . corporal 010 duc. besides , in every tramontane regiment there is the stato colonello allowed , which is 200 ducats a month ; and this to regalé his lieutenant and major , who commonly have a share , though herein he may do as he please . every captain also has capo soldi , which is about 6 d. a head to an italian a month , and 12 d. to a stranger , for as many as they have in their company . this money they may convert to their own use , but the institution was to distribute it according to their discretion amongst those that did well deserve . the reformado's have half the pay of their former office : and for the horse , they are not 500 in all , each of which have 16 , the cornet 40 , the lieutenant 60 , and the captain 120 ducats a month , with some other accidental perquisits . that which these officers do duly receive for their monthly subsistance , is the bread , and about a third of the italian pay ; the rest is in arrear for the greatest part ; and unless they can make good friends to the cashier they must expect long , or sell this , as the hasty common-souldier did before them . concerning the naval force which they have , it consists of three sorts of vessels , viz. of galliasses , gallies , and ships . a galliasse is a machine of wonderful advantage in these inland seas , being a gally in respect of its oars , & yet resembling a ship in its strength and ornament . these the republique ( of all christian princes ) alone use ; and though the turk has many , yet he neither knows how to make them so good , nor to manage them with that dexterity the venetians do . five hundred slaves and 300 souldiers go to the well maning of one of these , which ( being ever the destroyer of gallies ) in a calm will be too hard for a ship ; but if the wind blows , the ship is reckoned to have far the greater advantage . of these there are constantly six in the fleet. for gallies , there are in dalmatia five ; one in corfu , and the like in candie to be employ'd about dispatches ; and in the armata 24 , each of which , one with another , carry 180 slaves , and about 100 or 120 souldiers . of slaves in their fleet there are neer 8000 , consisting of turks , of christians condemned , or of miserable people that sell themselves for about 5 l. to the end of the war. these last have 4 s. 6 d. a month , and are not put into chains as the rest . the daily provision for all is 18 ounces of bisquet , a little rice and oil , and perchance a coarse shirt and drawers in the year . of great ships the venetians maintained about 25 formerly , and 16 now , amongst which there are but 5 of their own , the rest hired ; for they find it less chargeable , or at least freer from trouble , to be at a certainty , and that without hazard , then to lye liable to the cousenage of officers , which all common-wealths are subject to : and were it possible to find gallies and galliasses , they would doubtless agree for them after the same manner also . the rate they pay for ships is 1650 ducats a month , which comes to about 305 l. english : for this the captain is bound to keep 60 sailers , and to obey all commands of the general , as if the vessel wholly belonged to the republique . the ships which they have of their own are those they take in war ; and when there are many they sell most of them , preserving still a few to be a perpetual remembrance in the eyes of all , of their remarkable valour and bravery . this is the whole number of their navy ; and with this they so affright the turk , that now , on purpose to engage , he dares not appear ; and should he set to sea 200 of the best vessels he could get , they would not only attaque him , but be all more assured of a victory then the odds of two to one can give a sober gamester . to demonstrate then the courage of these , and the fear of the other , nothing can better do it then what hapned in the year 53. for at that time fosculo ( the venetian general ) with the like fleet , strengthened with a few more ships , drove into the harbour of rhodes 8 galliasses , 80 gallies , and 64 men of war ; and though he used all possible means to provoke them to fight , yet nothing could draw them to it . this made the admiral of malta declare , that he look'd upon that action as greater then all the victories they had lately got ; for then the chance of war ( he urged ) was only contrary ; but by this their cowardise the turks confest themselves now fully overcome and vanquished . moreover , it must needs be wonderful , that the great turk and his should lose of all sorts above 2000 sail , and yet they never took but a gally of the republiques , and one poor pink of victuals . nor has the venetian lost by the accidents of fire and storm 30 more , though now the war hath been of so many years continuance . i had almost forgot to acquaint your majesty , that the knights of malta have yearly ( till their now joining with the french at gigery ) assisted this state with 7 gallies , which is the usual number they ever keep . yet though these christian heroes be as brave as the swords they wear , the venetian fleet are no ways fond of the help ; and this , i suppose , proceeds from their being match enough for the aw'd enemy themselves ; and besides , they think the knights are never backward in the plunder , when as sometimes in service they will dispute the generalissimo's orders , and make their own admiral judge whether the action be safe and fit . that which the armata now does ( the turk being thus terrified ) is to rove about the archipelago , exacting tribute of the isles , and watching for gallies that hover up and down , as also for the caravans of aegypt and asia , which often they light upon , to the infinite enrichment of the grandees , and to some benefit also even of the smaller fry . the islands here are all small , and many in number ; nor can they be but poor , seeing ( besides their loss by petty robberies on both sides ) they now pay a constant tribute to the venetians also . these receive of them about 150000 crowns per annum : but the turk is content with less , as not willing wholly to destroy his subjects , which at present he cannot defend . though the republique thus command in the aegean , the inhabitants think it not ill spent still to pay the grand signior something ; and the reason is , because they know not how otherwise to be out of danger of ruine by sudden invasions , when the christian fleet is distant from them . of all these isles cerigo and tino are only fortified by the senate . each of these has a small fortress , which heretofore they thought fit to keep , that upon any occasion they might here have an assured harbour of their own . those that are garrison'd by the turk are tenedos , lemnos , metelin , scio , negropont , lango , and rhodes ; for the rest , they are all open tributaries ( as i said ) to both : but in more awe of the republique , because they are masters at sea. and this is a loss , or at least a dishonour ( in not being able to protect their own ) that the infidels suffer for their begining of the war. the venetians have often also hereabouts disbarqu'd , and taken several towns and forts ; yet not with an intention to keep them , or to go on with a conquest , since they cannot spare men for the first , and want a strong army for the other : but this they have done , either to demolish some offensive place , or to let the turks see , they can conquer on land as well as on sea ; or lastly , by the design of a new general to get reputation , in shewing his wit and courage . though no great prince had fewer subjects then your majesty in this war , yet none had those that have done things of more note ; and herein each of your three mighty kingdoms had some , that have served well , and thereby gained much honour and reputation . amongst the english that fought bravely , captain thomas middleton ( who had his ship hired in the service ) did a most prodigious action . it hapned that the admiral , intending a design about the dardanels , put middleton in so desperate a place , that he was in danger from land to be sunk at every shot . he advised the commander of it , and withal told him , that the peril of himself and ship did not so much trouble him , as to be set where it was impossible for him to offend the enemy . having no answer , or at best a bad one , and seeing it could not prejudice the fleet , he drew off a little the vessel ( his only livelyhood ) from the needless danger 't was in . when the business was over , they dismist him ( in a councel of war ) with the title of coward , and all the souldiers being taken away , he was left only with some 50 english , to return home , or whither else he pleased . he had not parted long from the armata , but in a stark calm met with 25 sail , of which 18 were the best gallies the great turk could make in all his fleet. these crying out in derision , that they would eat english beef for dinner , fell upon him , wanting no assurance , being assisted with the stilness of the air , and their own strength and number . but for all this confidence they miss'd their aim ; for after a long and sharp encounter , the two bassa's that commanded were kill'd , with 1500 to accompany them ; and besides the many that were wounded , the whole squadron was so shatter'd , that they had hardly oars to get off , and were all unfit to serve , at least for that year . the captain had neither wind , sails , nor tackle left to follow them ; but with much ado he yet afterwards came safe to candie , and there presented to the general a whole tun of salted heads of those he had killed in their often boarding . his excellency was astonished at the thing , and after all the caresses imaginable , he acquainted the senate with it , who with universal consent ordered him a chain and medal of gold , as a testimony of their high esteem , and his own commendable valour . middleton afterwards died on his journey home , leaving a son who commands here a ship , and is very well esteem'd by all the nobility for his resolution and conduct . about the first of the war captain george scot of fife brought also a ship to the fleet : he was so skilful in gunnery , that he could not only kill a single man with his cannon , but would also dismount any piece that offended the christians at the siege of candie . the heads of the armata had such a value for him , that he was usually admitted into their most privy debates . he , when he advised them to an enterprize , would always be the foremost in the danger ; and in this manner he did to his great reputation at fogies . the venetians were there about 20 ships , and by the captains counsel determined in the harbour to fire the enemies fleet , consisting of about 140 sail. scot entred first , though there was on each side a castle to defend the port. the admiral with the rest followed ; but having begun their design presently retir'd , fearing to be burnt themselves , especially seeing the night drew on so fast : in the mean while the captain had cast anchor in the midst of the turks , and plying them every way with his great guns , so hindred the putting out of the fire , that had the rest done what they ought ( though already the damage was great ) there would not have been ( they say ) so much as the least mast left . every body gave him over for lost ; but yet in the morning he was seen to return , not only with a french pettach which the master had forsaken , but also accompanied with a galliass of the enemies , and with one of the flaming gallies too . he had a son with him from the beginning , who at last was thought the better engineer : but both , to the sorrow of all , sickned and died in the service . in the year 45. came colonel brereton hither , an irishman by birth and later extraction , but originally of the cheshire family . he brought a regiment from germany with him , and behaved himself so upon all occasions , in ordering affairs , as well as in personal valour , that they made him sargente generale , and thereby , in the vacancy , general of the arms ; which charge also he should have absolutely received , had he not died ( as lately he did ) of a feaver in candie . great sir , it is here to be remembred , that the republick trusts no gally or galliasse ( being of so easie a conveyance , and thereby a bait for a needy souldier ) out of the hands of a noble venetian , who for such a slight thing cannot be imagined to hazard his so considerable fortunes at home . on the other side , they never give the command of the souldiery to any of their own gentlemen ; but all the officers ( except some few of their ordinary subjects ) from the highest to the lowest are hired strangers . the reason is , that finding the roman republique ( which they much imitate ) was always endangered , and in the end ruined by its own nobilities too much knowledge in war , and interest with the men at arms , they strive to make theirs statesmen and overseers , leaving the executive part to the souldiers of fortune , whom money has made their servants : and moreover , by this gathering of forreigners their people are not lessened , few of their own being lost , though in an overthrow the number of the slain be great . but 't is not ( may it please your majesty ) for all this to be thought , they blindly leave all to the disposing of strangers : for they reserve the directive power to themselves ; and to that end chuse every three years a captain general , commonly a graver senatour then knowing souldier . to him for the avoiding confusion and parties ( like to the old dictators ) is given the whole authority of the senate : he then advises with the capi di guerra ( who are all also gentlemen ) viz. the proveditore , the captain extraordinary of the galliasses , the like officer of the ships , with some others : and after he has heard their opinions , absolutely determines himself : and then the general of the arms in the best military order he conceives , executes his commands and will. in this sort then do they ballance the ambition of their own , in using them to advise and not to act ; and hereby can they check the insolence of the souldiers , in taking away all direction from them , and punishing the least grumbling with a severe chastisement . thus ( though in short ) may be seen the manner of this war , which began through the turks unsatiable avarice of getting candie ; and without this , 't is certain they can never be quiet in the levant . it is true , they have got the kingdom ( the venetians without their walls having not a foot left ) ; yet are the turks still frustrated in their aims , since they have no one port to winter a fleet in ; and on the contrary , the christians have here the same harbours as formerly for their navy or free-booters , and more elsewhere then they had before the beginning of the troubles . the advantage the enemy has now got , is hardly yet of greater consequence then the enjoyment of so much ground , for which he has paid ( besides infinite dishonour and losses ) at least 400000 men ; when as on the side of the republique there died not a fourth of this , though the clime and pestilence were great destroyers ; nor could the tenth of the loss be called their own and proper subjects . after all this stir , and purchase at so dear a rate , it is a most certain truth , the turks are here now thus weak , that a sudden recruit of 10000 men would utterly beat them out of the island : all people do therefore wonder why it is not done : but some of the reasons i find for it are these ensuing . to get this supply must be by the aid of forreign princes , or by levies made at their own charge . from christian allies the force now required cannot be expected without sollicitation and embassies ; neither if this would obtain it , could it be done without the turks having notice of it ; and doubtless thereupon would they send a supply to their own , by which , what so many men at present can , twice the number perchance will be scarce then sufficient to perform , but more especially if afterwards ( through some disgusts , or by their not being able to do what they came for ) this friendly succour should retire , the republique will be left with a stronger enemy on their hands , and so in a worse condition then before . if it be expected the venetians should do it themselves , i must answer , i verily believe they are not able , having run behind ( as they say ) so much in the beginning ; but if at last , through private contributions , they could for once make such a levy , yet this their intention would be soon known , and most of the same inconveniences follow : and thus if not able to finish the project ( the turks being encreas'd ) double the number of those that now keep garrison , must be hereafter requisite . nor can it be but hard to maintain new comers , since through the poverty of the publick they are forc'd to shuffle with the few that serve . so much does the exhausted yet cunning state fear over-briskly to engage this lazy prince , lest anger should raise him to that life and fire , which by experience his natural temper never can . the most obvious and easie way now left with this little supply to regain candie , seems to be , when the barbary pyrats shall provoke christendom to punish their robberies , to take that opportunity of sending from their coast 20 sail , which with a fair wind in ten days will certainly arrive at the isle . the very sight of such an unexpected succour will so amaze the turk , that wise men think he will capitulate and be gone ; but no body doubts of the success if they come to blows , since all his strength here amounts not to 20000 good men , which being in dismay by this unlook'd for help , cannot be able to resist the venetian army , both thus reinforc'd , and also assisted by 60000 natives , who emboldened by the new aid will undoubtedly be up in three days . notwithstanding this , they make no question at constantinople of getting in the end the place : for they well imagine how poor the publique is , and that the report of not being able to keep touch with their militia , has done them such discredit , that scarce any now voluntarily come to their service . they know too , that the taxes are heavy on the venetian subjects , and hope thereby they may be moved through desperation to rebel , it being impossible ( they think ) to feed them much longer with the expectation of peace , which hitherto has made them bear their load with such quiet and patience . moreover , the war , as it is now managed , costs the grand signior little , the island maintaining the force he hath there ; and for the present havock at sea , it commonly belongs to private merchant-men ; and therefore he resolves to depend upon time , which as it brings change , so if it proves in the least unfortunate to the republique , he is certainly sure of his ends . after this manner does he think to weary out the venetians , and in fine force them to ask peace , which he resolves not to grant , unless it be bought with the surrendring of candie , and its other remaining appendices . the senate being well convinc'd of this , a considerable part ( as the rich and the old , who neither want , or are fit for preferment ) wish for an accommodation on these terms ; for fearing the conclusion will be thus , they desire betimes to spare their own and subjects purses ; but the major part are still for war : and this is also thought to move them to it . 1. first , the gain the men of action make by the trouble : for heretofore the publique treasury was to a miracle full , and the nobility poor ; now , on the contrary , by the prizes yearly taken , by the advantage of offices , and by often buying debentures of the souldiers for 6 per cent. the particulars are all rich , whilst the cecca is wholly exhausted and dry . 2. the assurance that no christian prince will either now quarrel or plot against them : and theresore they deem it prudence to be yet in a way of regaining the kingdom , especially while by so doing , they protect their dear terra firma from the danger it ever lies subject to , by the still pretending successors of the confederates in the league of cambray . 3. the incertainty how long after this also they shall be yet quiet ; for 't would be ridiculous by so disadvantageous a loss to purchase rest , when 't is impossible to be assured but the following month a new pretext of war will be found , unless they yield up zante , cephalonia , and corfu , and so in infinitum . these are some of the chief arguments which make them refuse all treaties of this sort ; and the rather , since by the coolness of the turk they doubtless may sustain this defensive war with their own yearly income : but they pretend they are in debt , and that 't is not half enough . republiques are always ill managers of their money , when great and extraordinary disbursements are made : for the receipts and payments passing through so many hands of their own , every body gets : nor are they yet in fear of punishment , if their thefts exceed not all shame , seeing their relations are their judges ; and besides , each man knows for the most part himself guilty of what is imputed to his fellow . the venetians had yearly heretofore to the value of 800000 l. english , and perchance have half as much more now by their unusual impositions ; and to speak truly , their indispensible charges are great : for ( besides the robberies of ministers , and the numerous civil magistrates , that draw much ) they must not be look'd upon as if candie , dalmatia , and the fleet were the only things of expence : istria and friuli ( which are parts of italy ) lie sometimes liable also to the incursions of the turk : nor were it prudence in them wholly to disfurnish their estates in lombardy , which is bounded with so many gaping princes . for their better continuing the war , there 's hopes still left , that their subjects will patiently bear the taxes imposed without insurrections . 't is the present custom of the senate to send for money with a complement ( calling it a donative ) to the towns and territories belonging , ( as padua , vicenza , verona , &c. ) and then the chief of these places raise it as they themselves think fit . now these well know , if the war upon necessity should end , by reason of their denial to contribute , that the senate being in peace , will no longer entreat them to give this , but then force them to pay more , both to punish their crime , and also to re-fill their drained coffers against a new occasion : for 't would be a folly in them to think ever to quiet the turk by concessions . to make the port desist from troubling christendom , is not by yielding , but by sending them home with loss . were therefore the enemy unkennell'd here , he must needs return with great confusion and disgrace : for this footing which he has now in the kingdom , is the only thing he can shew for the unspeakable damage that from time to time he has suffer'd ; yet should he at last master the place , he would not think he has paid too dear , seeing by the purchase he quite drives the christians out of the levant ; and let them then be never so strong at sea , without a new conquest they can only molest and not hurt him ; for the weather and want will force them back , leaving him his desired rule and signory . besides , with candie must also fall zante , cephalonia , and perchance corfu too ; both the first places being inconsiderable for strength , but of wonderful utility to christendom , as a recess for their fleet , and abounding in all kind of plenty . if then these islands be taken , italy must needs be in an ill condition , the turks navy harbouring safely so neer , with which he can land in a trice what men he please , whensoever he shall think fit to invade . when i arrived here , i much admired why the enemy from the neighbouring continent did not on a sudden transport 9 or 10000 men , and thereby possess himself of these places that are weak , being a great loss to his foes , and so pertinent for his designs and business . but i have since found ( besides the venetians possibility of preventing ) there are other causes that wholly divert him from the enterprize . as , first , should he make the surprize now , yet he could not accomplish his purpose of setting upon the west : for seeing the infidels declare , they are not to encrease their empire by victories at sea , they will at no time willingly engage with the christian fleet ; and therefore confess by the overthrows they have had , that theirs is at present to transport men and necessaries , and not to fight . now whilst candie stands , and the other harbours that depend on its resistance , if the turks shall send their navy to fall on italy , they are sure to be met by ours , which they acknowledge will ruine them as often as they are assaulted . and thus till they have wholly subdued the kingdom , they can have no safe passage for their fleet to these isles , let them take what season of the year they please . again , it thwarts the turkish maxim , to hazard much ( without an indispensible necessity ) in the getting of a place , whilst behind there remains something yet to be subdu'd ; and their ground for it is , that undoubtedly believing one day to be masters of the whole world , the method to be used is a progression by degrees , and patience ; taking first the thing next them , and then what borders upon what they got last : and by this means they are not only free from an enemy at their backs , and danger in retreats , but have thus lull'd asleep christianity hitherto , as thinking it self yet far enough from danger , having lost but one town more then it had before . but should the grand signior on a sudden step too forward ( as when by taking of otranto he got footing in italy ) he is sure to be presently beaten out , and in danger also to awake his enemies so far , that all christian princes might again joyn in a league , which is the only thing he fears . to avoid therefore this , when christendom is at peace does he commonly begin a war with persia ; and if afterwards differences break out , he leaves then that usually fruitless enterprize , to gain upon them , who , were they united , would conquer more in five years then ever he yet got in fifty . i cannot think this ( royal sir ) altogether a christian bravado , but that which may be probably imagined , if i look upon what the glorious venetians themselves with a small number have done , or consider how destitute of men and strong places all his provinces are ; or lastly reflect upon the wideness of his dominions on this sea ; so that 't were impossible to defend them all were they ordinarily populous ; but they are not so , as i said ; and besides , most of the people there are also christians . i cannot estimate his strength by what it is in hungary , and thereabouts ; for those frontiers being but comparatively little , he can defend them with his prime men ; and therefore if ever his ruine be by force , he must be plaid with on that side only , and attaqu'd on this . here his enemies may pick and chuse ; and if by chance one country be found well mann'd , the wind without charge in 24 hours will carry them to another , which a hundred to one will yield without resistance . doubtless he is but weak , as may be seen by his late utmost endeavour against the emperour : and yet his seeming greatness strikes such terrors in every body neer him , that all now allow there is no medium left , but either christianity must destroy this antichrist , or he it ; that is , in their earthly rule and dominion . the present state then of the venetian affairs is ; the city of candie is in a good condition , the island lost ; in dalmatia and the sea they have had the better , and yet the turk expects his ends : and this is a misfortune the republique has , that their nearest neighbours think they want no help : and thus may they be tired out , if not beaten at last , to the infinite loss of christendom . gracious sir , to conclude , no war ( as hitherto ) was ever more extravagant then this ; for in it the republique has lost a kingdom , and yet are still victorious ; and though the turks be conquerors , the world may nevertheless see , that they are no longer invincible . venice , novemb. 14. 1665. a postscript to the reader . on the 15th of april , 1664. the present generalissimo andrea cornaro embarqu'd himself at malamocco , who civilly received my resolution of accompanying him into the levant . it was then the expectation of all that much would be done that year , since the turk had drain'd himself to the utmost in his great preparations against the emperour : but yet the venetians did nothing , wanting what they said they expected ; and so on the 20th of october following i returned to venice with nicolo cornaro the general of candie , to whom i was particularly obliged for many favours in his government , on the seas , and in the lazaretto also . you must know none comes ever from the east into italy without keeping a quarantena , which is fourty days separation , to try whether he be infected with the plague or not ; and the reason is , because they have a received opinion , that the grand signiors dominion is never free from that pestilential contagion . in the lazaretto then , or place of sequestration , i had time to digest these observations ; and this i can assure you ( reader ) that the matter of fact is undoubtedly true , since i made use of nothing which was not affirmed by the chiefest commanders , and those of different nations and interests . here we had news of the dishonourable peace made with the vizier by the court-party at vienna , which sav'd his head , but brought them little honour and reputation ; for the christians were not only the death of old ali bassa ( their best commander ) with ten thousand janizaries ; but put the whole army into such a consternation , that had montecuculi pursued his advantage , it had been the greatest victory perchance that ever was . never were the venetians more troubled then at this accommodation ; for now their enemy had no body to divert his fury , and was ready also on the confines , with all manner of necessaries , to fall the next spring upon dalmatia . cataro was the place they feared would be first assaulted ; nor is it so strong but that they might well apprehend a danger . thus stood their affairs when i took leave of the general for rome ; nor did the senate then think of any thing but defence , having quitted all thoughts of regaining the kingdom of candie . yet this real occasion of fear at last blew over ; for the turkish army ( as it were ) quite mouldred away through the loosness of the grand signior , having wholly abandoned himself to pleasure : nor did the vizier's coolness contribute little , who was newly escaped from an eminent danger in hungary , and therefore now cautious how to begin a new project , seeing his utter ruine must needs accompany the unsuccesfulness of the action . this prime minister is son and immediate successor to the late vizier ; a thing not to be parallell'd , as i take it , in all their story . he is esteem'd a man of wit , and a great pretender to astrology , but no souldier ; which though it may well agree with the constitution of a christian government , yet never can suit theirs : for not to go forward in conquest , with them is assuredly to effeminate their men , and presently to relapse into a far worse condition . his being otherwise bred makes him not beloved by the militia ; and this is encreased by the hatred they bore his father : for after the men at arms had murthered ibraim the late emperour , upon the proclaiming of him that now reigns an act of indempnity passed , to pardon the numerous guilty . nevertheless , the old bassa found means by degrees ( upon other pretences ) to bring all to execution ; which thing , though by providence it has half ruined the empire ( in scarce leaving one good officer behind ) yet the punishing of regicides has entailed such a blessing on him , that he went not only with gray hairs to the grave , but left his son also heir to his wonderful greatness and power . the venetians having weather'd this storm , and thereby discover'd the incurable lethargy of the port , resolved to be offensive again , and now to provide for the driving them out of the island . the marquess villa they appointed general of the arms , who is a ferrarese by birth , and was formerly in the service of savoy : he was not in the army during my stay , vert-miller a switz having then this office ; but now the affair is recommended to him , and in it he has had success ; for the turks are both hindred from expected supplies , and also at present closely besieg'd in canea ; which if the republique can take ( as it is verily hoped at venice ) no body then doubts of a through conquest . nor will any thing ever be greater in story then this , that a handful of men ( perfidiously surprised by the dreadfullest enemy on earth ) should yet continue a war more then 20 years , and at last send him home naked , after so unexpressible a loss both of blood and treasure . finis . imprimatur , may 12. 1666. roger l'estrange . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a31229-e670 63 , 65 , the opinion of padre paolo of the order of the servites, consultor of state given to the lords the inquisitors of state, in what manner the republick of venice ought to govern themselves both at home and abroad, to have perpetual dominion. opinione come debba governarsi internamente ed esternamente la repubblica di venezia. english. 1689 approx. 119 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 71 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62183 wing s699 estc r9325 12384210 ocm 12384210 60804 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62183) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60804) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 227:4) the opinion of padre paolo of the order of the servites, consultor of state given to the lords the inquisitors of state, in what manner the republick of venice ought to govern themselves both at home and abroad, to have perpetual dominion. opinione come debba governarsi internamente ed esternamente la repubblica di venezia. english. sarpi, paolo, 1552-1623. aglionby, william, d. 1705. [25], 119 p. printed for r. bentley ..., london : 1689. translation of: opinione come debba governarsi internamente ed esternamente la repubblica di venezia. wrongly attributed to p. scarpi. cf. nuc pre-1956; bianchi-giovini, a.h. biografia di frà paolo sarpi. epistle dedicatory signed: w. aglionby. "deliver'd by publick order in the year 1615" reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng italy -history -1559-1789. venice (italy) -history -1508-1797. venice (italy) -politics and government -1508-1797. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2005-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licensed , july 20th . 1689. j. fraser . the opinion of padre paolo , of the order of the servites , consultor of state , given to the lords the inquisitors of state . in what manner the republick of venice ought to govern themselves both at home and abroad , to have perpetual dominion . deliver'd by publick order , in the year 1615. london : printed for r. bentley , in russel-street in covent-garden . 1689. to the right honourable henry , viscount sydney , gentleman of the bed-chamber to his majesty , collonel of the royal regiment of foot-guards , and one of his majesties most honourable privy-council . my lord , though your design'd favours to me might justly claim this offer of my respects in a dedication , yet i must own , that it is on of the next age , than your lordship . in your negotiation in holland , during the close intrigues of the latter end of king charles his reign , you strove to keep both him and us happy and quiet , by promoting the true interest of both : but when the ferment of our affairs forc'd you to more sensible demonstrations of your thoughts , you nobly chose rather to appear an ill courtier , than be thought an ill man to your country . the protestant interest carried it with you , while the roman faction thought their designs as secure as they were deeply laid . 't is rare to find such conduct and courage in a publick minister : but what could be expected less from one ready to venture his life in the field at the head of our nation abroad , against that unquiet monarch who was then invading all the liberty mankind had left . heaven , my lord , has at last bless'd these constant endeavours for england's prosperity , and we see you in the councils and privacy of a prince born for our felicity . the great queen of this monarchy , who so lov'd her people , and understood their interest , had a sydney for her favourite , and such a man as she admir'd living , and lamented dead ; and our king , who has begun with restoring this nation to its true interest , and will , no question , advance its glory to the highest pitch , has your lordship in his councils and arms , guarded by you in the day , he sleeps often under your care in the night , safe in your loyalty , and pleas'd in your attendance . to whom then could i more properly offer these arcanums of a wise government , than to one who must be a good judge of all writings of that kind ; and therefore with repeated offers of my humble respects , and readiness to obey your lordship's commands , i take leave , and am , my lord , your lordship 's most humble and most devoted obedient servant , w. aglionby . the preface . that padre paulo sarpi , of the order of the servites , is the author of this treatise , there needs no other proof than the reading of it ; for whoever is acquainted either with his style , or his manner of thinking , must of necessity acknowledge , that they are both here . and indeed we may say , that this is not only a true representation of the government of the venetian republick , but that the author also ( like great painters , who in all their works give us their own genius with the mixture of the representation ) has likewise drawn the truest picture of himself . he was one of the greatest men of his age , of vast natural parts , to which he had added all the acquir'd ones that great study and much conversation with men could give him : it was he who defended the republick in the dispute they had with pope paul the 5th ; which he did so solidly , and yet so modestly , that his subject never carried him either to invectives or railleries , unbeseeming the gravity of the matter , nor the dignity of the persons whose cause he managed ; that quarrel being accommodated by the interposition of the kings of france and spain , in which the republick had all the advantage possible : the senate , very sensible of the obligation they had to p. paulo ; made him consultor of state , and added an honourable pension for his life , giving him at the same time order to view all their secret records , where all their papers and instruments of state were laid up ; all which he reduc'd into such a new order , as that they might be recurr'd to with the greatest ease imaginable upon all occasions . the esteem they made of his abilities was so great , that they never had any important debate in which either by publick order , or by the private application of some of their senators , they did not take his advice ; which most commonly was assented to afterwards . towards the latter end of his life , the inquisitors of state seeing that they could not hope long for the continuation of those oracles , resolv'd , that once for all he should impart them his thoughts upon the whole constitution of their government , and withal , add his opinion touching their future conduct both within and without ; and that is this piece with which i now present the publick . as it was made for the perusal of those only who were the participants of all the arcanums of the empire ; it is writ with less regard to the publick censure , to which he suppos'd it would never be subject . all other writers of politicks may in one thing be justly suspected , which is , that when they write with a design of publishing their works to mankind , they must have a regard to many considerations both of the times they write in , and opinions that are then receiv'd by the people , as also to the establish'd forms both of government and religion ; besides that self-love too will not let them forget their own glory , for the sake of which they often swerve from the true rules of writing ; but here all these considerations ceas'd ; the work is directed to those whose interest it was to conceal it : and for the author himself , it may be said , it was rather his legacy than any desire of shewing his abilities , which by other pieces of his were already sufficiently publish'd to the world. but what an idea must we have of that man whom a venetian senate not only admitted to their debates , but consulted upon the whole frame of their government ; a senate , i say , justly deserving the titles of wise and great ; who have maintain'd their state for 1200 years , with little alteration ; who have been a bulwark to the christian world against the most potent invader that ever was ; who at the same time have struggled with all the christian princes united , and headed , even by popes , whose spiritual power alone has been able to subvert greater empires : this senate , or at least the wisest of them , the inquisitors of state , who have the whole executive power in their hands , cannot let this subject of theirs leave the world without having from him a scheme of their present affairs , and a prospect of the occurrences to come : nothing certainly can give us a greater idea of padre paulo , nor shew us how great abilities in the most retired and concealed subjects , will break out in all wise governments , and cannot long be conceal'd . as to the work it self , i shall say little , it being improper to forestall the reader 's judgment by mine ; but i think i may venture to give him some cautions against a surprise , from some bold maxims and arbitrary positions which he will meet with , and perhaps not expect from one of our author's profession , nor in the methods of a government which carries the specious and popular title of liberty in the head of it . as to the author , tho he were a religious man , and a very strict observer of that life ; yet being above ordinary methods , and having a mind elevated beyond his sphere , he thought , that not only he might , but that he ought to go to the extent of his capacity , when he was to advise those whom god almighty had invested with soveraign power . i his makes him lay down that great maxim , that all is just that contributes to the preservation of the government ; and in a natural deduction from this , advise in some cases not to stand upon common proceedings . i remember the author of his life says , that he had adapted most of the aphorisms of hippocrates , about the diseases and cure of the body natural , to those of the body politick ; and if so , he could not forget that of , extremis morbis extrema remedia , which alone would warrant all uncommon proceedings . most people have an idea of commonwealths , not unlike that which poets and young people have of the golden age , where they fancy , that without either labour , solicitude , or chagrin , people past their time in the innocent pleasures of love and musick , and other soft delights ; so the world imagines , that a popular government is all sweetness and liberty , precarious , and depending upon their votes , free from oppression and slavery , and constant to known methods : but all this is a very wrong conception ; they are invested with soveraign power , and must and do use it for their own preservation , as absolutely as any soveraign prince in the world ; and whoever shall seriously consider the machine of this venetian state , must own , that neither the governors themselves , nor the people governed by them , have any such excellent and inviting prerogatives , as can justly give them a superiority to the government of a wise prince , and well dispos'd people in a limited monarchy . but i have said enough of this ; the reader will best judge , whether the reading of this book will enamour him of a republican government or not . i have no more to say , but that this is a very faithful translation from an original manuscript communicated to me in italy , where it begins to creep abroad ; and if we had in england the conveniency of workmen that could print italian correctly , i would have publish'd both the original and my translation together . the words of quarantie and avogadore , may puzzle some people ; but they will easily understand , that the first is a kind of bench of judges deligated out of the body of the lesser nobility , for the trial of civil and some criminal causes ; and the other is the name of a great magistrate in venice , who among other priviledges , has that of carrying the sentences of the council of ten before the great council . the opinion of padre paolo , most illustrious and excellent lords , the inquisitors of state , i write by obedience to your lordship's commands , without reflection upon my own small abilities , because the chief consideration of a subject ought to be to obey his prince . your excellencies have commanded me to deliver my opinion , how the venetian republick ought to regulate it self , to hope for a perpetual duration . to obtain a true notion of this , it will be necessary to distinguish , and first to regulate the government of the city , in which will be comprehended the manner of keeping the nobles and the citizens to their duty ; then look abroad to the rest of your dominions : and lastly give some form to the dealing with foreign princes . to begin with the first , i might in short put you in mind of the saying of st. bernardino of siena , to the doge m●ro , who said , that the republick should continue so long as they should keep to the rule of doing exact justice ; but to come nearer to the matter , and the condition of these times , we must reduce under that head of justice , all that contributes to the service of the state ; and , to speak yet more succinctly , we will lay it down as a maxim , that all is just which is any ways necessary for the maintaining of the government . in the particular government of the city , 't is an excellent custom to lay the impositions as well upon the nobility , as the rest of the citizens . first , because the burden is less when it is general : and , secondly , because 't is just when 't is without partiality . there is no doubt but it lessens something of the splendor of the nobility to see them tax'd particularly , since in many governments the nobility and gentry , though they are subjects , and not part of the government , do nevertheless enjoy a freedom from taxes , and contribute more with their sword than purse , towards the publick charge : but since the ancient simplicity of our ancestors has patiently submitted to this yoak ; and because the priviledges of the sword are dangerous in a commonwealth , i think 't is advisable not to innovate in this point , because such a change would give too much offence to the rest of your people , and too much haughtiness to your own nobility . 't is true , that when the taxes are upon the lands , so as to be unavoidable , it would be convenient to give the nobility all the advantage of time for payment , and at last , if they are insolvent , it will not be amiss to neglect the rigorous exaction of the law , that so the nobility be not ruin'd , because extreams are always dangerous , and the republick may suffer as much from having too many poor noblemen , as from having too many rich ones ; besides the envy and jealousie that must be in the hearts of those who shall find themselves naked , and their equals cloathed with their garments , and that only for not having been able to pay an imposition laid upon them by other peoples contrivance . there are some , who not making a right judgment of things , do inveigh extreamly against a custom of this republick , which is the having so many offices and places of so small revenue , that those who enjoy them are almost necessitated to be corrupt ; and so after they have been judges and governours , forc'd to come under the lash of the law , or to justifie their integrity , if they can : this seems a notorious abuse , and carries with it some appearance . but however , i should never advise to make these imployments better , because there results from this another greater advantage to the state , which is to keep the small nobility under ; for they may be compar'd to the adder , which cannot exert its poyson when 't is numm'd with cold : and if these nobles , who are by inclination discontented , should once arrive but to a mediocrity in fortune , they would presently contest with the great ones , and by strength of their numbers play some ill trick to the government : whereas now they are kept to their duty , not only by poverty , which clips the wings of ambition , but also by being subject to the censure of the great ones , for having misbehav'd themselves in their governments . indead i could think it prudent to proceed against them something coldly , unless they are guilty of very great enormities , such as scandalize the generality of your subjects ; for then 't is necessary to shew a publick resentment : but otherwise i would have them handled gently , it being a kind of punishment to lye open to a prosecution : and indeed i would never have any nobleman , though never so guilty , be condemned to a publick infamous death , because the damage that results from thence upon the whole order of the nobility , when they are seen to pass through the hands of an hangman , is greater than the good of a publick example can avail . neither on the other side would i have these noblemen , thus guilty , to walk the streets , and be seen in publick , because then your subjects would conceive a sinister opinion of your justice ; but they should be kept in prison , or , if it be necessary , be privately dispatch'd . if these criminals fly from justice , then you may use the utmost severity in your banishing of them ; because then it appears , that if nothing more be done , nothing more was feasible ; and let the same rigour be observ'd in keeping them out : for since they are , as it were , gangreen'd members cut off from the body , it will not be expedient to unite them again to it with deformity of the whole . here i foresee i shall be censur'd by some , as a bad pilot , who endeavouring to shun scylla , runs upon carybdis ; that is , while i aim at keeping the small nobility under , i forget the danger may arise from the great , and the rich of that order . i see the objection , but do not value it ; and my reason is , the long observation i have made of the nature of this city , by the strength of which i dare boldly affirm , that the republick of venice will never come to its end by that which has ruin'd all other republicks , to wit , when the power has been reduc'd first into a few hands , and then their authority devolv'd upon one who has erected a monarchy . the strange emulation that reigns here among the great ones , even among those of the same family ; nay , that is between brothers themselves , does secure the government from this danger ; and if by a supposition , almost impossible , all the brothers of one family had the power given them of making a dictator , i am confident they would never agree to chuse one among themselves , but would rather chuse to be a part of the government , divided among a thousand gentlemen , than to be princes of the blood , and subjects . the great governments , called governments of expence , and so contriv'd on purpose by our prudent ancestors , to give an occasion to those who are too rich to lessen their riches ; ought to be dispos'd of according to the intention of their first institution : that is to say , not to those who have no means to sustain such a burden , and must be forc'd by consequence to compass them per fas & nefas ; and if they are honest , must do it foolishly , because they are not wicked enough to do it knavishly , and so either acquire the hatred of those they govern , or be laugh'd at , and contemned by them . this is a point of great importance ; and he who goes through such an imployment meanly , and without expence , demerits extreamly of his countrey , because he renders the person that represents the state contemptible ; and all rebellions of subjects have had their first original rise from the contempt of the prince . the contests that happen between nobleman and nobleman of equal fortunes , and are follow'd by attempts upon one another , may be conniv'd at when they are reconcil'd ; but if the thing be between a nobleman of the better sort , and one of the lesser , let it be chastis'd with some appearance of severity at least , for fear the humours of the small nobility should be stirr'd ; but if one of these shall attack a nobleman of the first rate , let him be punish'd with a heavy hand , lest the party injur'd , being potent in friends , go about to do himself justice , to the great detriment of the publick authority : but if a nobleman do commit an enormity towards a subject , first let there be all the endeavour possible used to justifie him ; and if that cannot be , let the punishment be with more noise than harm ; but if a subject insults a nobleman , let the revenge be sharp and publick , that the subjects may not accustom themselves to lay hands upon the nobility , but rather think them venerable and sacred . in civil judicatures it would be requisite to act without passion , to take away that ill opinion that men have of the partiality of justice , in favour of the great . this belief must be destroyed ; for a subject that once thinks himself prejudg'd by the quality of his adversary , will never be capable of seeing whether his cause has been decided according to the merit of it or no : therefore there can never be too much diligence used in the administration of civil judicatures , which are one of the greatest foundations of government ; for when a subject can say to himself , that he shall have justice , if his case deserves it , he submits to a great many other grievances without repining : and on the contrary , though after an unjust sentence , he should be indulg'd in some criminal matter , he will never have a love for the government , because the injury receiv'd , will stick in his memory , and the indulgence will vanish out of it . the quarrels between the plebeians may be judged according to the common course of justice , which may there appear in its natural being , there arising no politick grounds to disturb the course of it ; nay , rather their little animosities are to be fomented , as cato us'd to do in his family ; and for this reason , wise antiquity permitted the encounters and battles that are still practis'd in this city , between several parties of the people ; but all assemblies of numerous bodies are to be avoided as the plague , because nothing can sooner overturn the commonwealth , than the facility the people may meet with in getting together to confer or debate about their grievances ; nay , this thing is so dangerous , that it is to be detested and abhorr'd , even in the nobility , because that there being in all bodies some ill humours , if they are not united , either they do not work at all , or do not work ill ; but if they once are in a mass , and take their course one way , they not only are hard to cure , but often prove mortal to the body . let there be a careful watch upon all seditious discourses , nay , upon all speculative ones that seem any way to censure the government ; and set before your eyes the example of heresies , which have never so much wasted the church as when they have had their beginnings from curiosity and jests . let the city arsenal be kept up , though there be not present occasion for it , because things that depend upon time , must be anticipated by time . let the masters and tradesmen of the place be kept satisfied , and upon any fault committed , let the punishment be paternal ; that is , with seeming rigour , but not such as to make them run away ; for , if possible , they are to believe the fable of the mouse , who thought its hole to be all the world. let the publick secretaries , and all other officers that must be inform'd of the publick concerns , be chosen with care , as like to be faithful and diligent ; but when once admitted , though they should prove otherwise , let them be born withal , because there is need of but a few to do well : but every single officer can do hurt ; and it 's much easier to defend ones self from a potent foreign enemy , than from an ill-meaning servant . let the manufactures which are peculiar to venice , be preserv'd ; and to that end let them not be loaded with many impositions , because that profit and gain which has made men venture through a thousand difficulties , to discover new worlds , will still carry the merchant , if he cannot have it at home , to seek it abroad , though he go to the antipodes for it . preserve the artists therefore , remembring that most arts are a kind of phantastick being . the marriages between noblemen and women of the city , may be tolerated , if the women are very rich ; because it often happens that the industry of many years of the plebeians , serves only to enrich the house of a nobleman ; and it is a gentle imperceptible sort of usurpation ; 't is true , 't is something abating of the lustre of the noble families ; but that is only in abstract and in general , but in reality it advantages the nobility ; and there need be no fear that the children be degenerate and base , because nothing so debases a nobleman as poverty : besides , there results from this another great advantage , which is , to make the plebeians concern'd by affection for the nobility , and bound to study their advantage by a much sweeter tye than that of obedience . let the considerable honours of the commonwealth be disposed of to those who may naturally pretend to them , for having gone through the many employments , which are steps to the highest dignities , making always an allowance for extraordinary merit , in which the state can never be too prodigal : for otherwise to prefer those who cannot reckon themselves among the lawful pretenders , gives just offence to the others his equals , and likewise strengthens the pretensions of the unworthy , who not seeing any thing in that fortunate man that exceeds their ordinary talent , cannot imagine why he should be preferr'd , and they excluded from the like dignities . the subject on the other hand is hardly brought to pay excessive reverence where they never us'd to give but ordinary respect ; and from this argues , that the dignity it self is not of so much value , since it is bestowed upon so inconsiderable a person . and because it is in the nature of all sublunary things to have a mixture of imperfection , i must own , that the republick of venice has likewise its defects ; and the chief one is , that the body of the nobility is too numerous to be aristocratical ; therefore it will always be expedient to contrive , by all arts imaginable , that the great council do delegate the greatest authority that may be to the senate and the council of ten : but this must be done by secret imperceptible ways , such as shall not be discover'd till after 't is done , because when they have once for all parted with their power , it will be a happy settlement of the deliberating part , and if the same can be composed in the judiciary and distributive power , it may be hop'd , that the constitution of the state will be more vigorous : it cannot be denied but the great council does relish very much of the mobile , and by consequent , subject to impetuous deliberations , not always weigh'd in the ballance of prudence and experience . and truly i admire , that wise antiquity did not gain this point , it being easie for them to take advantage of the simplicity of their times ; or at least to have prolong'd the time of the great magistratures further than from year to year , at the end of which they now must have a new confirmation from the senate ; for this being design'd to prevent the falling into the tyranny of the great ones , does unawares run the state into that of the meaner sort , so much the more odious by how much 't is more numerous and unexperienc'd ; we should see more vigorous resolutions in the senators , if they were not continually obliged to court the favour of the piazza . the office of avogadore is to be disposed of with extream circumspection , and that to persons of eminency , such as have no need of fawning upon the multitude of the great council , and then the senate and council of ten might make some steps beyond their natural authority , which would be born with patience , and time would give them prescription : whereas , if an avogadore , to make himself popular , shall carry these deliberations to the great councils censure , immediately out of jealousie they are annull'd , though never so expedient . therefore if that office of avogadore cannot be placed in the hands of one who inclines more to the patritian than to the popular side , it would be well to give it to one of mean spirit , and a quiet temper ; or if it be disposed of to an unquiet bold man , let him be one who lies under some infamous imputation of corruption , or other enormity , to the end that the first may not be able , nor the latter dare to affront , and try it with the grandees of the state ; otherwise an avogadore of parts , integrity and malignity , may easily set fire to the four corners of the commonwealth . for the same reasons it will always be well to lessen the authority of the quaranties , they being naturally popular . they were constituted numerous , to prevent the venality of justice ; but on the other hand they are subject to gather peccant humours , and afford too much nourishment to a feverish temper : they may be born with in the administration of civil justice , but in criminals their power should be lessen'd , which may be done by the council of ten 's taking to their cognizance all criminal cases that they can any ways draw to them , and by leaving off the custom of deligating the power of the senate and signoria to these quaranties , as is now practis'd but too often . if these quaranties were quite taken away , it would be better for the government , but then it would be as necessary to provide some other way for so many necessitous and idle persons . it were well to use all means to take from them the authority of judging noblemen in criminal cases ; for so by degrees they will lose many of the priviledges affected to the nobility , as also i could wish they were totally excluded from the senate ; but that is more to be wish'd than hop'd for . as for the people , let them always be provided for by plenty of things for sustenance , and as cheap as may be : for the nature of the rabble is so malicious , that even when scarcity of provisions comes from the failing of the crops , they nevertheless impute it to the malice or negligence of the great ones : so there is no way to make them hold their peace , but to stop their mouths . employ as many of the people as may be in the service of the publick , that so drawing their livelyhood from the government , they may have affection for it , and the numbers of the necessitous will thereby be lessen'd : for if hunger and want can make strong towns yield , it will likewise incite men to venture their lives in desperate attempts , rather than linger in misery . yet still i would not advise to take any into office that had not first gain'd wherewithal to subsist in a mediocrity ; for else it will be but giving him a kind of leave to cheat , to the great damage of the publick . as for the married women of the city , let there be care taken to keep them honest ; and to have them so , they must be kept retir'd , remembring , that the beginnings of all corruption in that kind are slight , and proceed from a look or a salute . let one modern abuse be reform'd , which is , that the noblemen do take upon them to force the people to make agreements , payments , or marriages , and not dare to have recourse to the publick authority , upon which this is an usurpation : if this be not remedied , 't is enough to cause another sicilian vespers : besides , that it is likely to set all the nobility together by the ears , while each will maintain his own friends and dependants . in all occurrences where the publick faith is engaged , let it be inviolably kept , without minding any present advantage that might accrew by the breaking of it ; for that is but momentaneous : whereas the benefit of keeping faith is eternal ; and a prince that breaks his word , must invent a new religion to make himself be believed another time , seeing the oaths he made in the religion he professes have not been able to bind him . let the nobles forbear all trading ; for a state that will have merchants , must not have their . governours exercise that profession , because the merchants will always be afraid of being brow-beaten in bargains , and over-aw'd in their dealings . the spaniards , who have so little kindness for the venetian government , have not a more odious name than to call it , a republick of merchants . by an ancient law , a nobleman tax'd with trading , cannot enter into a turnament , as not being fit company for cavaliers . merchandise may in a short time either extreamly enrich , or totally ruine a family , both which are dangerous for the commonwealth . besides , a merchant is of a necessity in some measure a foreigner , while his trade and interest lies abroad , and a nobleman ought to have no interest nor affection but at home . if politicians have taught , that it is not safe for a great city to have too sumptuous palaces and villas in its territory , lest the fear of losing of them should incline them to yield the very city to a potent enemy : what shall we say of those nobles , who , being engag'd in trade , may have many thousands of crowns in an enemies country ? in the beginnings of a commonwealth , merchandising was necessary to get out of poverty , and now 't is dangerous , as being the fomenter of too much luxury . the genoueses who have continued the trading of their nobility , have but small respect shew'd them by other princes , and are more valued one by one than altogether . let superfluous pomps be forbidden , though if they were only followed by the rich , it would be of use to the government , because it would bleed those who are too sanguine ; but by reason of the emulation which is between those of the same degree , the permitting of them would prove ruinous to many families , who could neither avoid them , nor go through with them : and whoever by a punctilio of honour is brought to the necessity of doing more than he is able , must use , to compass it , such means as he ought not to employ . before a law be made and promulgated , let it be well thought on and debated : but being once made , let it be observed , and the non-observance of it punished ; because whoever suffers disobedience in small matters , teaches it in greater : and that nobleman who thinks to distinguish himself by slighting of the laws , offends both his country and himself by such ▪ an example , more than by any dissoluteness he could be guilty of , because he directly strikes at the publick authority ; and besides , such a custom once taking root in a commonwealth , and being an inveterate abuse among the nobility , it is not to be reform'd with less than the loss of the lives of half the body . if there be an occasion of coming to some resolution that may be thought unpleasing to the generality , particularly in point of justice , let it be given out , that it was carried by a thin majority , that at least they who were against it , may please themselves in thinking they had many of their opinion . let the secrets of the government be kept inviolably , and do not forget that ancient record of the venetian circumspection , which was , that when the general carmagnuola was condemned , the resolution ( though taken by three hundred and fifteen senators ) never took air for eight months together before the execution ; which is a thing that the most absolute princes could not have met with in the fidelity of three or four state-ministers , though bound by excessive rewards to secresy . and what a wonderful thing was the deposition of the doge foscari , conceal'd by his own brother ? certainly one cannot without tears observe , that in our times so great a quality which seem'd to be proper to the venetian commonwealth , is something altered by the inconsideration of the young nobility , who , not out of disloyalty , but too much freedom , do let things slip from them which ought to be conceal'd . i think every venetian nobleman ought to teach his children the use of secresie with their catechism ; but the better way were to forbid all talking of publick concerns out of the place where they are properly to be deliberated on , and much less among those who are partakers of the secret. let the honours and dignities of the commonwealth be dispensed regularly , and by degrees , avoiding all sudden flights , because they are dangerous : to see a cloud enlighten'd of a sudden , is most commonly a sign of a thunderbolt to come out of it ; and he that from a private man leaps in an instant to the port of a prince , has something of the player . honours given by degrees keep the young nobility from attaining them before they are ripe for them ; and we may observe , that as in physick a man moderately learned , but well experienc'd , is safer for the health of the body natural ; so in the government of the commonwealth , a man often employed , though , perhaps of less acuteness , succeeds best . all matters of benefices are very properly under the cognizance of the great council , but it would be as proper to take away all appeals to the quaranties , and place them in the senate , because it often happens , that these causes are to be decided according to reason of state ; and those quarantia judges put little value upon those politick reasons : and besides , it seems a great incongruity , that a sentence , where the person of the doge , and the whole signoria , both intervene , should afterwards be lyable to the censure of forty persons of lesser value . i believe if it were observed to chastise rigorously , but secretly all those lawyers and their clients , who carry these appeals to the quarantias , the use of them would be less frequent , and in time they would be forborn , as if they were forbidden . if it should fall out , that any of your subjects should procure a decree in the rota , or court of rome , you must rigorously command from him a renunciation ab impetratis , else all beneficiary causes will be devolv'd to rome , where they are look'd upon as sacred , and so a fourth part of all civil causes would be lost for your own courts : auditors of the rota are to be with the commonwealth , like bishops in partibus infidelium , a thing of title , but without subjects . let the bishops of the venetian state be always praecogniz'd in the consistory by a venetian cardinal , without the circumstance of creating him special procurator ; but as protector , which he really ought to be as other cardinals brag they are so , for other states . for the court of rome , to avoid these procurations to venetian cardinals , would perhaps desist making any of that nation , that so they might oblige the state to have recourse to strangers , which in time would also prejudice the pretence of being treated as crown'd heads . if the preconisation be made otherwise , let the state seize the temporalities of the bishoprick , and stop all pensions laid upon it : 't is true , that if the cardinal nipote should make the preconisation , and enjoy at the same time the priviledge of a venetian nobleman , it could not well be rejected . if it should ever happen that there should be a pope , i won't say a venetian , for that would be of more danger than advantage to the government , but a foreigner well inclin'd to the venetian republick , then would be the time to obtain once for all the grant of the tenths upon the clergy , as once it was got under clement the sixth , whose bull is unfortunately lost ; for 't is troublesome to get it renew'd every five year or seven year ; and it would be a point gain'd which still would more and more equal the republick with crown'd heads ; as also if in the titles given by the pope to the doge , there could be gain'd the superlative , as carissimo or dilectissimo , as is usual to crown'd heads , it would be a new lustre to the republick , which for want of these things , and also because that never any venetian nuncio was promoted to be cardinal , is look'd upon at rome as a kind of third power between crown'd heads and the ducal state. if , i say , all this could be gain'd by the state from a pope , there might be some return made , by making a law , that church-men in criminals should not be judged by any tribunal but the council of ten , or delegates from that council . and now i am speaking of that council , i cannot but inculcate , that all means possible should be used to hinder an avogadore from daring to carry the decrees of the council of ten to be re-view'd or censur'd by any other council : but rather , if there ought to be any change made in them , let it be by the same power that made them ; otherwise the consequence will be a constant annihilation of their decrees , and a manifest depression of the great nobility , with an exaltation of the lesser . touching the authority of this council , i have this more to say , that i could wish , that the delegations of its power were less frequent , with great regard to the dignity of the persons , as well as to the splendor of the government , which is always more reverenced when it is least communicated , like the sun-beams , which in that glorious body are of gold , but communicated to the moon , are but of silver . indeed our ancestors would have deserved well of us , if they had lengthened the time of this magistracy : but because that which was not done in those old times , can hardly be hop'd for in these modern ones , the only remedy would be to obtain a continuation of the same persons for another year , under pretext of avoiding so many various elections in so short a time as must be made by a scrutiny in the pregadi : 't is true , that would exempt the persons continued from the governments of expence ; but as long as that exemption did not extend beyond a year , there would be little inconvenience in it : and if it be objected , that this would too much strengthen the authority of the great ones , i answer , that it lasting but a few months , could not be of ill consequence : and on the other side , those hands are , as it were , tied up , which ought to be at liberty to do justice , while every week they may be canvass'd and teas'd by a party of mean persons , both for the conditions of their mind and fortune : i have often admired how the council of ten ( having already all the criminal power , and a good part of the judiciary in civil causes , as well as in state-affairs ) have suffered themselves to be thus fetter'd , it seeming to me almost impossible that the inferiour sort should at the time of this modification have so far prevail'd over the middling nobility , as to make them forget , that it is much better obeying a few great ones , than a multitude of inferiours . the prudence of the great ones must be awak'd , to take all secret advantage to repair these past omissions by means not easily penetrated . let vertue be esteem'd where-ever it is ; and if it be eminent in one who is not noble , let it find a regard ; for he has made himself noble ; and all hereditary nobility has had its beginning from some personal eminency . and thus much for the first head. the second head , which is concerning the government of your subjects , may be divided into those who confine upon the sea , and in your islands , and those of terra firma . as to the first , there needs not much speculation ; for they confining only upon the turk , and there being among them but few persons of note or riches , there remains nothing but to shew your selves just by giving them good rulers ; and there you ought to be very careful : for if they have justice and plenty , they will never think of changing their masters : those few of istria and dalmatia , that confine upon the emperour , have not in themselves any qualities to waken your jealousie , and are besides well affectioned to the government of the republick . for your greek subjects of the island of candia , and the other islands of the levant , there is no doubt but there is some greater regard to be had of them , first , because that the greek faith is never to be trusted ; and perhaps they would not much stick at submitting to the turk , having the example of all the rest of their nation before their eyes : these therefore must be watch'd with more attention , lest , like wild beasts , as they are , they should find an occasion to use their teeth and claws ; the surest way is to keep good garrisons to awe them , and not use them to arms or musters , in hopes of being assisted by them in an extremity : for they will always shew ill inclinations proportionably to the strength they shall be masters of , they being of the nature of the gally-slaves , who , if they were well us'd , would return the kindness , by seizing the gally , and carry it and its commander to algiers : wine and bastonadoes ought to be their share , and keep good nature for a better occasion . as for the gentlemen of those collonies , you must be very watchful of them ; for besides the natural ferocity of the climate , they have the character of noblemen , which raises their spirits , as the frequent rebellions of candia do sufficiently evidence . the use of colonies was advantageous to the roman commonwealth , because they preserv'd even in asia and africa , roman inclinations , and with them a kindness for their country . if the gentlemen of these colonies do tyrannize over the villages of their dominion , the best way is not to seem to see it , that there may be no kindness between them and their subjects ; but if they offend in any thing else , 't will be well to chastise them severely , that they may not brag of any priviledges more than others : it will not be amiss likewise to dispute all their pretensions to any particular jurisdiction ; and if at any time their nobility or title be disputed , it will do well to sell them the confirmation of it at as dear a rate as possible : and , in a word , remember that all the good that can come from them , is already obtain'd , which was to fix the venetian dominion ; and for the future there is nothing but mischief to be expected from them . as for the subjects of terra firma , there is required a more abstruse way of governing , by distinguishing those who by an ancient inclination are well affected to the republick , as those of brescia , crema , and bergamo , and also those of vicenza ; for to them there ought to be suitable returns of kindness made upon occasion to the others , who only have a kindness of obedience , such as are the veroneses , padouans and trevigians , it will be good to make shew of great justice towards them , but not let slip any occasion of keeping them low : it is good to wink at the fewds and enmities that happen among them , for from these two benefits arise to the commonwealth , to wit , private discord among themselves , and good confiscations to the publick . let all extortions and oppressions committed by the gentry upon the people , be severely punished , that the people may be affectionate to the government , as being particularly protected by it : in all occasions of taxes and impositions , suffer not any remonstrances , remembring how in 1606. there had like to have been a league between the brescian and veroneze , in order to obtain an abolition of imposts , and with what boldness the brescian embassadours made their complaints in the senate : it was a very previous disposition to a rebellion ; therefore it will be fit to let them know , that if the state think good to lay a tax , there is no way of avoiding it . those who in the councils of these towns , are of a resolute nature , and somewhat refractory to the orders of the state , you must either ruin or oblige , even at the publick charge : for a small leven is enough to ferment a great mass of bread. the brescians have a priviledge which you must infringe upon all fit opportunities , which is , that no estates of brescians can be bought but by brescians themselves : for if the venetians could extend themselves in that most fertile country , in a few years it would be as it is now with the padouans , who have scarce a third of their own country left them . in the case of a rich heiress , it will be well to endeavour , by all fair means , to marry her with some of the venetian nobility , to enrich them , and impoverish the others . let their governours be chosen among those of the highest spirits of the venetian . nobility , that they may in them venerate the prince : for every man naturally gives more credit to his eyes than to his ears . observe however this caution in taxing , that you do not thereby hinder plenty : for though men may be perswaded to part with superfluities , yet not with what is necessary for life . as for employments , if there be room , omit not to give them to the natives , but still in places remote from their own dwelling , and keep them there as long as may be , that they may lose their interest at home . if there be heads of factions among them , they must be exterminated any way ; but if you have them in prison , 't is better to use poyson than the hangman , because the advantage will be the same , and the odium less . you must have an account of the taxes that their neighbours the milaneses undergo , and still let those of the venetian subjects be something lighter in comparison ; and moreover let them be free from quartering of souldiers , which is in it self the heaviest of all tyrannical oppressions . let the great crimes be still brought before the council of ten , that the veneration for the power at distance may be greater , and likewise because the ministers of justice will be less subject to be corrupted , when the criminals are in the prisons of the state. let the process against them be tedious , that so the slowness of proceedings may be some part of punishment : but for the banditi , if they dare to appear in the state , let them be extermined with all industry ; for there cannot be a greater demonstration of contempt in the subject , and weakness of the prince , than for a condemned man to dare to come into the dominions out of which he has been banished , as if one should frequent another man's house in spight of his teeth . the bishopricks and other church-preferments may be conferr'd upon the natives , first , to avoid the imputation of too much avarice in the venetian nobility , if they should take all preferments to themselves . secondly , in order to debase the spirits of the natives , and turn them off from arms to an idle life : besides , it will be a kind of a shadow of liberty , to make them bear their subjection the better . but as much as it may be convenient to let them attain the degree of bishops , so much would it be dangerous to let them arrive to that of cardinal ; for then they will be sure to abhor the quality of subjects , since those who wear that purple have usurp'd the precedency even over princes . let every city have the making of their own gentry by their common-council ; for that will make it so much the meaner ; but still let them be bound to have the confirmation from the senate . let all those families who apply themselves to the service of foreign princes , be upon all occasions slighted , and not at all countenanced by the government , intimating to them by that silent notice , that he deserves little of his own prince who seeks employment with a foreign one : and if any of these who have serv'd abroad , should be so bold , as to contend with a venetian nobleman , if it be at venice , let the punishment be severe , if he be in the wrong ; but if it is in his own country , let it be gentle , that the opinion of the publick justice may be advantageously insinuated to the people ; and likewise , that the noble venetians themselves may avoid contests , where they are not more immediately protected . let the citadels of the chief cities be well provided , as much against a foreign enemy , as to chastise a rebellion at home , nothing so much inclining to offend , as the hopes of impunity : and it may indeed be said , that if men were certain of a punishment to follow , they would never offend at all ; but a prince that is sufficiently provided , is sufficiently safe . remember , that as it is very hard to find either a wife or a monk , that one time or another have not repented the loss of their natural liberty , so the same may be said of subjects , who fancy that they have parted with more of that they were born to than was necessary for their well-being . and let this suffice for the second head. coming now to those several princes with whom the venetian republick may have concerns , we will begin with the pope , as being the first in dignity , if not in power . and here we must have a twofold consideration , he being to be look'd upon as a spiritual and as a temporal prince . there has been some advertisements given already about his spiritual power : we will add here what was then omitted : first , we must admire the wonderful state of that monarchy , which from a mean and persecuted condition , for the series of many years , in which the very exercise of religion was punished with death , is arriv'd to so much greatness , that all regal dignities of the same communion , pay homage to this spiritual monarch , by the kissing of his feet . god almighty has been pleased this way to shew the reward of christian religion , by raising to the supreamest greatness the institutors and ministers of it ; but the piety of christian princes has very much contributed to it ; and the first was constantine : this emperor not only embrac'd the christian faith , but enrich'd the church extreamly , and since his time several other emperors and kings have , as it were , vied with one another , who should give most : but that which is most inscrutable is , how with their riches they came to give away also their jurisdiction and power . for six hundred years after the coming of christ the popes were always confirmed by the emperors , or in their steads , by the exarcks of ravenna ; and in the very patent of confirmation there was always written these words , regnante tali domino nostro . in the year 518. the emperor justinus sent from constantinople his embassadors to pope hormisda , to confirm the authority of the apostolical sea , and to announce peace to the church . in 684. constantine the second gave to benedictus the second a concession , by which , for the future , the election of popes should be made by the clergy and people of rome , and should not need the confirmation of the emperour , nor of the exarck , not reflecting , that the holiness of those times might come to change it self into an interest of state. bonifacius the third obtained of the emperour phocas , that all other christian churches might be obedient to the roman . after this , in the year 708. justinus the second was the first that submitted to kiss the pope's feet ; and that pope's name was constantine : but adrian the first having received great favours from charles the first , king of france , did in a council of one hundred and fifty three bishops , confer upon him the authority of chusing the popes , which was about the year 773. a priviledge which his son lewis the pious knew not how to keep , but parted with it for the imaginary title of pious ; to which might be added that of simple . howsoever scandalous the emperours were in their lives , the popes did use to bear with them , referring to god almighty the punishment of them : but in the year 713. philip , emperour of constantinople , being fallen into heresy , was excommunicated by pope constantine , and had the reward due for all the honours and priviledges given by his predecessors to the popes . this was the very first time that the imperial power was forc'd to stoop to the papal ; and yet at the same time the church of milan claim'd an independency from the roman , and maintain'd it for above two hundred years , being countenanc'd by the emperours , who often came into italy , and in their absence hy the exarcks of ravenna , till at last in the year 1057. it yielded up the contest to pope stephen the ninth . in the year 1143. celestin the second was the first pope chosen by cardinals in exclusion to the people . i have made this narration , that it may appear by what degrees this spiritual monarchy has increased ; and in it , the goodness of christian princes is not more to be admired than the dexterity of the popes , in not omitting any occasion to gain ground . at present the emperour is chosen by a pontifical bull , where the power of election is committed to the three ecclesiastical , and four secular electors , with an obligation nevertheless in the emperour chosen , to receive his confirmation and coronation from the pope ; so that the subject is at last become prince over his own prince , not without some reflection of weakness upon otho the fourth , emperour of germany , who in the year 994. agreed with pope gregory to settle the election in this manner , for the honour ( as he thought ) of the german nation , but with great diminution of the imperial dignity . to this grandeur of the papacy , if we add that of having subjected to its power all the other bishops of christendom , and obtain'd to be own'd the first of all the patriarchs , who long contested its primacy . i say , so high a power ought to make all other well-govern'd states very wary in their proceedings with it , and to have a careful eye upon all those occasions wherein the pontifical authority may be still enlarged , because 't is observed , that all courtesies and favours of princes are in that court turn'd to debts and claims in the space of a few years ; and to obtain the possession , they do not spare for exorcisms and anathema's . there is one custom , or rather abuse introduc'd in that court , which deserves great consideration from princes , which is the power the pope has assum'd of deposing princes and soveraigns , and giving their kingdoms and states to others , under pretext of ill government . the prodigal son in the gospel did not lose his right to his portion , though he was resolv'd to dissipate and consume it viciously , because that title which we receive from nature can never be lost in our whole life . the kings of navar were sain to go vagabonds about the world for the sake of a bit of parchment which pope julius the second put out against them , whereby king john the second lost his kingdom , which was given to ferdinand of arragon ; and had not providence brought them to the crown of france , there would have been no mention in the world of the kings of navar . from this liberty of taking away kingdoms , the popes assume that of erecting them . pope paul the fourth made ireland a kingdom , and pius the fifth erected tuscany into a great dutchy . queen elizabeth of england , was deposed by paul the third , and according to the usual custom , her kingdom given to philip the second of spain , who was to execute the papal sentence ; but he met with the winds and seas , and the english ships , which quite defeated his armada . in france , by a priviledge of the gallican church , they admit of no bulls that contain deprivation of kings , but keep to the right of succession : and indeed to depose an actual king , and give away his kingdom , is not only to destroy a suppos'd delinquent , but to punish an innocent successour , and likewise to prejudice the right of election in those who have it . on the other hand england has often thought fit to make it self tributary to the see of rome by the peter-pence , the first time under pope leo the fourth , and more remarkably under king john , in 1214. to avoid the invasion from france ; but henry the eighth delivered himself once for all , and not only refused the tribute , but made himself amends by seizing the church-lands . the fresh example of paul the fifth towards this republick is never to be forgot , who charitably would have govern'd another bodies house , under pretext that the master did not understand how to do it himself : and the constancy of the venetian republick will have given fair . warning to the court of rome , how they undertake such quarrels , since they were forced to come to an agreement with very little satisfaction or honour on their side , having been obliged tacitely to give up their claim ; for to demand peremptorily , and then relinquish the demand , is a sign it was not well founded in justice ; and the absolution resus'd , was proof enough , that the excommunication was void in it self : so that the advantage that has accrew'd to the venetian government from the contest , has been much greater than the damage sustain'd in it . if ever for the future . which i scarce believe , there should happen an occasion of an interdict from the court of rome to the republick , i should advise presently to post up in rome an appellation to the future council , which is a cruel blow to them : for first , it insinuates the superiority of the council over the pope ; and secondly , it revives the memory of councils , and lets them see they are not things quite forgot all the world over . if there be care taken to examine well all bulls that come from rome , and the observation of what has been hitherto practis'd , be strictly continued , it may be hop'd , that the republick shall not undergo any greater subjection than other princes , but rather shall have some liberty above them , particularly more than the spaniards , who find their account in complying with the tyranny of rome , because they receive at the same time great favours from it , and are proud of maintaining its authority . to say truth , the popes hitherto have shew'd little kindness to the republick , and except the priviledges granted by alexander the third , which serve more to register to the world the action of the republick , in restoring and protecting him , than for any thing else : for the doge might of himself without the papal concession , have assum'd those other little ornaments of the ombrella , the standard and the sword : so that bating the concessions of the decimes upon the clergy , and the nominations to the bishopricks , this country of ours feels but slender effects of the pontifical kindness , which may be an advantage upon all occurrences of interest of state to stick the closer to that , because there needs no complements where every one desires . but his own . in considering the secular power of the pope , we will do it upon five heads , which may serve to examine all other princes interests with the republick . first , if it be advantageous to the republick to have the church grow greater . secondly , what title , inclination or facility the popes may have to acquire any part of the state of the republick . thirdly , what inclination , title or facility the republick may have to acquire any part of the state of the church . fourthly , if the church may unite with the republick , to acquire the state of any other princes . fifthly , if the church can unite with other princes , to hinder the progress of the arme of the republick . to begin with the first , we will answer with a general rule , which is , that it never is advantageous to a prince , who desires to remain free and powerful , to let another grow great , except it be to lessen a third , who is greater than them both ; and if he that is thus agrandiz'd be a neighbour , his advancement is so much more to be feared : these alterations indeed may not be so dangerous to a little prince , who does not fear depending upon a great one , to avoid being molested by one who is already too strong for him . but to come closer to the case of the republick , we will say , that if the church could make it self master of any part of the king of spain's dominions in italy , where he is the greatest prince , they might hope for the consent of the republick , which is the second great italian potentate , because by that means the republick might become the first ; and however , the strength of the church will always give less jealousie to the republick , than the spanish power in italy ; for the nature of the pontifical principality is elective and temporary , and the aims and designs of that court vary according to the genius of the several popes ; and sometimes it is subject to long vacancies : whereas the monarchy of spain is successive , and , as one may say , eternal , and govern'd by standing lasting maxims . but if the church be to grow great by the spoils of any other italian prince , it would be the interest of the republick to oppose it , because the damage thence resulting is evident , and the advantage dangerous . it ought to be well consider'd , how the state of the church is increased in this last century . the custom that was in the church before , to give infeodations upon slight acknowledgments , had brought that power to be more of show than real strength ; but julius the second , succeeding alexander the sixth , made borgia , duke of volentine , nephew to alexander , who had seiz'd upon all those infeodations in romania , refund them to the church , and added to them the conquest of bologna , and got also from the republick the cities of cervia , rimini , ravenna , faenza , imola , and others , to which , under clement the eighth , was added the whole dutchy of ferrara , and lately that of urbin : so that these . acquisitions alone would make up a great principality : and the church seems to want nothing towards the making of it the most considerable power of italy , than the addition of parma and piacenza , and some little independent castles in the territories about rome : besides , it can never more be lessen'd by infeodations , that being quite left off by that court : so that to let the church grow any greater in italy , generally speaking , cannot be for the interest of the venetian republick . to the second point , what title , inclination or facility the church may have to acquire any portion of the state of the republick , we shall say , that since the court makes profession of the extreamest justice , and that likewise they are loth to begin the example of princes usurping ▪ upon one another , i think they can hardly set up any title but upon the polesine of rovigo , which they say was formerly annex'd to the dutchy of ferrara ; and in the times that the dispute was between the dukes of ferrara and the republick , the popes always shewed themselves smart defenders of the dukes : of four interdicts published by the church against the venetians , two of them were for this very cause , the first in the year 1305. the second in the year 1483. under sixtus the fourth , at which time indeed the republick had taken the whole dutchy of ferrara , by the instigation of the pope himself ; but he being friends with the duke , commanded them to restore what they had taken , which they refusing to do , he sulminated his excommunication and interdict ; but a peace following , the republick kept by agreement the polesine of rovigo : the third interdict was in 1505. under julius the second , because the republick had several cities of romania in their possessions , and the last of all was now lately under paul the fifth : so that if the popes shewed such a concern for the thing when it was only belonging to the dukes of ferrara , much more would they do it now when the profit would be their own : so that we may believe that as to this they do own a title , and have likewise inclination enough to regain this bit of territory that is lopp'd off from them . we are therefore to consider what facility they have to do it ; and i do not believe that ever of themselves they will kindle the fire , but make advantage of one ready kindled by some other , as it happened under julius the second : nay , if they reflect upon the great rule of preserving the liberty of italy , they will not for so small a matter enter into a league against the republick ; for it is of greater concern to them not to break the ballance of dominion in italy , lest the tramontani should take advantage of it , and subdue all . but this very reason was strong in pope julius the second's time , and yet was without effect in a mind bent all upon particular interest ; wherefore i conclude , that we are not to expect greater temper in the modern popes , but ought to rest satisfied , that if a powerful foreign prince should promise them the acquisition of the state of the republick , they would embrace the motion without delay . to the third question , i say , that the republick might have just reason to make themselves amends for the country they lost in romagna , it not being a thing they had usurp'd from the church , but a voluntary dedition of those cities who were tyranniz'd over by little tyrants , that had taken occasion from the negligence of popes to make themselves masters of those places : they were yielded up by the republick , to take off julius the second , who was the great fomentour of the fire which was kindled against the venetians in the league of cambray , where the forces of all the princes of christendom were united against them ; and without doubt , upon good circumstances the republick might justifie the re-taking of these towns ; and i believe there is inclination enough to do it , all princes being willing to extend their territories ; but the point is the facility of doing it , which i think altogether remote ; for all other italian princes , if not out of conscience , yet out of ostentation of religion , would be backward to fall upon the church ; and except it should happen that some one of them should grow too powerful for all the others united , and so be able to right himself , i think the state of the church need not fear being lessen'd . to the fourth question , i answer in the negative , and do not believe that the church would joyn with the republick , to acquire the state of any other prince , except it were such a one as the church had a pretence upon , and then they would keep all , which would not please the republick : besides , we ought to reflect upon the genius of the popedom , which being elective , most commonly the popes have no other aim than to keep all quiet , and preserve the general respect of princes towards them , that in that decrepit age they may make their families , their thoughts being far from enlarging a dominion which they expect to leave every day ; and in the mean time , all the ready money , which else they might lay up , would go upon projects of a very uncertain event : and 't is a wonderful thing that julius the second , being of a very mean birth , should have had so great a sence of the publick interest of the church , as to forego all his private concerns , and take the empty praises of his courtiers in payment for the loss of such real advantages as he might have made to his family . the last query depends , in a great measure , upon the others . i do not think it would be easie to concert the union of the pope with other princes , in order to attack the republick , because it will never be advantageous to the church to increase the power of that other prince , neither will it look like the justice they profess , to take to themselves alone the spoils , except it be upon a country on which they have a pretence : 't is true , that in those noysie excommunications where they deprive princes of their dominions , and give them to others that can take them , there might be some danger ; but they are seldom practiz'd but in an attempt made by a prince upon the church , which is never to be feared from the piety and moderation of the republick . there is no doubt but the church would enter into a league to hinder any progress of the republick , particularly against any dependant of theirs ; and also in case the republick attack'd some small prince , the popes , to affect the protection of the weak , would declare ; but if the republick had to do with a strong prince , the church would look on , for fear of greatning too much that prince , the rather , because the republick can lay claim to none of those old ticklish titles which some other princes might set a-foot against the church . and so much for the pope . now let us come to the emperour : the republick must never forget that maxim which is common to all princes bordering upon the empire , which is , that it is not convenient for them to see the emperour made more powerful , lest he renew those antiquated titles he has to most dominions near him , and particularly in italy . the power of the roman commonwealth , which extended almost over all the known world , being at last usurp'd by julius caesar , and from him deriv'd to a long series of succeeding emperours , might give the german emperour a pretext to reckon with all the princes of europe , if he were strong enough ; and perhaps many who wear crowns , would be reduc'd to beggary ; therefore 't is best to keep him in his cold country of germany , where mens spirits are benumm'd , and less undertaking . the republick has reason to distrust him upon many heads ; as emperour he has pretences upon the dutchy of frioul , and the marca trevisana , besides the cities of trevisa , padoua , vicenza and verona : as arch-duke , he pretends to istria : as king of hungary , to zara , and the neighbouring country : so that his titles and neighbourhood are considerably dangerous ; all these countries are besides of greater antiquity than the city of venice it self : so that their being subject to a metropolis of a younger standing , gives some suspicion of the lawfulness of their subjection . all these pretences were renewed in the league of cambray ; therefore i think , without hesitation , i may pronounce , that it is the interest of the republick that the emperour should be kept low , both for general and particular reasons . from these reflections we may also conclude , that the emperour to these titles does not want inclination to acquire a part of the territories of the republick ; particularly it being yet a complaint of that prince , of the little respect show'd him by the republick , when taking advantage of his distractions , they erected the fortress of palma nuova just under his nose . there remains therefore to see what facility he might find in such an attempt . in the present state of his affairs , while the faction of the protestants is so strong in germany , i cannot think that he can quarrel with the republick , which is as powerful in money as he is in men : for in length of time 't is certain , that he who has money may have men , and they who have many men must consume much money : 't is true , he being so near a borderer upon the republick , it may give him the more confidence , because a lesser number will be necessary to make the invasion ; but if the enterprize be not in the name of the whole empire , in which case the whole german nation would be a party , i believe , with the help of his own patrimonial dominions , he will not do any great matter , the rather , because many great heretical princes and cities of germany have the same interest to keep him low : so that as he might perhaps be pretty smart upon an invasion or incursion , at length of time he would prove as weak to hold out a war : and indeed this was the true cause of erecting the fortress of palma nuova , to obviate a sudden incursion of his forces , and provide a retreat for the country people ; so to gain time , which is always as advantageous to the republick , as dangerous to such an enemy , who if he have not some body to furnish him with money , will get but little ground , tho his army be numerous , as it was in the time of maximilian . now whether the republick has any title , inclination or facility to acquire any part of the emperour's territories ? i answer , that without doubt the republick has pretences upon goritia and gradisca , which formerly belong'd to the family of the frangipani , and for a little while was under the government of the republick : there are likewise some castles in istria , and upon the coast which the republick claims ; and for an inclination to acquire these , we need not doubt but the republick has it , it being either the vertue or vice of princes never to be without it : but still the great consideration lies in the facility of doing it ; for if there be that , 't is above half the title ; and if that is wanting , 't is imprudence to own any part of a pretence that must remain without execution . i believe by sea it would prove easie to take trieste , and some other places , but it would be as hard to maintain them ; and to go further into the land , would need great preparatives on the side of the republick : whereas on the emperour's side , the defence would be easie , he having a command of men : so that except in an open war , there is no thinking of any strong attempt that way , and then it were not amiss to put a good strength to it , that at the end of the war , which always must one time or another be succeeded by peace , some of the country might remain by treaty in the venetians hands , for the charges of the war ; for to begin a war only for the acquisition : of these places , would not be a deliberation besitting the wisdom and gravity of the venetian senate : it would be better to watch the occasion of some extremity or pinch of an emperour , which often happens , and buy these places ; but then be aware that if it be not a patrimonial estate , the consent of the dyet is necessary to the purchase , to cut off all claims in time to come . 't is as hard , that the emperour should unite with the republick , to acquire the state of any other prince in italy , because , first , for spain , they are the same family with the emperour ; against the church he will declare as little , professing a great zeal for it , and calling himself , the churches advocate ; modena , mantoua and mirandola are fiefs of the empire ; savoy and florence are remote from him , and to come at them he must overcome greater princes that are between him and them : so that this union would prove difficult . if the emperour should fall out with some of these dukes , his vassals , and depose them , it might happen that if spain were busie elsewhere , and the emperour loth to take the trouble of chastising them himself alone , he might then unite with the republick , upon condition to have the best part of the spoil ; but if the emperour should , as formerly , come to a great rupture with the church , and employ heartily his power in the quarrel , 't is not impossible but he might be willing to engage the republick by a promise of some part of the conquest . i think in any other way 't is not probable to make any advantage of the imperial assistance . the last question is , whether he can unite with others against the republick ? and of this there is no doubt : for if maximilian , tho infinitely oblig'd to the republick , made no difficulty to unite in a league with lewis the twelfth of france , his competitor and enemy , whom , for injuries received , he had declared a rebel to the sacred empire ( tho lewis laugh'd at that imaginary jurisdiction ) : i say , if he could submit to joyn with so suspected a power , much less would the emperour now scruple the uniting either with spain or the pope , or any other princes of italy , not only for to acquire territory , but even for bare money , if it were offer'd him . with france i believe the union would not be so easie as it was then , because now the emperour , being partial for spain , if their interest did not concur , they would hinder him from being drawn away by any hopes or promises : but this will appear better when we come to treat of spain : for if spain will have a league against the republick , the emperour will never stand out . now let us come to france : 't is not above fifty years ago that the republick thought themselves oblig'd not only to desire , but to procure the greatness of france , because being under the phrensie of a civil war , it threatned little less than the dissolution of that monarchy : the succession of henry the fourth to the crown , who had his title from nature , and the possession from his sword , reviv'd it , and at last gave it such vigour , that from deserving compassion , it came to move envy ; and if a fatal blow of a mean hand had not cut off that prince's life , and designs , there would have been requisite great dexterity , or great force to defend the republick from them . the count de fuentes , governour of milan , us'd to brag , that he had such musick as should make those dance who had no mind to 't : henry the fourth might have said so with much more reason , and he us'd to affirm , that at the pass things were , the neutrality of the republick was a coyn that would no longer be current . if he had given career to his no ill-founded designs , half a world would not have suffic'd him ; but we must not be frighted if we see the raging sea swell in billows , and look as if it would swallow up the earth , since a little sand stops all its fury . death has a scythe that most commonly cuts off all the noblest lives : if henry the third of france , had brought the siege of paris to an end ; if philip the second had not had the winds and seas against him , england would have been in chains , and paris would have been a village . in conclusion , the fatality of humane affairs is such , that most great undertakings are disappointed by unexpected causes . at present the constitution of france is such , that there is little danger from them ; for during the minority of their king , they will have enough to do not to lose ground , there being so many jealousies and factions afoot : 't is true , that the common people have open'd their eyes , and begin to be weary of spending their blood for the ambition of the great ones ; and amongst these , the chiefest are old , and at their ease , so that they will think chiefly of keeping themselves in those posts they enjoy . the duke of maine , who is head of the catholick party , is very ancient and very rich ; wherefore if in the time of the great troubles , he either could not or would not aspire to make himself king , when even he had all but the name of it , 't is not to be imagined he thinks of it now ; and if he will be content with the state of a subject , he is as great as he can be . the duke of mercoeur , who in his wife 's right pretended to erect britany into a kingdom , is at last dead in hungary ; the duke of epernon is more studious of good husbandry than soldiery ; the duke of montpensier has always been true to the royal family ; the capricios of the marchioness of aumale , will hardly have any followers ; and it will be well if she can clear her self of the late king's death : on the other side , the prince of conde , the first prince of the blood , is young , and of a mild nature ; he has besides before his eyes the example of his father , grandfather , and great grandfather , who all perish'd unfortunately in civil broils , and has in his own person experimented the spanish parsimony , in his retreat from court to brussels : so that if he desires a greater fortune , he may compass it in france , from the hands of the queen her self , who is so ill a politician , as to try to put out fire with pouring oyl upon it . the hugonots are weary ; the duke of bovillon , their head , well pleased with his present fortune ; and if he have a mind to be a hugonot out of perswasion , and not faction , there is no body will hinder him ; but most of these great men have religion only for a pretext , as 't is reported likewise of the duke de lesdiguieres , which if it be true , they will never be quiet till the king be of age ; and by consequence , there will be little protection to be hop'd for from that kingdom . our speculation therefore may more certainly conclude , that the greatness of france is at a stand , and cannot in the space of some years make any progress , and till it come to an excess not to be thought on for these fifty years , it can give no jealousie to the republick . as to the title , inclination and facility that france may have to acquire any part of the republick's dominions ; i say , we need not doubt of their inclination , because princes are like wolves to one another , always ready for prey . as for title , they can set up none till they have conquer'd the dutchy of milan ; and facility they have as little , because they cannot come at the republick's territories , without first passing over those of other princes , which they will never consent to , lest they prove the first conquest themselves : whereupon i conclude , that for a long time the power of france can give no jealousie to the republick . and on the other side , the republick can have no pretences , as things stand , upon any part of the french territories , as long as they are totally excluded from italy ; and if there be no title , there is less inclination and facility . the union of france with the republick , to acquire the state of any other prince , will always be easie when france is in a condition to mind such acquisitions ; the past examples prove that sufficiently ; but they do sufficiently bear testimony likewise of the danger of such union : now that the french are totally excluded italy , they would agree to very large conditions with the republick , and allow them a great share of the kingdom of naples and dutchy of milan ; but they would no sooner have made the acquisition of their share , but they would begin to cast their eyes upon that of the republick , and enter into a league against them with some other prince , just as it happened in the time of lewis the twelfth , when to gain cremona , he was the first that consented to the league of cambray , deceiving all the while the venetian embassador at court , and affirming ( even with oaths ) , that he would never conclude any thing to the prejudice of the republick , tho he had sign'd the league above six weeks before the war began , which he exercised likewise in a most barbarous manner , hanging up the noble venetians that were governours of the towns he took . i believe france , to get footing in italy , would engage with any other prince against the republick , except with the spaniard ; and if that should happen , it would be necessary to stir up the factions of that kingdom , and bring upon them some powerful neighbour , such as england : the friendship of savoy would likewise be useful , to hinder the passes of the mountains , and make some diversion in provence and dauphine , if there could be any relying upon this present duke ; but he is a proteus , that turns himself into many forms , and with his capricio's and humours , would soon empty the treasures of s. marc : but these are things so remote , that they may be left to the prudence of those who shall live in those times ; for according to the times there must be alteration of councils . and so much for france . now let us turn to spain , a family that from low beginnings , is come by marriages to the possession of twelve kingdoms , and several dukedoms in europe , besides what it has in the indies , does certainly evidence a great favour of fortune , joyn'd with great application and industry : so that if it be not stopp'd by fatality , may bid fair for an universal empire : if charles the fifth had had as much prudence in his youth as he had in his old age , he would not have separated the empire from spain , but would have made his son philip have been chosen king of the romans , instead of his brother ferdinand : he understood his errour , and repented of it at last , trying to perswade ferdinand to a renunciation ; but he shew'd as much prudence in keeping what he had got so wonderfully into his hands , as charles would have shew'd folly in going to deprive him of it by force . charles was not less unhappy in the other act of moderation he shew'd , when he renounc'd all his kingdoms to his son , and retired to a private life ; for to one who on the anniversary day of that famous action , congratulated king philip for his felicity , he answered , that day was likewise the anniversary of his father's repentance : so that actions of moderation in princes , are but like that insect called the ephemera , which lives and dies the same day . the greatness of spain is therefore to be suspected ; it has two wild beasts that follow it always close , one on one side , and the other on the other , which is the tark by sea , and france by land ; and besides that it has that issue of holland , as witty boccalini calls it , which will sufficiently purge it of all its ill humours ; and it must be own'd , that all the spanish sagacity has not hindered them from following the fable of the dog , who forsook the substance for the shadow : for , for forty years together , france was sufficiently taken up with their own ▪ intestine broils , during which time spain might with great advantage have made a truce with holland ; and having likewise humbled the turk , by the battle of lepanto , they might have applied their whole force to italy , which had no defence but its own natives , and not of them above half : so that in all probability they could have met with no considerable opposition . one might say , that it was an effect of king philip's moderation , if he had not shew'd as great an ambition of dominion as possible , in endeavouring first to unite france to spain by conquest , then to have his daughter chosen queen , and lastly , seiz'd upon as many towns as he could ; therefore we may give the italians joy , that half an age of so much danger passed without the least loss of their liberty . now by reason of the french king's minority , the jealousies against spain are a-foot again , but , i think , not with so much ground ; for if not france , at least england , would raise their old enemies , the dutch particularly , if the italians should help with money : so that if italy can but resist the first brunt , it may hope for all sort of relief ; for france has forces , and they would soon have a will to succour italy against spain : neither do i believe , that spain would hazard the truce with holland , it having been compass'd with such difficulties , even to the loss of much of their honour and fast. 't is enough , that to all other christian princes , except the emperour , the greatness of spain is of ill consequence ; and therefore to be opposed by all secret means first , and if need be , at last openly , and without a mask . if spain has any title , inclination or facility to acquire part of the republick's dominions , there will be little difficulty to answer : their title would be upon brescia , crema , and bergamo , ancient members of the dutchy of milan : and these three cities are so considerable , that with their territory , they would perhaps make up as rich a dutchy as any in lombardy , except milan : so that we need not doubt , but the spaniard looks upon these cities with an amorous eye , and with great desire to enjoy them ; there remains only the facility of doing it , which is always the most important of the three points : upon this subject we must distinguish whether they will make the attempt by themselves , or in conjunction with others : if alone , and that the republick have any great prince , either italian , or foreigner on their side , they will meet with little facility in their designs , because the republick's money , joyn'd to the forces of another prince , can give check to almost any great power , and particularly to that of spain , whose states and possessions are large , but disunited ; and they cannot but be afraid , that while they are busied in lombardy , others would try to attack them in a more sensible part : if spain should therefore unite with any other prince , provided the republick had france on their side , they would not much hurt it , because the inundation of the french into lombardy , uses to be both powerful and sudden , provided they be called in by an italian prince of some figure ; and by that means the spaniard being attack'd on two sides , would go near to lose his dutchy of milan . but if we consider the republick united only with some italian prince , and the french to stand spectator , as might happen in the minority of a french king , particularly if the spaniard had the pope and emperour of his side , i doubt the republick would be hard set ; for that other prince in league with them , cannot be of any great force ; the most useful would be savoy ; but besides , that he would be bought very dear , he would be always wavering , if the spaniards tempted him strongly : the richest would be florence ; but his territories not joyning upon those of the republick , there is little good to be expected from his assistance . lastly , if spain will fall upon the republick alone , and the republick be likewise alone , i say , that as to the state of terra firma , it would go near to be lost ; but by sea the republick would make a stout resistance . but if it be ask'd , whether the republick have either title , inclination or facility to acquire any part of the spanish dominions in italy ? i answer , the title would be upon cremona in lombardy , and upon travi , and other ports of la puglia , in the kingdom of naples , the republick having been in possession of all these places before ever spain had footing in italy : so that there wants nothing but facility ; and there is but one case that i know in which the republick might hope to get possession again ; and that is , in case the republick were in league with france , and the emperour busied by the protestants of germany , then some of these expectations might be fulfilled , but still with the same jealousie , that your friends should at last joyn with your enemies to fall upon the republick , as it happened in the league of cambray . and this answers the other question , to wit , whether spain can unite with any other power against the republick ? 't is very true , that i can hardly believe , that the spaniards would , without any precedent broil , attempt a league with france against the republick , because the damage of one city's remaining in the french hands , would be greater to them than the profit of taking all the republick has in terra firma would amount to . whether the spaniard may unite with the republick , to acquire conjoyntly in italy ; i say , that if it be against an italian prince , they will not , because it is not their interest that the republick should be greater , and already almost all the lesser princes are dependants of that monarchy : and as for the pope , they would certainly help him , rather than joyn against him , being us'd to make a great shew of their protecting the church : the only case that would make them bear patiently any new acquisitions of the republick , would be , if france should make any progress in italy . after all , amidst so many well-grounded suspicions , it must be confessed , that the neighbourhood of spain has prov'd of less disturbance to the republick , than that of any other prince who had those countries before them ; for the dukes of milan were perpetually either quarrelling , or , finding themselves too weak , were inciting of other powers under-hand against the republick . there may be an union likewise of the republick and spain by sea , against the turk , and by land against the grisons , or any other hereticks . and this is enough for spain . now by reason of vicinity , we will speak of the other italian princes : it would be the interest of the republick to see them greater , if it could be done at the expence of spain , and by their spoils , as also by getting from the church : but both those cases are next to impossible , if first the world be not turn'd topsy turvy , which can never be , but by a league with france ; and then if any part of the spaniards dominions could be shar'd amongst them , it would not injure the republick at all : but for any of these princes to grow great by spoiling one another , i should not like it ; for the advantage would be inconsiderable , and in the mean time the fire would be kindled in italy , the property of which is to go not where you would have it , but often where you are most afraid of it . whether any of these princes have title , inclination or facility to acquire from the republick , the consideration will be short , because facility will be wanting . mantoua has some pretences upon valesa and peschiera ; modena upon the town of este , from whence the family comes : but all these little princes united without the pope and spain , could hardly give a disturbance to the republick , because the two powerfullest of them , to wit , savoy and florence , are not immediate borderers . whether the republick have either title , inclination or facility to acquire from them in the state they now are in ; i answer , that the house of este not having ferrara , the republick has no title to either modena or reggio : there would indeed be a good inclination against mantoua , because he lies , as it were , in the bowels of the republick ; but there would be but an ill title , except the republick should bear the charges of his education , while they were his guardians ; and then the facility would be small ; for no sooner would the republick have begun the dance , but others would come in , and perhaps it would not end as it begun . of the other princes i have little to say , the republick having had no disputes with them ; for the genoueses , who formerly set the republick so hard , have done as the horse in the fable , lost their own liberty , in hopes of being victorious of their enemies , and are by that means out of power to hurt the republick . as for leagues these princes will be ready to make them either with or against the republick , because their fortune , as princes , being but small , they will let slip no occasion of mending it , either by acquisition of new territory , or by receiving subsidies and pensions . florence only would hardly be mov'd by that last motive , because he is not needy , being at this time perhaps the richest prince in ready money that is in christendom ; and his riches always increase , because the princes of that family do yet retain their ancestors inclination to merchandize , and that enriches the prince without damage to the subject . the dominions of the great duke are considerable , as well because they are placed as it were in the navel of italy , with a fertile territory , all united together , as also because the states of other princes are , as it were , a wall and defence to it ; and it is besides , to be valued by the communication it has with the sea by leghorn , and some other maritime fortresses : so that if one were to reckon upon any italian prince , i know none that deserves so well , as being exempted from the temptation of being bought , and having yet some of that punctual mercantile faith. if the republick will have a league with any of the other italian princes , there will be no difficulty in it , provided they pay them ; but withal , one must not forget the witty reflection of boccalini , when the italian princes are willing to be taught manners out of the galateo , provided that it may not look like ill breeding in them , to eat with both jaws as fast as they can . with poland the republick can have no other concern than that of defending christendom , and by some diversion from that crown , bear the more easily the weight of the ottoman power : therefore it would be well for the republick to have that king and kingdom grow more powerful . as for any thing else , the great distance that is between that state and the republick , takes away all matter of any further consideration . the same thing may be said of the moscovite . england being the greatest of those powers that are separated from the church of rome , is a kingdom of great strength , particularly since the union of scotland ; and the kings of england have nothing left to desire as to territory : all that island is now under the dominion of one sole monarch , and has the sea for a wall : so that if england be not disunited within it self , there is no power to overcome it : we see the example in the invasion of philip the second of spain ( and yet then the union was not so great as might have been ) who lost his mighty armada that he had been so long preparing at such vast expences . queen elizabeth , who has shew'd the world how far a woman's ability can go in government , did likewise enlarge her dominions by navigations to the indies , and wounded spain in that tender part ; she likewise had some ports of the low-countries consign'd to her , so that she seem'd to be hardly contain'd in that separate world of hers . the island is fertile and delicious , producing all necessaries for life , and though the natives go abroad and buy the products of other countries , it is more as superfluities , and out of luxury , than want , and amongst the rest , they have a trade for grapes called currans , which they buy in the dominions of the republick . henry the eighth , who was the king that apostatiz'd from the church of rome , did use to concern himself in the affairs of italy , and several times the popes have had good protection from the ancient kings of that country , who were most devoted to the see of rome ; to say truth , religion has had a great loss , and the court of rome a greater , i cannot well say , whether out of the great lust of henry the eighth , or the little consideration of clement the seventh , at present that king will not hear of rome , and has but small curiosity for the affairs of italy . if this king could grow greater , it would be advantageous to the republick , because it might obtain his alliance , and by that means a greater respect from other crown'd heads ; but however , even without this consideration , 't is a power to be courted , because the nation having an ancient antipathy to france , and a modern one to spain , it cannot but have a good inclination for the republick . 't is true that the present king is more enclin'd to wars with his pen , than with his sword , having a mighty love for disputes , and valuing himself upon the character of a notable divine ; so much has the quarrel with rome influenc'd that country , that even their princes study controversie ; but however i should not think the republick ought to mind any of those circumstances , because where there is strength , there is always hopes of making use of it , that depending only upon raising of passions . the best means would be ( besides the continuation of those offices already introduc'd of mutual embassies ) strictly to command the governours in the levant to shew all good usage to the english merchants , and particularly observe punctually all treaties and engagements with them , because there is no nation that puts a greater value upon their word than the english do , and the kings of that island have not yet learnt the modern policy that gives them leave to break their faith in order to reigning more absolutely . with the seven united provinces 't will be good to cultivate friendship , and to encrease it by a mutual defensive league , particularly at this time , that the truce is but newly concluded with spain ; for it will be a curb upon the spaniard , if he should attempt any thing against the republick , for fear his old wounds should be set a bleeding again , they being but just bound up , and not healed . 't is feasable likewise to procure something more of trade with the hollanders , because they are extremely ingenious , and addicted that way ; and moreover , since both the republicks stand in awe of the same power , it will not be difficult to unite their inclinations ; and they have made on their side a sufficient advance , by sending an embassy to the republick , which though of complement , yet it has shew'd great esteem and inclination to an union . besides the advantage of a solid diversion of the forces of spain , there is another essential consideration , which is , that from them might be had a considerable body of well disciplin'd soldiers , and that with admirable celerity , besides several regiments that might be rais'd in a country so well us'd to war , if there were occasion , and all the inconveniencies of transportation are not to be valued ; for the republick will always have a greater scarcity of good soldiers , than of good money . with the princes of germany of a different religion , there can hardly be any concerns , if there is no room for quarrels . as the world stands now , if it be not well , they should grow greater , at least 't is not amiss , they are already great enough , because they are a check upon the emperour , who else would be a most formidable potentate to all princes , but more particularly to the italians , and more to the republick , than to the rest of italy ; but now by their means his power is not only balanced , but almost quite oppressed to the common benefit of other princes . with these princes it will be easie for the republick to have an engagement : first , because they know that the republick is not a blind adorer of the interests of the court of rome : and , secondly , because they see the jealousies that are between the republick and the emperour , from whence they conclude , that there is no danger of a league between them and the emperour , and by consequence , they have not the republick for a suspected power ; and upon all occurrences , it will do well to shew an inclination to friendship with them , first , because they may make a potent diversion ; and , secondly , because their country being a nursery of soldiers , the republick upon occasion may make levies there ; and it is a point of high importance for the republick to be certain of their levies ; for in a time of need they can hope but for small help from the italian militia . i have not yet said any thing of the duke of bavaria ; and he is not to be omitted , being so much a dependant of the emperour , from whom he has received the electoral dignity , upon the exclusion of the elector palatin : this prince has had the boldness to contest the precedency with the republick at the council of trent ; and therefore no good correspondency can be between him and the republick . it would not be amiss to see him lessen'd ; for 't is always to be wish'd , that he who has no good intentions , should have as little power to offend as may be . the order of malta , who are pyrating princes , is likewise to be minded ; and their growth in power can be of no use to the republick : they do nothing but waken the ottoman power , when 't is almost lull'd asleep ; and therefore are dangerous : their friendship , in time of open war with the turk , will be easily had , upon the hopes of a good booty . it remains for us now to speak of the greatest prince of this known world , formidable to all other princes , i mean the turk ; but we cannot speak of him by the rules we have laid down for the others ; for with him all arts and policies are vain : he makes no league with any , neither has he any residing embassadors in any court , scorning to descend to inform himself of other princes intrigues : he owns his greatness , and relies upon it , like the elephant , who by reason of his great strength , is never observed to use cunning : perhaps it may be an arcanum of the alchoran , to hinder his subjects from contracting the manners and customs of other nations , and bringing them home at their return : perhaps likewise that he is unwilling their wits should be refin'd in politicks : his is an empire built upon the ruin of all other empires , founded in force , and scorning titles and claims of justice . if he can acquire a country , he has always right to it ; and when he has conquer'd it , he assumes all the power to himself , suffering no usurpations where he himself usurps all : his ministers make open profession of ignorance , which is propagated industriously amongst his people , who are sufficiently learned , if they know how to obey : they are told openly of their slavery , and it is expected they learn the obligations of it : not but that they will dispute with christians for their emperour , and alledge , that he succeeds to all the rights of constantine , whose city he has conquered . in his religion the prince is loose , and the mufti , which is the high priest , tied up , who must speak complacently to the ends of the government , and in conformity to the will of him that rules , or pay his disobedience with his life . in this monarchy all the qualities of the mind , both speculative and practick , are despised and suspected , which made one of their emperours send back the musicians sent him by francis the first , lest with their harmony they should have molified the iron temper of those fierce natures : they value strength of body , and the arts of war , in which none are sooner preferr'd than those who shew the greatest fierceness and inhumanity in their dispositions : they are intent upon conquering the rest of the world , and in order to it they have infinite numbers of men , and infinite treasure : his yearly revenue exceeds twenty millions of crowns ; he inherits the estates of all his subjects , whose children can lay claim to nothing but their father's horse and arms. in the midst of all these riches his thirst of gold still increases : so that often his fury is laid with the charms of that metal : out of that has been said , 't is evident that his greatness must be the ruine of all other powers , and that it would be an unspeakable felicity to see him lessen'd ; but the hopes of that are so remote , that they are next to impossible . as for any title upon the territories of the republick , he can have none ; inclination and facility he has but too much , designing the ruine of all christendom ; and considering the disunion of christians , more intent upon jealousies at home than upon an union against a foreign invader , his design is not above his force : he fears nothing but an union of christendom against him ; and that he may not be negligent in providing against it , that cunning and wicked mahomet has left him a prophecy to keep him awake , by which , the ruine of his empire is to come from such an union : the turks never mention it but with cries and groans ; and the government strives to avoid it by being invincible , not considering , that if the prophecy be true , 't is unavoidable . as for the republick , he is a terrible neighbour to them , always encroaching , and setting no bounds to his pretences , till he has swallowed all . the republick , on the other side , cannot want a title against him ; for what he has taken from them , would make up a great principality : cyprus , negrepont , modon , coron , caramania , all the archipelago , bossina , scutari , albania , part of the very imperial city of constantinople , and in short , half his empire in europe has been at several times extorted from the republick : but to get any of this back is the difficulty ; and 't will be well if he is content with what he has , and that we can save what remains . the only good thing the republick can hope for , is , that the turk will not enter into league with any other against the republick , because he scorns all leagues : 't is true , that in the time of lodovico sforza , duke of milan , he was by him drawn to invade the republick , and before that , by the visconti , dukes of milan , likewise with promise to busie the venetians in italy , by a war on his side : 't is said also , that lewis the twelfth strove to draw him into the league of cambray : but all these are rather subornations than leagues , and spurring of a horse that 's free enough of his own nature . he would easily unite with the republick , to conquer other princes ; but then the republick must reckon , that he would take all to himself , he not understanding any accounts of dividing : so that it would only be a madness , and by ones own expence of blood and treasure , promote his tyrannical empire . the turk has often offered succours to the republick in their wars with others ; but our wise ancestors always disliked such a protector , but were glad he did not take the opportunity of their troubles to fall upon them . there is no other politicks to be used with this empire , than to profess friendship , and reckon upon sudden enmity ; and therefore be always provided , that the weakness of the state may not be an invitation to him to use his natural rapacity ; for the peace will be always the longer , when the readiness for war shall be visible . in case of a rupture , one should try to make a diversion by the king of persia , the moscovite and the pole : but that will be a long uncertain business , and of slow benefit ; to corrupt the ministers of the port in open war , will be a very hard thing , they will rather suffer a temptation in time of peace , and by that means one may penetrate their designs , and retard their deliberations , provided the person gain'd be of the divan , and particularly the grand vizier , if possible ; but they often take bribes , and deceive one ; besides , their being subject to continual changes , and those very sudden , according to the emperour 's capricio , and the calumnies of their competitors , the friendship of the queen mother , and of the wife of the grand signior , as also of the mufti , may help : but if the prince himself be of a resolute nature , their offices will be but weak : and all violent sudden resolutions of war made by the emperour himself , are always welcome to the janizaries , who are the soul of that empire : so that , as i said at first , i must conclude , that prudence and politicks can be of little use against rage and fury , and a nation that depends not upon reason , but upon might . i can say nothing then but what the angel said to gideon , comfortare & esto robustus ; and with this good omen that comes from heaven , and which i offer with a most affectionate mind , i take leave , having accomplish'd the task was imposed upon me , if not according to the full extent of my duty , at least in proportion to my weak forces , and small talent . finis . advice given to the republick of venice how they ought to govern themselves both at home and abroad, to have perpetual dominion / first written in italian by that great politician and lover of his countrey, father paul the venetian, author of the council of trent ; translated into english by dr. aglionby ; dedicated to his excellency the lord lieutenant of ireland. opinione come debba governarsi internamente ed esternamente la repubblica di venezia. english. 1693 approx. 128 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 71 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62177 wing s693 estc r22760 12490645 ocm 12490645 62365 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62177) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62365) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 290:20) advice given to the republick of venice how they ought to govern themselves both at home and abroad, to have perpetual dominion / first written in italian by that great politician and lover of his countrey, father paul the venetian, author of the council of trent ; translated into english by dr. aglionby ; dedicated to his excellency the lord lieutenant of ireland. opinione come debba governarsi internamente ed esternamente la repubblica di venezia. english. sarpi, paolo, 1552-1623. aglionby, william, d. 1705. [22], 119 p. printed for christopher nobbes ..., london : 1693. translation of: opinione come debba governarsi internamente ed esternamente la repubblica di venezia; falsely attributed to paolo sarpi. cf. bianchi-giovini, a. biografia di paolo sarpi. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng italy -history -1559-1789. venice (italy) -politics and government -1508-1797. venice (italy) -history -1508-1797. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-04 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advice given to the republick of venice . how they ought to govern themselves both at home and abroad , to have perpetual dominion . first written in italian by that great politician and lover of his countrey , father pavl the venetian , author of the council of trent . translated into english by dr. aglionby . dedicated to his excellency the lord lieutenant of ireland . london , printed for christopher nobbes , at the sign of the olive-tree , in the inner-walk above stairs in the new exchange , 1693. to his excellency henry , viscount sydney , lord lieutenant of ireland , gentleman of the bed-chamber to their majesties , and one of their majesties most honourable privy-council . my lord , though your design'd favours to me might justly claim this offer of my respects in a dedication , yet i must own , that it is not only gratitude that requires me to make this return , but it is my choice and judgment that prompts me to take the liberty of putting this piece under ▪ your protection . and indeed , if i regard either the greatness of your family , or your own personal endowments , where could i have found a more illustrious name , or a more generally own'd desert . the sydneys have fill'd our english history , and adorn'd our nation ; great in employments both at home and abroad , but more glorious in asserting constantly their country's true interest : and your lordship has not been wanting to follow such honourable examples , first , by a steddy adherence to all the measures that could be entred into by a wise man in times full of dark designs ; and then ( as soon as your countries good requir'd it ) by boldly laying aside all dubious counsels , to appear in arms with our great and glorious deliverer , his present majesty . amongst the thanks we owe to all those who have done the like , i think no one can more justly be extoll'd by this , or recommended to the esteem and admiration of the next age , than your lordship . in your negotiation in holland , during the close intrigues of the latter end of king charles his reign , you strove to keep both him and us happy and quiet , by promoting the true interest of both : but when the ferment of our affairs forc'd you to more sensible demonstrations of your thoughts , you nobly chose rather to appear an ill courtier , than be thought an ill man to your country . the protestant interest carried it with you , while the roman faction thought their designs as secure as they were deeply laid . 't is rare to find such conduct and courage in a publick minister : but what could be expected less from one ready to venture his life in the field at the head of our nation abroad , against that unquiet monarch who was then invading all the liberty mankind had left . heaven , my lord , has at last bless'd these constant endeavours for england's prosperity , and we see you in the councils and privacy of a prince born for our felicity . the great queen of this monarchy , who so lov'd her people , and understood their interest , had a sydney for her favourite , and such a man as she admir'd living , and lamented dead ; and our king , who has begun with restoring this nation to its true interest , and will , no question , advance its glory to the highest pitch , has your lordship in his councils and arms , guarded by you in the day , he sleeps often under your care in the night , safe in your loyalty , and pleas'd in your attendance . to whom then could i more properly offer these arcanums of a wise government , than to one who must be a good judge of all writings of that kind ; and therefore with repeated offers of my humble respects , and readiness to obey your lordship's commands , i take leave , and am , my lord , your lordship 's most humble and most devoted obedient servant , w. aglionby . the preface . that padre paulo sarpi , of the order of the servites , is the author of this treatise , there needs no other proof than the reading of it ; for whoever is acquainted either with his style , or his manner of thinking , must of necessity acknowledge , that they are both here . and indeed we may say , that this is not only a true representation of the government of the venetian republick , but that the author also ( like great painters , who in all their works give us their own genius with the mixture of the representation ) has likewise drawn the truest picture of himself . he was one of the greatest men of his age , of vast natural parts , to which he had added all the acquir'd ones that great study and much conversation with men could give him : it was he who defended the republick in the dispute they had with pope paul the 5th ; which he did so solidly , and yet so modestly , that his subject never carried him either to invectives or railleries , unbeseeming the gravity of the matter , nor the dignity of the persons whose cause he managed ; that quarrel being accommodated by the interposition of the kings of france and spain , in which the republick had all the advantage possible : the senate , very sensible of the obligation they had to p. paulo , made him consultor of state , and added an honourable pension for his life , giving him at the same time order to view all their secret records , where all their papers and instruments of state were laid up ; all which he reduc'd into such a new order , as that they might be recurr'd to with the greatest ease imaginable upon all occasions . the esteem they made of his abilities was so great , that they never had any important debate in which either by publick order , or by the private application of some of their senators , they did not take his advice ; which most commonly was assented to afterwards . towards the latter end of his life , the inquisitors of state seeing that they could not hope long for the continuation of those oracles , resolv'd , that once for all he should impart them his thoughts upon the whole constitution of their government , and withal , add his opinion touching their future conduct both within and without ; and that is this piece with which i now present the publick . as it was made for the perusal of those only who were the participants of all the arcanums of the empire , it is writ with less regard to the publick censure , to which he suppos'd it would never be subject . all other writers of politicks may in one thing be justly suspected , which is , that when they write with a design of publishing their works to mankind , they must have a regard to many considerations both of the times they write in , and opinions that are then receiv'd by the people , as also to the establish'd forms both of government and religion ; besides that self-love too will not let them forget their own glory , for the sake of which they often swerve from the true rules of writing ; but here all these considerations ceas'd ; the work is directed to those whose interest it was to conceal it : and for the author himself , it may be said , it was rather his legacy than any desire of shewing his abilities , which by other pieces of his were already sufficiently publish'd to the world. but what an idea must we have of that man whom a venetian senate not only admitted to their debates , but consulted upon the whole frame of their government ; a senate , i say , justly deserving the titles of wise and great ; who have maintain'd their state for 1200 years , with little alteration ; who have been a bulwark to the christian world against the most potent invader that ever was ; who at the same time have struggled with all the christian princes united , and headed , even by popes , whose spiritual power alone has been able to subvert greater empires : this senate , or at least the wisest of them , the inquisitors of state , who have the whole executive power in their hands , cannot let this subject of theirs leave the world without having from him a scheme of their present affairs , and a prospect of the occurrences to come : nothing certainly can give us a greater idea of padre paulo , nor shew us how great abilities in the most retired and concealed subjects , will break out in all wise governments , and cannot long be conceal'd . as to the work it self , i shall say little , it being improper to forestall the reader 's judgment by mine ; but i think i may venture to give him some cautions against a surprise , from some bold maxims and arbitrary positions which he will meet with , and perhaps not expect from one of our author's profession , nor in the methods of a government which carries the specious and popular title of liberty in the head of it . as to the author , tho he were a religious man , and a very strict observer of that life ; yet being above ordinary methods , and having a mind elevated beyond his sphere , he thought , that not only he might , but that he ought to go to the extent of his capacity , when he was to advise those whom god almighty had invested with soveraign power . this makes him lay down that great maxim , that all is just that contributes to the preservation of the government ; and in a natural deduction from this , advise in some cases not to stand upon common proceedings . i remember the author of his life says , that he had adapted most of the aphorisms of hippocrates , about the diseases and cure of the body natural , to those of the body politick ; and if so , he could not forget that of , extremis morbis extrema remedia , which alone would warrant all uncommon proceedings . most people have an idea of commonwealths , not unlike that which poets and young people have of the golden age , where they fancy , that without either labour , solicitude , or chagrin , people past their time in the innocent pleasures of love and musick , and other soft delights ; so the world imagines , that a popular government is all sweetness and liberty , precarious , and depending upon their votes , free from oppression and slavery , and constant to known methods : but all this is a very wrong conception ; they are invested with soveraign power , and must and do use it for their own preservation , as absolutely as any soveraign prince in the world ; and whoever shall seriously consider the machine of this venetian state , must own , that neither the governors themselves , nor the people governed by them , have any such excellent and inviting prerogatives , as can justly give them a superiority to the government of a wise prince , and well dispos'd people in a limited monarchy . but i have said enough of this ; the reader will best judge , whether the reading of this book will enamour him of a republican government or not . i have no more to say , but that this is a very faithful translation from an original manuscript communicated to me in italy , where it begins to creep abroad ; and if we had in england the conveniency of workmen that could print italian correctly , i would have publish'd both the original and my translation together . the words of quarantie and avogadore , may puzzle some people ; but they will easily understand , that the first is a kind of bench of judges deligated out of the body of the lesser nobility , for the trial of civil and some criminal causes ; and the other is the name of a great magistrate in venice , who among oth●r priviledges , has that of carrying the sentences of the council of ten before the great council . the opinion of padre paolo , most illustrious and excellent lords , the inquisitors of state , i write by obedience to your lordship's commands , without reflection upon my own small abilities , because the chief consideration of a subject ought to be to obey his prince . your excellencies have commanded me to deliver my opinion , how the venetian republick ought to regulate it self , to hope for a perpetual duration . to obtain a true notion of this , it will be necessary to distinguish , and first to regulate the government of the city , in which will be comprehended the manner of keeping the nobles and the citizens to their duty ; then look abroad to the rest of your dominions : and lastly give some form to the dealing with foreign princes . to begin with the first , i might in short put you in mind of the saying of st. bernardino of siena , to the doge moro , who said , that the republick should continue so long as they should keep to the rule of doing exact justice ; but to come nearer to the matter , and the condition of these times , we must reduce under that head of justice , all that contributes to the service of the state ; and , to speak yet more succinctly , we will lay it down as a maxim , that all is just which is any ways necessary for the maintaining of the government . in the particular government of the city , 't is an excellent custom to lay the impositions as well upon the nobility , as the rest of the citizens . first , because the burden is less when it is general : and , secondly , because 't is just when 't is without partiality . there is no doubt but it lessens something of the splendor of the nobility to see them tax'd particularly , since in many governments the nobility and gentry , though they are subjects , and not part of the government , do nevertheless enjoy a freedom from taxes , and contribute more with their sword than purse , towards the publick charge : but since the ancient simplicity of our ancestors has patiently submitted to this yoak ; and because the priviledges of the sword are dangerous in a commonwealth , i think 't is advisable not to innovate in this point , because such a change would give too much offence to the rest of your people , and too much haughtiness to your own nobility . 't is true , that when the taxes are upon the lands , so as to be unavoidable , it would be convenient to give the nobility all the advantage of time for payment , and at last , if they are insolvent , it will not be amiss to neglect the rigorous exaction of the law , that so the nobility be not ruin'd , because extreams are always dangerous , and the republick may suffer as much from having too many poor noblemen , as from having too many rich ones ; besides the envy and jealousie that must be in the hearts of those who shall find themselves naked , and their equals cloathed with their garments , and that only for not having been able to pay an imposition laid upon them by other peoples contrivance . there are some , who not making a right judgment of things , do inveigh extreamly against a custom of this republick , which is the having so many offices and places of so small revenue , that those who enjoy them are almost necessitated to be corrupt ; and so after they have been judges and governours , forc'd to come under the lash of the law , or to justifie their integrity , if they can : this seems a notorious abuse , and carries with it some appearance . but however , i should never advise to make these imployments better , because there results from this another greater advantage to the state , which is to keep the small nobility under ; for they may be compar'd to the adder , which cannot exert its poyson when 't is numm'd with cold : and if these nobles , who are by inclination discontented , should once arrive but to a mediocrity in fortune , they would presently contest with the great ones , and by strength of their numbers play some ill trick to the government : whereas now they are kept to their duty , not only by poverty , which clips the wings of ambition , but also by being subject to the censure of the great ones , for having misbehav'd themselves in their governments . indead i could think it prudent to proceed against them something coldly , unless they are guilty of very great enormities , such as scandalize the generality of your subjects ; for then 't is necessary to shew a publick resentment : but otherwise i would have them handled gently , it being a kind of punishment to lye open to a prosecution : and indeed i would never have any nobleman , though never so guilty , be condemned to a publick infamous death , because the damage that results from thence upon the whole order of the nobility , when they are seen to pass through the hands of an hangman , is greater than the good of a publick example can avail . neither on the other side would i have these noblemen , thus guilty , to walk the streets , and be seen in publick , because then your subjects would conceive a sinister opinion of your justice ; but they should be kept in prison , or , if it be necessary , be privately dispatch'd . if these criminals fly from justice , then you may use the utmost severity in your banishing of them ; because then it appears , that if nothing more be done , nothing more was feasible ; and let the same rigour be observ'd in keeping them out : for since they are , as it were , gangreen'd members cut off from the body , it will not be expedient to unite them again to it with deformity of the whole . here i foresee i shall be censur'd by some , as a bad pilot , who endeavouring to shun scylla , runs upon carybdis ; that is , while i aim at keeping the small nobility under , i forget the danger may arise from the great , and the rich of that order . i see the objection , but do not value it ; and my reason is , the long observation i have made of the nature of this city , by the strength of which i dare boldly affirm , that the republick of venice will never come to its end by that which has ruin'd all other republicks , to wit , when the power has been reduc'd first into a few hands , and then their authority devolv'd upon one who has erected a monarchy . the strange emulation that reigns here among the great ones , even among those of the same family ; nay , that is between brothers themselves , does secure the government from this danger ; and if by a supposition , almost impossible , all the brothers of one family had the power given them of making a dictator , i am confident they would never agree to chuse one among themselves , but would rather chuse to be a part of the government , divided among a thousand gentlemen , than to be princes of the blood , and subjects . the great governments , called governments of expence , and so contriv'd on purpose by our prudent ancestors , to give an occasion to those who are too rich to lessen their riches ; ought to be dispos'd of according to the intention of their first institution : that is to say , not to those who have no means to sustain such a burden , and must be forc'd by consequence to compass them per fas & nefas ; and if they are honest , must do it foolishly , because they are not wicked enough to do it knavishly , and so either acquire the hatred of those they govern , or be laugh'd at , and contemned by them . this is a point of great importance ; and he who goes through such an imployment meanly , and without expence , demerits extreamly of his countrey , because he renders the person that represents the state contemptible ; and all rebellions of subjects have had their first original rise from the contempt of the prince ▪ the contests that happen between nobleman and nobleman of equal fortunes , and are follow'd by attempts upon one another , may be conniv'd at when they are reconcil'd ; but if the thing be between a nobleman of the better sort , and one of the lesser , let it be chastis'd with some appearance of severity at least , for fear the humours of the small nobility should be stirr'd ; but if one of these shall attack a nobleman of the first rate , let him be punish'd with a heavy hand , lest the party injur'd , being potent in friends , go about to do himself justice , to the great detriment of the publick authority : but if a nobleman do commit an enormity towards a subject , first let there be all the endeavour possible used to justifie him ; and if that cannot be , let the punishment be with more noise than harm ; but if a subject insults a nobleman , let the revenge be sharp and publick , that the subjects may not accustom themselves to lay hands upon the nobility , but rather think them venerable and sacred . in civil judicatures it would be requisite to act without passion , to take away that ill opinion that men have of the partiality of justice , in favour of the great . this belief must be destroyed ; for a subject that once thinks himself prejudg'd by the quality of his adversary , will never be capable of seeing whether his cause has been decided according to the merit of it or no : therefore there can never be too much diligence used in the administration of civil judicatures , which are one of the greatest foundations of government ; for when a subject can say to himself , that he shall have justice , if his case deserves it , he submits to a great many other grievances without repining : and on the contrary , though after an unjust sentence , he should be indulg'd in some criminal matter , he will never have a love for the government , because the injury receiv'd , will stick in his memory , and the indulgence will vanish out of it . the quarrels between the plebeians may be judged according to the common course of justice , which may there appear in its natural being , there arising no politick grounds to disturb the course of it ; nay , rather their little animosities are to be fomented , as cato us'd to do in his family ; and for this reason , wise antiquity permitted the encounters and battles that are still practis'd in this city , between several parties of the people ; but all assemblies of numerous bodies are to be avoided as the plague , because nothing can sooner overturn the commonwealth , than the facility the people may meet with in getting together to confer or debate about their grievances ; nay , this thing is so dangerous , that it is to be detested and abhorr'd , even in the nobility , because that there being in all bodies some ill humours , if they are not united , either they do not work at all , or do not work ill ; but if they once are in a mass , and take their course one way , they not only are hard to cure , but often prove mortal to the body . let there be a careful watch upon all seditious discourses , nay , upon all speculative ones that seem any way to censure the government ; and set before your eyes the example of heresies , which have never so much wasted the church as when they have had their beginnings from curiosity and jests . let the city arsenal be kept up , though there be not present occasion for it , because things that depend upon time , must be anticipated by time . let the masters and tradesmen of the place be kept satisfied , and upon any fault committed , let the punishment be paternal ; that is , with seeming rigour , but not such as to make them run away ; for , if possible , they are to believe the fable of the mouse , who thought its hole to be all the world. let the publick secretaries , and all other officers that must be inform'd of the publick concerns , be chosen with care , as like to be faithful and diligent ; but when once admitted , though they should prove otherwise , let them be born withal , because there is need of but a few to do well : but every single officer can do hurt ; and it 's much easier to defend ones self from a potent foreign enemy , than from an ill-meaning servant . let the manufactures which are peculiar to venice , be preserv'd ; and to that end let them not be loaded with many impositions , because that profit and gain which has made men venture through a thousand difficulties , to discover new worlds , will still carry the merchant , if he cannot have it at home , to seek it abroad , though he go to the antipodes for it . preserve the artists therefore , remembring that most arts are a kind of phantastick being . the marriages between noblemen and women of the city , may be tolerated , if the women are very rich ; because it often happens that the industry of many years of the plebeians , serves only to enrich the house of a nobleman ; and it is a gentle imperceptible sort of usurpation ; 't is true , 't is something abating of the lustre of the noble families ; but that is only in abstract and in general , but in reality it advantages the nobility ; and there need be no fear that the children be degenerate and base , because nothing so debases a nobleman as poverty : besides , there results from this another great advantage , which is , to make the plebeians concern'd by affection for the nobility , and bound to study their advantage by a much sweeter tye than that of obedience . let the considerable honours of the commonwealth be disposed of to those who may naturally pretend to them , for having gone through the many employments , which are steps to the highest dignities , making always an allowance for extraordinary merit , in which the state can never be too prodigal : for otherwise to prefer those who cannot reckon themselves among the lawful pretenders , gives just offence to the others his equals , and likewise strengthens the pretensions of the unworthy , who not seeing any thing in that fortunate man that exceeds their ordinary talent , cannot imagine why he should be preferr'd , and they excluded from the like dignities . the subject on the other hand is hardly brought to pay excessive reverence where they never us'd to give but ordinary respect ; and from this argues , that the dignity it self is not of so much value , since it is bestowed upon so inconsiderable a person . and because it is in the nature of all sublunary things to have a mixture of imperfection , i must own , that the republick of venice has likewise its defects ; and the chief one is , that the body of the nobility is too numerous to be aristocratical ; therefore it will always be expedient to contrive , by all arts imaginable , that the great council do delegate the greatest authority that may be to the senate and the council of ten : but this must be done by secret imperceptible ways , such as shall not be discover'd till after 't is done , because when they have once for all parted with their power , it will be a happy settlement of the deliberating part , and if the same can be composed in the judiciary and distributive power , it may be hop'd , that the constitution of the state will be more vigorous : it cannot be denied but the great council does relish very much of the mobile , and by consequent , subject to impetuous deliberations , not always weigh'd in the ballance of prudence and experience . and truly i admire , that wise antiquity did not gain this point , it being easie for them to take advantage of the simplicity of their times ; or at least to have prolong'd the time of the great magistratures further than from year to year , at the end of which they now must have a new confirmation from the senate ; for this being design'd to prevent the falling into the tyranny of the great ones , does unawares run the state into that of the meaner sort , so much the more odious by how much 't is more numerous and unexperienc'd ; we should see more vigorous resolutions in the senators , if they were not continually obliged to court the favour of the piazza . the office of avogadore is to be disposed of with extream circumspection , and that to persons of eminency , such as have no need of fawning upon the multitude of the great council , and then the senate and council of ten might make some steps beyond their natural authority , which would be born with patience , and time would give them prescription : whereas , if an avogadore , to make himself popular , shall carry these deliberations to the great councils censure , immediately out of jealousie they are annull'd , though never so expedient . therefore if that office of avogadore cannot be placed in the hands of one who inclines more to the patritian than to the popular side , it would be well to give it to one of mean spirit , and a quiet temper ; or if it be disposed of to an unquiet bold man , let him be one who lies under some infamous imputation of corruption , or other enormity , to the end that the first may not be able , nor the latter dare to affront , and try it with the grandees of the state ; otherwise an avogadore of parts , integrity and malignity , may easily set fire to the four corners of the commonwealth . for the same reasons it will always be well to lessen the authority of the quaranties , they being naturally popular . they were constituted numerous , to prevent the venality of justice ; but on the other hand they are subject to gather peccant humours , and afford too much nourishment to a feverish temper : they may be born with in the administration of civil justice , but in criminals their power should be lessen'd , which may be done by the council of ten 's taking to their cognizance all criminal cases that they can any ways draw to them , and by leaving off the custom of deligating the power of the senate and signoria to these quaranties , as is now practis'd but too often . if these quaranties were quite taken away , it would be better for the government , but then it would be as necessary to provide some other way for so many necessitous and idle persons . it were well to use all means to take from them the authority of judging noblemen in criminal cases ; for so by degrees they will lose many of the priviledges affected to the nobility , as also i could wish they were totally excluded from the senate ; but that is more to be wish'd than hop'd for . as for the people , let them always be provided for by plenty of things for sustenance , and as cheap as may be : for the nature of the rabble is so malicious , that even when scarcity of provisions comes from the failing of the crops , they nevertheless impute it to the malice or negligence of the great ones : so there is no way to make them hold their peace , but to stop their mouths . employ as many of the people as may be in the service of the publick , that so drawing their livelyhood from the government , they may have affection for it , and the numbers of the necessitous will thereby be lessen'd : for if hunger and want can make strong towns yield , it will likewise incite men to venture their lives in desperate attempts , rather than linger in misery . yet still i would not advise to take any into office that had not first gain'd wherewithal to subsist in a mediocrity ; for else it will be but giving him a kind of leave to cheat , to the great damage of the publick . as for the married women of the city , let there be care taken to keep them honest ; and to have them so , they must be kept retir'd , remembring , that the beginnings of all corruption in that kind are slight , and proceed from a look or a salute . let one modern abuse be reform'd , which is , that the noblemen do take upon them to force the people to make agreements , payments , or marriages , and not dare to have recourse to the publick authority , upon which this is an usurpation : if this be not remedied , 't is enough to cause another sicilian vespers : besides , that it is likely to set all the nobility together by the ears , while each will maintain his own friends and dependants . in all occurrences where the publick faith is engaged , let it be inviolably kept , without minding any present advantage that might accrew by the breaking of it ; for that is but momentaneous : whereas the benefit of keeping faith is eternal ; and a prince that breaks his word , must invent a new religion to make himself be believed another time , seeing the oaths he made in the religion he professes have not been able to bind him . let the nobles forbear all trading ; for a state that will have merchants , must not have their governours exercise that profession , because the merchants will always be afraid of being brow-beaten in bargains , and over-aw'd in their dealings . the spaniards , who have so little kindness for the venetian government , have not a more odious name than to call it , a republick of merchants . by an ancient law , a nobleman tax'd with trading , cannot enter into a turnament , as not being fit company for cavaliers . merchandise may in a short time either extreamly enrich , or totally ruine a family , both which are dangerous for the commonwealth . besides , a merchant is of a necessity in some measure a foreigner , while his trade and interest lies abroad , and a nobleman ought to have no interest nor affection but at home . if politicians have taught , that it is not safe for a great city to have too sumptuous palaces and villas in its territory , lest the fear of losing of them should incline them to yield the very city to a potent enemy : what shall we say of those nobles , who , being engag'd in trade , may have many thousands of crowns in an enemies country ? in the beginnings of a commonwealth , merchandising was necessary to get out of poverty , and now 't is dangerous , as being the fomenter of too much luxury . the genoueses who have continued the trading of their nobility , have but small respect shew'd them by other princes , and are more valued one by one than altogether . let superfluous pomps be forbidden , though if they were only followed by the rich , it would be of use to the government , because it would bleed those who are too sanguine ; but by reason of the emulation which is between those of the same degree , the permitting of them would prove ruinous to many families , who could neither avoid them , nor go through with them : and whoever by a punctilio of honour is brought to the necessity of doing more than he is able , must use , to compass it , such means as he ought not to employ . before a law be made and promulgated , let it be well thought on and debated : but being once made , let it be observed , and the non-observance of it punished ; because whoever suffers disobedience in small matters , teaches it in greater : and that nobleman who thinks to distinguish himself by slighting of the laws , offends both his country and himself by such an example , more than by any dissoluteness he could be guilty of , because he directly strikes at the publick authority ; and besides , such a custom once taking root in a commonwealth , and being an inveterate abuse among the nobility , it is not to be reform'd with less than the loss of the lives of half the body . if there be an occasion of coming to some resolution that may be thought unpleasing to the generality , particularly in point of justice , let it be given out , that it was carried by a thin majority , that at least they who were against it , may please themselves in thinking they had many of their opinion . let the secrets of the government be kept inviolably , and do not forget that ancient record of the venetian circumspection , which was , that when the general carmagnuola was condemned , the resolution ( though taken by three hundred and fifteen senators ) never took air for eight months together before the execution ; which is a thing that the most absolute princes could not have met with in the fidelity of three or four state-ministers , though bound by excessive rewards to secresy . and what a wonderful thing was the deposition of the doge foscari , conceal'd by his own brother ? certainly one cannot without tears observe , that in our times so great a quality which seem'd to be proper to the venetian commonwealth , is something altered by the inconsideration of the young nobility , who , not out of disloyalty , but too much freedom , do let things slip from them which ought to be conceal'd . i think every venetian nobleman ought to teach his children the use of secresie with their catechism ; but the better way were to forbid all talking of public concerns out of the place where they are properly to be deliberated on , and much less among those who are partakers of the secret. let the honours and dignities of the commonwealth be dispensed regularly , and by degrees , avoiding all sudden flights , because they are dangerous : to see a cloud enlighten'd of a sudden , is most commonly a sign of a thunderbolt to come out of it ; and he that from a private man leaps in an instant to the port of a prince , has something of the player . honours given by degrees keep the young nobility from attaining them before they are ripe for them ; and we may observe , that as in physick a man moderately learned , but well experienc'd , is safer for the health of the body natural ; so in the government of the commonwealth , a man often employed , though , perhaps of less acuteness , succeeds best . all matters of benefices are very properly under the cognizance of the great council , but it would be as proper to take away all appeals to the quaranties , and place them in the senate , because it often happens , that these causes are to be decided according to reason of state ; and those quarantia judges put little value upon those politick reasons : and besides , it seems a great incongruity , that a sentence , where the person of the doge , and the whole signoria , both intervene , should afterwards be lyable to the censure of forty persons of lesser value . i believe if it were observed to chastise rigorously , but secretly all those lawyers and their clients , who carry these appeals to the quarantias , the use of them would be less frequent , and in time they would be forborn , as if they were forbidden . if it should fall out , that any of your subjects should procure a decree in the rota , or court of rome , you must rigorously command from him a renunciation ab impetratis , else all beneficiary causes will be devolv'd to rome , where they are look'd upon as sacred , and so a fourth part of all civil causes would be lost for your own courts : auditors of the rota are to be with the commonwealth , like bishops in partibus infidelium , a thing of title , but without subjects . let the bishops of the venetian state be always praecogniz'd in the consistory by a venetian cardinal , without the circumstance of creating him special procurator ; but as protector , which he really ought to be as other cardinals brag they are so , for other states . for the court of rome , to avoid these procurations to venetian cardinals , would perhaps desist making any of that nation , that so they might oblige the state to have recourse to strangers , which in time would also prejudice the pretence of being treated as crown'd heads . if the preconisation be made otherwise , let the state seize the temporalities of the bishoprick , and stop all pensions laid upon it : 't is true , that if the cardinal nipote should make the preconisation , and enjoy at the same time the priviledge of a venetian nobleman , it could not well be rejected . if it should ever happen that there should be a pope , i won't say a venetian , for that would be of more danger than advantage to the government , but a foreigner well inclin'd to the venetian republick , then would be the time to obtain once for all the grant of the tenths upon the clergy , as once it was got under clement the sixth , whose bull is unfortunately lost ; for 't is troublesome to get it renew'd every five year or seven year ; and it would be a point gain'd which still would more and more equal the republick with crown'd heads ; as also if in the titles given by the pope to the doge , there could be gain'd the superlative , as carissimo or dilectissimo , as is usual to crown'd heads , it would be a new lustre to the republick , which for want of these things , and also because that never any venetian nuncio was promoted to be cardinal , is look'd upon at rome as a kind of third power between crown'd heads and the ducal state. if , i say , all this could be gain'd by the state from a pope , there might be some return made , by making a law , that church-men in criminals should not be judged by any tribunal but the council of ten , or delegates from that council . and now i am speaking of that council , i cannot but inculcate , that all means possible should be used to hinder an avogadore from daring to carry the decrees of the council of ten to be re-view'd or censur'd by any other council : but rather , if there ought to be any change made in them , let it be by the same power that made them ; otherwise the consequence will be a constant annihilation of their decrees , and a manifest depression of the great nobility , with an exaltation of the lesser . touching the authority of this council , i have this more to say , that i could wish , that the delegations of its power were less frequent , with great regard to the dignity of the persons , as well as to the splendor of the government , which is always more reverenced when it is least communicated , like the sun-beams , which in that glorious body are of gold , but communicated to the moon , are but of silver . indeed our ancestors would have deserved well of us , if they had lengthened the time of this magistracy : but because that which was not done in those old times , can hardly be hop'd in these modern ones , the only remedy would be to obtain a continuation of the same persons for another year , under pretext of avoiding so many various elections in so short a time as must be made by a scrutiny in the pregadi : 't is true , that would exempt the persons continued from the governments of expence ; but as long as that exemption did not extend beyond a year , there would be little inconvenience in it : and if it be objected , that this would too much strengthen the authority of the great ones , i answer , that it lasting but a few months , could not be of ill consequence : and on the other side , those hands are , as it were , tied up , which ought to be at liberty to do justice , while every week they may be canvass'd and teas'd by a party of mean persons , both for the conditions of their mind and fortune : i have often admired how the council of ten ( having already all the criminal power , and a good part of the judiciary in civil causes , as well as in state-affairs ) have suffered themselves to be thus fetter'd , it seeming to me almost impossible that the inferiour sort should at the time of this modification have so far prevail'd over the middling nobility , as to make them forget , that it is much better obeying a few great ones , than a multitude of inferiours . the prudence of the great ones must be awak'd , to take all secret advantage to repair these past omissions by means not easily penetrated . let vertue be esteem'd where-ever it is ; and if it be eminent in one who is not noble , let it find a regard ; for he has made himself noble ; and all hereditary nobility has had its beginning from some personal eminency . and thus much for the first head. the second head , which is concerning the government of your subjects , may be divided into those who confine upon the sea , and in your islands , and those of terra firma . as to the first , there needs not much speculation ; for they confining only upon the turk , and there being among them but few persons of note or riches , there remains nothing but to shew your selves just by giving them good rulers ; and there you ought to be very careful : for if they have justice and plenty , they will never think of changing their masters : those few of istria and dalmatia , that confine upon the emperour , have not in themselves any qualities to waken your jealousie , and are besides well affectioned to the government of the republick . for your greek subjects of the island of candia , and the other islands of the levant , there is no doubt but there is some greater regard to be had of them , first , because that the greek faith is never to be trusted ; and perhaps they would not much stick at submitting to the turk , having the example of all the rest of their nation before their eyes : these therefore must be watch'd with more attention , lest , like wild beasts , as they are , they should find an occasion to use their teeth and claws ; the surest way is to keep good garrisons to awe them , and not use them to arms or musters , in hopes of being assisted by them in an extremity : for they will always shew ill inclinations proportionably to the strength they shall be masters of , they being of the nature of the gally-slaves , who , if they were well us'd , would return the kindness , by seizing the gally , and carry it and its commander to algiers : wine and bastonadoes ought to be their share , and keep good nature for a better occasion . as for the gentlemen of those collonies , you must be very watchful of them ; for besides the natural ferocity of the climate , they have the character of noblemen , which raises their spirits , as the frequent rebellions of candia do sufficiently evidence . the use of colonies was advantageous to the roman commonwealth , because they preserv'd even in asia and africa , roman inclinations , and with them a kindness for their country . if the gentlemen of these colonies do tyrannize over the villages of their dominion , the best way is not to seem to see it , that there may be no kindness between them and their subjects ; but if they offend in any thing else , 't will be well to chastise them severely , that they may not brag of any priviledges more than others : it will not be amiss likewise to dispute all their pretensions to any particular jurisdiction ; and if at any time their nobility or title be disputed , it will do well to sell them the confirmation of it at as dear a rate as possible : and , in a word , remember that all the good that can come from thence is already obtain'd , which was 〈◊〉 the venetian dominion ; and for the future there is nothing but mischief to be expected from them . as for the subjects of terra firma , there is required a more abstruse way of governing , by distinguishing those who by an ancient inclination are well affected to the republick , as those of brescia , crema , and bergamo , and also those of vicenza ; for to them there ought to be suitable returns of kindness made upon occasion to the others , who only have a kindness of obedience , such as are the veroneses , padouans and trevigians , it will be good to make shew of great justice towards them , but not let slip any occasion of keeping them low : it is good to wink at the fewds and enmities that happen among them , for from these two benefits arise to the commonwealth , to wit , private discord among themselves , and good confiscations to the publick . let all extortions and oppressions committed by the gentry upon the people , be severely punished , that the people may be affectionate to the government , as being particularly protected by it : in all occasions of taxes and impositions , suffer not any remonstrances , remembring how in 1606. there had like to have been a league between the brescian and veroneze , in order to obtain an abolition of imposts , and with what boldness the brescian embassadours made their complaints in the senate : it was a very previous disposition to a rebellion ; therefore it will be fit to let them know , that if the state think good to lay a tax , there is no way of avoiding it . those who in the councils of these towns , are of a resolute nature , and somewhat refractory to the orders of the state , you must either ruin or oblige , even at the publick charge : for a small leven is enough to ferment a great mass of bread. the brescians have a priviledge which you must infringe upon all fit opportunities , which is , that no estates of brescians can be bought but by brescians themselves : for if the venetians could extend themselves in that most fertile country , in a few years it would be as it is now with the padouans , who have scarce a third of their own country left them . in the case of a rich heiress , it will be well to endeavour , by all fair means , to marry her with some of the venetian nobility , to enrich them , and impoverish the others . let their governours be chosen among those of the highest spirits of the venetian nobility , that they may in them venerate the prince : for every man naturally gives more credit to his eyes than to his ears . observe however this caution in taxing , that you do not thereby hinder plenty : for though men may be perswaded to part with superfluities , yet not with what is necessary for life . as for employments , if there be room , omit not to give them to the natives , but still in places remote from their own dwelling , and keep them there as long as may be , that they may lose their interest at home . if there be heads of factions among them , they must be exterminated any way ; but if you have them in prison , 't is better to use poyson than the hangman , because the advantage will be the same , and the odium less . you must have an account of the taxes that their neighbours the milaneses undergo , and still let those of the venetian subjects be something lighter in comparison ; and moreover let them be free from quartering of souldiers , which is in it self the heaviest of all tyrannical oppressions . let the great crimes be still brought before the council of ten , that the veneration for the power at distance may be greater , and likewise because the ministers of justice will be less subject to be corrupted , when the criminals are in the prisons of the state. let the process against them be tedious , that so the slowness of proceedings may be some part of punishment : but for the banditi , if they dare to appear in the state , let them be extermined with all industry ; for there cannot be a greater demonstration of contempt in the subject , and weakness of the prince , than for a condemned man to dare to come into the dominions out of which he has been banished , as if one should frequent another man's house in spight of his teeth . the bishopricks and other church-preferments may be conferr'd upon the natives , first , to avoid the imputation of too much avarice in the venetian nobility , if they should take all preferments to themselves . secondly , in order to debase the spirits of the natives , and turn them off from arms to an idle life : besides , it will be a kind of a shadow of liberty , to make them bear their subjection the better . but as much as it may be convenient to let them attain the degree of bishops , so much would it be dangerous to let them arrive to that of cardinal ; for then they will be sure to abhor the quality of subjects , since those who wear that purple have usurp'd the precedency even over princes . let every city have the making of their own gentry by their common-council ; for that will make it so much the meaner ; but still let them be bound to have the confirmation from the senate . let all those families who apply themselves to the service of foreign princes , be upon all occasions slighted , and not at all countenanced by the government , intimating to them by that silent notice , that he deserves little of his own prince who seeks employment with a foreign one : and if any of these who have serv'd abroad , should be so bold , as to contend with a venetian nobleman , if it be at venice , let the punishment be severe , if he be in the wrong ; but if it is in his own country , let it be gentle , that the opinion of the publick justice may be advantageously insinuated to the people ; and likewise , that the noble venetians themselves may avoid contests , where they are not more immediately protected . let the citadels of the chief cities be well provided , as much against a foreign enemy , as to chastise a rebellion at home , nothing so much inclining to offend , as the hopes of impunity : and it may indeed be said , that if men were certain of a punishment to follow , they would never offend at all ; but a prince that is sufficiently provided , is sufficiently safe . remember , that as it is very hard to find either a wife or a monk , that one time or another have not repented the loss of their natural liberty , so the same may be said of subjects , who fancy that they have parted with more of that they were born to than was necessary for their well-being . and let this suffice for the second head. coming now to those several princes with whom the venetian republick may have concerns , we will begin with the pope , as being the first in dignity , if not in power . and here we must have a two-fold consideration , he being to be look'd upon as a spiritual and as a temporal prince . there has been some advertisements given already about his spiritual power : we will add here what was then omitted : first , we must admire the wonderful state of that monarchy , which from a mean and persecuted condition , for the series of many years , in which the very exercise of religion was punished with death , is arriv'd to so much greatness , that all regal dignities of the same communion , pay homage to this spiritual monarch , by the kissing of his feet . god almighty has been pleased this way to shew the reward of christian religion , by raising to the supreamest greatness the institutors and ministers of it ; but the piety of christian princes has very much tributed to it ; and the first was constantine : this emperor not only embrac'd the christian faith , but enrich'd the church extreamly , and since his time several other emperors and kings have , as it were , vied with one another , who should give most : but that which is most inscrutable is , how with their riches they came to give away also their jurisdiction and power . for six hundred years after the coming of christ the popes were always confirmed by the emperors , or in their steads , by the exarcks of ravenna ; and in the very patent of confirmation there was always written these words , regnante tali domino nostro . in the year 518. the emperor justinus sent from constantinople his embassadors to pope hormisda , to confirm the authority of the apostolical sea , and to announce peace to the church . in 684. constantine the second gave to benedictus the second a concession , by which , for the future , the election of popes should be made by the clergy and people of rome , and should not need the confirmation of the emperour , nor of the exarck , not reflecting , that the holiness of those times might come to change it self into an interest of state. bonifacius the third obtained of the emperour phocas , that all other christian churches might be obedient to the roman . after this , in the year 708. justinus the second was the first that submitted to kiss the pope's feet ; and that pope's name was constantine : but adrian the first having received great favours from charles the first , king of france , did in a council of one hundred and fifty three bishops , confer upon him the authority of chusing the popes , which was about the year 773. a priviledge which his son lewis the pious knew not how to keep , but parted with it for the imaginary title of pi●us ; to which might be added that of simple . howsoever scandalous the emperours were in their lives , the popes did use to bear with them , referring to god almighty the punishment of them : but in the year 713. philip , emperour of constantinople , being fallen into heresy , was excommunicated by pope constantine , and had the reward due for all the honours and priviledges given by his predecessors to the popes . this was the very first time that the imperial power was forc'd to stoop to the papal ; and yet at the same time the church of milan claim'd an independency from the roman , and maintain'd it for above two hundred years , being countenanc'd by the emperours , who often came into italy , and in their absence hy the exarcks of ravenna , till at last in the year 1057. it yielded up the contest to pope stephen the ninth . in the year 1143. celestin the second was the first pope chosen by cardinals in exclusion to the people . i have made this narration , that it may appear by what degrees this spiritual monarchy has increased ; and in it , the goodness of christian princes is not more to be admired than the dexterity of the popes , in not omitting any occasion to gain ground . at present the emperour is chosen by a pontifical bull , where the power of election is committed to the three ecclesiastical , and four secular electors , with an obligation nevertheless in the emperour chosen , to receive his confirmation and coronation from the pope ; so that the subject is at last become prince over his own prince , not without some reflection of weakness upon otho the fourth , emperour of germany , who in the year 994. agreed with pope gregory to settle the election in this manner , for the honour ( as he thought ) of the german nation , but with great diminution of the imperial dignity . to this grandeur of the papacy , if we add that of having subjected to its power all the other bishops of christendom , and obtain'd to be own'd the first of all the patriarchs , who long contested its primacy . i say , so high a power ought to make all other well-govern'd states very wary in their proceedings with it , and to have a careful eye upon all those occasions wherein the pontifical authority may be still enlarged , because 't is observed , that all courtesies and favours of princes are in that court turn'd to debts and claims in the space of a few years ; and to obtain the possession , they do not spare for exorcisms and anathema's . there is one custom , or rather abuse introduc'd in that court , which deserves great consideration from princes , which is the power the pope has assum'd of deposing princes and soveraigns , and giving their kingdoms and states to others , under pretext of ill government . the prodigal son in the gospel did not lose his right to his portion , though he was resolv'd to dissipate and consume it viciously , because that title which we receive from nature can never be lost in our whole life . the kings of navar were fain to go vagabonds about the world for the sake of a bit of parchment which pope julius the second put out against them , whereby king john the second lost his kingdom , which was given to ferdinand● of arragon ; and had not providence brought them to the crown of france , there would have been no mention in the world of the kings of navar . from this liberty of taking away kingdoms , the popes assume that of erecting them pope paul the fourth made ireland a kingdom , and pius the fifth erected tuscany into a great dutchy . queen elizabeth of england , was deposed by paul the third , and according to the usual custom , her kingdom given to philip the second of spain , who was to execute the papal sentence ; but he met with the winds and seas , and the english ships , which quite defeated his armada . in france , by a priviledge of the gallican church , they admit of no bulls that contain deprivation of kings , but keep to the right of succession : and indeed to depose an actual king , and give away his kingdom , is not only to destroy a suppos'd delinquent , but to punish an innocent successour , and likewise to prejudice the right of election in those who have it . on the other hand england has often thought fit to make it self tributary to the see of rome by the peter-pence , the first time under pope leo the fourth , and more remarkably under king john , in 1214. to avoid the invasion from france ; but henry the eighth delivered himself once for all , and not only refused the tribute , but made himself amends by seizing the church-lands . the fresh example of paul the fifth towards this republick is never to be forgot , who charitably would have govern'd another bodies house , under pretext that the master did not understand how to do it himself : and the constancy of the venetian republick will have given fair warning to the court of rome , how they undertake such quarrels , since they were forced to come to an agreement with very little satisfaction or honour on their side , having been obliged tacitely to give up their claim ; for to demand peremptorily , and then relinquish the demand , is a sign it was not well founded in justice ; and the absolution refus'd , was proof enough , that the excommunication was void in it self : so that the advantage that has accrew'd to the venetian government from the contest , has been much greater than the damage sustain'd in it . if ever for the future , which i scarce believe , there should happen an occasion of an interdict from the court of rome to the republick , i should advise presently to post up in rome an appellation to the future council , which is a cruel blow to them : for first , it insinuates the superiority of the council over the pope ; and secondly , it revives the memory of councils , and lets them see they are not things quite forgot all the world over . if there be care taken to examine well all bulls that come from rome , and the observation of what has been hitherto practis'd , be strictly continued , it may be hop'd , that the republick shall not undergo any greater subjection than other princes , but rather shall have some liberty above them , particularly more than the spaniards , who find their account in complying with the tyranny of rome , because they receive at the same time great favours from it , and are proud of maintaining its authority . to say truth , the popes hitherto have shew'd little kindness to the republick , and except the priviledges granted by alexander the third , which serve more to register to the world the action of the republick , in restoring and protecting him , than for any thing else : for the doge might of himself without the papal concession , have assum'd those other little ornaments of the ombrella , the standard and the sword : so that bating the concessions of the decimes upon the clergy , and the nominations to the bishopricks ▪ this country of ours feels but slender effects of the pontifical kindness , which may be an advantage upon all occurrences of interest of state to stick the closer to that , because there needs no complements where every one desires but his own . in considering the secular power of the pope , we will do it upon five heads , which may serve to examine all other princes interests with the republick . first , if it be advantageous to the republick to have the church grow greater . secondly , what title , inclination or facility the popes may have to acquire any part of the state of the republick . thirdly , what inclination , title or facility the republick may have to acquire any part of the state of the church . fourthly , if the church may unite with the republick , to acquire the state of any other princes . fifthly , if the church can unite with other princes , to hinder the progress of the arme of the republick . to begin with the first , we will answer with a general rule , which is , that it never is advantageous to a prince , who desires to remain free and powerful , to let another grow great , except it be to lessen a third , who is greater than them both ; and if he that is thus agrandiz'd be a neighbour , his advancement is so much more to be feared : these alterations indeed may not be so dangerous to a little prince , who does not fear depending upon a great one , to avoid being molested by one who is already too strong for him . but to come closer to the case of the republick , we will say , that if the church could make it self master of any part of the king of spain's dominions in italy , where he is the greatest prince , they might hope for the consent of the republick , which is the second great italian potentate , because by that means the republick might become the first ; and however , the strength of the church will always give less jealousie to the republick , than the spanish power in italy ; for the nature of the pontifical principality is elective and temporary , and the aims and designs of that court vary according to the genius of the several popes ; and sometimes it is subject to long vacancies : whereas the monarchy of spain is successive , and , as one may say , eternal , and govern'd by standing lasting maxims . but if the church be to grow great by the spoils of any other italian prince , it would be the interest of the republick to oppose it , because the damage thence resulting is evident , and the advantage dangerous . it ought to be well consider'd , how the state of the church is increased in this last century . the custom that was in the church before , to give infeodations upon slight acknowledgments , had brought that power to be more of show than real strength ; but julius the second , succeeding alexander the sixth , made borgia , duke of volentine , nephew to alexander , who had seiz'd upon all those infeodations in romania , refund them to the church , and added to them the conquest of bologna , and got also from the republick the cities of cervia , rimini , ravenna , faenza , imola , and others , to which , under clement the eighth , was added the whole dutchy of ferrara , and lately that of vrbin : so that these acquisitions alone would make up a great principality : and the church seems to want nothing towards the making of it the most considerable power of italy , than the addition of parma and piacenza , and some little independent castles in the territories about rome : besides , it can never more be lessen'd by infeodations , that being quite left off by that court : so that to let the church grow any greater in italy , generally speaking , cannot be for the interest of the venetian republick . to the second point , what title , inclination or facility the church may have to acquire any portion of the state of the republick , we shall say , that since the court makes profession of the extreamest justice , and that likewise they are loth to begin the example of princes usurping upon one another , i think they can hardly set up any title but upon the polesine of rovigo , which they say was formerly annex'd to the dutchy of ferrara ; and in the times that the dispute was between the dukes of ferrara and the republick , the popes always shewed themselves smart defenders of the dukes : of four interdicts published by the church against the venetians , two of them were for this very cause , the first in the year 1305. the second in the year 1483. under sixtus the fourth , at which time indeed the republick had taken the whole dutchy of ferrara , by the instigation of the pope himself ; but he being friends with the duke , commanded them to restore what they had taken , which they refusing to do , he fulminated his excommunication and interdict ; but a peace following , the republick kept by agreement the polesine of rovigo : the third interdict was in 1505. under julius the second , because the republick had several cities of romania in their possessions , and the last of all was now lately under paul the fifth : so that if the popes shewed such a concern for the thing when it was only belonging to the dukes of ferrara , much more would they do it now when the profit would be their own : so that we may believe that as to this they do own a title , and have likewise inclination enough to regain this bit of territory that is lopp'd off from them . we are therefore to consider what facility they have to do it ; and i do not believe that ever of themselves they will kindle the fire , but make advantage of one ready kindled by some other , as it happened under julius the second : nay , if they reflect upon the great rule of preserving the liberty of italy , they will not for so small a matter enter into a league against the republick ; for it is of greater concern to them not to break the ballance of dominion in italy , lest the tramontani should take advantage of it , and subdue all . but this very reason was strong in pope julius the second's time , and yet was without effect in a mind bent all upon particular interest ; wherefore i conclude , that we are not to expect greater temper in the modern popes , but ought to rest satisfied , that if a powerful foreign prince should promise them the acquisition of the state of the republick , they would embrace the motion without delay . to the third question , i say , that the republick might have just reason to make themselves amends for the country they lost in romagna , it not being a thing they had usurp'd from the church , but a voluntary dedition of those cities who were tyranniz'd over by little tyrants , that had taken occasion from the negligence of popes to make themselves masters of those places : they were yielded up by the republick , to take off julius the second , who was the great fomentour of the fire which was kindled against the venetians in the league of cambray , where the forces of all the princes of christendom were united against them ; and without doubt , upon good circumstances the republick might justifie the re-taking of these towns ; and i believe there is inclination enough to do it , all princes being willing to extend their territories ; but the point is the facility of doing it , which i think altogether remote ; for all other italian princes , if not out of conscience , yet out of ostentation of religion , would be backward to fall upon the church ; and except it should happen that some one of them should grow too powerful for all the others united , and so be able to right himself , i think the state of the church need not fear being lessen'd . to the fourth question , i answer in the negative , and do not believe that the church would joyn with the republick , to acquire the state of any other prince , except it were such a one as the church had a pretence upon , and then they would keep all , which would not please the republick : besides , we ought to reflect upon the genius of the popedom , which being elective , most commonly the popes have no other aim than to keep all quiet , and preserve the general respect of princes towards them , that in that decrepit age they may make their families , their thoughts being far from enlarging a dominion which they expect to leave every day ; and in the mean time , all the ready money , which else they might lay up , would go upon projects of a very uncertain event : and 't is a wonderful thing that julius the second , being of a very mean birth , should have had so great a sence of the publick interest of the church , as to forego all his private concerns , and take the empty praises of his courtiers in payment for the loss of such real advantages as he might have made to his family . the last query depends , in a great measure , upon the others . i do not think it would be easie to concert the union of the pope with other princes , in order to attack the republick , because it will never be advantageous to the church to increase the power of that other prince ; neither will it look like the justice they profess , to take to themselves alone the spoils , except it be upon a country on which they have a pretence : 't is true , that in those noysie excommunications where they deprive princes of their dominions , and give them to others that can take them , there might be some danger ; but they are seldom practiz'd but in an attempt made by a prince upon the church , which is never to be feared from the piety and moderation of the republick . there is no doubt but the church would enter into a league to hinder any progress of the republick , particularly against any dependant of theirs ; and also in case the republick attack'd some small prince , the popes , to affect the protection of the weak , would declare ; but if the republick had to do with a strong prince , the church would look on , for fear of greatning too much that prince , the rather , because the republick can lay claim to none of those old ticklish titles which some other princes might set a-foot against the church . and so much for the pope . now let us come to the emperour : the republick must never forget that maxim which is common to all princes bordering upon the empire , which is , that it is not convenient for them to see the emperour made more powerful , lest he renew those antiquated titles he has to most dominions near him , and particularly in italy . the power of the roman commonwealth , which extended almost over all the known world , being at last usurp'd by julius caesar , and from him deriv'd to a long series of succeeding emperours , might give the german emperour a pretext to reckon with all the princes of europe , if he were strong enough ; and perhaps many who wear crowns , would be reduc'd to beggary ; therefore 't is best to keep him in his cold country of germany , where mens spirits are benumm'd , and less undertaking . the republick has reason to distrust him upon many heads ; as emperour he has pretences upon the dutchy of frioul , and the marca trevisana , besides the cities of trevisa , padoua , vicenza and verona : as arch-duke , he pretends to istria : as king of hungary , to zara , and the neighbouring country : so that his titles and neighbourhood are considerably dangerous ; all these countries are besides of greater antiquity than the city of venice it self : so that their being subject to a metropolis of a younger standing , gives some suspicion of the lawfulness of their subjection . all these pretences were renewed in the league of cambray ; therefore i think , without hesitation , i may pronounce , that it is the interest of the republick that the emperour should be kept low , both for general and particular reasons . from these reflections we may also conclude , that the emperour to these titles does not want inclination to acquire a part of the territories of the republick ; particularly it being yet a complaint of that prince , of the little respect show'd him by the republick , when taking advantage of his distractions , they erected the fortress of palma nuova just under his nose . there remains therefore to see what facility he might find in such an attempt . in the present state of his affairs , while the faction of the protestants is so strong in germany , i cannot think that he can quarrel with the republick , which is as powerful in money as he is in men : for in length of time 't is certain , that he who has money may have men , and they who have many men must consume much money : 't is true , he being so near a borderer upon the republick , it may give him the more confidence , because a lesser number will be necessary to make the invasion ; but if the enterprize be not in the name of the whole empire , in which case the whole german nation would be a party , i believe , with the help of his own patrimonial dominions , he will not do any great matter , the rather , because many great heretical princes and cities of germany have the same interest to keep him low : so that as he might perhaps be pretty smart upon an invasion or incursion , at length of time he would prove as weak to hold out a war : and indeed this was the true cause of erecting the fortress of palma nuova , to obviate a sudden incursion of his forces , and provide a retreat for the country-people ; so to gain time , which is always as advantageous to the republick , as dangerous to such an enemy , who if he have not some body to furnish him with money , will get but little ground , tho his army be numerous , as it was in the time of maximilian . now whether the republick has any title , inclination or facility to acquire any part of the emperour's territories ? i answer , that without doubt the republick has pretences upon goritia and gradisca , which formerly belong'd to the family of the frangipani , and for a little while was under the government of the republick : there are likewise some castles in istria , and upon the coast which the republick claims ; and for an inclination to acquire these , we need not doubt but the republick has it , it being either the vertue or vice of princes never to be without it : but still the great consideration lies in the facility of doing it ; for it there be that , 't is above half the title ; and if that is wanting , 't is imprudence to own any part of a pretence that must remain without execution . i believe by sea it would prove easie to take trieste , and some other places , but it would be as hard to maintain them ; and to go further into the land , would need great preparatives on the side of the republick : whereas on the emperour's side , the defence would be easie , he having a command of men : so that except in an open war , there is no thinking of any strong attempt that way , and then it were not amiss to put a good strength to it , that at the end of the war , which always must one time or another be succeeded by peace , some of the country might remain by treaty in the venetians hands , for the charges of the war ; for to begin a war only for the acquisition of these places , would not be a deliberation befitting the wisdom and gravity of the venetian senate : it would be better to watch the occasion of some extremity or pinch of an emperour , which often happens , and buy these places ; but then be aware that if it be not a patrimonial estate , the consent of the dyet is necessary to the purchase , to cut off all claims in time to come . 't is as hard , that the emperour should unite with the republick , to acquire the state of any other prince in italy , because , first , for spain , they are the same family with the emperour ; against the church he will declare as little , professing a great zeal for it , and calling himself , the churches advocate ; modena , mantoua and mirandola are fiefs of the empire ; savoy and florence are remote from him , and to come at them he must overcome greater princes that are between him and them : so that this union would prove difficult . if the emperour should fall out with some of these dukes , his vassals , and depose them , it might happen that if spain were busie elsewhere , and the emperour loth to take the trouble of chastising them himself alone , he might then unite with the republick , upon condition to have the best part of the spoil ; but if the emperour should , as formerly , come to a great rupture with the church , and employ heartily his power in the quarrel ▪ 't is not impossible but he might be willing to engage the republick by a promise of some part of the conquest . i think in any other way 't is not probable to make any advantage of the imperial assistance . the last question is , whether he can unite with others against the republick ? and of this there is no doubt : for if maximilian , tho infinitely oblig'd to the republick , made no difficulty to unite in a league with lewis the twelfth of france , his competitor and enemy , whom , for injuries received , he had declared a rebel to the sacred empire ( tho lewis laugh'd at that imaginary jurisdiction ) : i say , if he could submit to joyn with so suspected a power , much less would the emperour now scruple the uniting either with spain or the pope , or any other princes of italy , not only for to acquire territory , but even for bare money , if it were offer'd him . with france i believe the union would not be so easie as it was then , because now the emperour , being partial for spain , if their interest did not concur , they would hinder him from being drawn away by any hopes or promises : but this will appear better when we come to treat of spain : for if spain will have a league against the republick , the emperour will never stand out . now let us come to france : 't is not above fifty years ago that the republick thought themselves oblig'd not only to desire , but to procure the greatness of france , because being under the phrensie of a civil war , it threatned little less than the dissolution of that monarchy : the succession of henry the fourth to the crown , who had his title from nature , and the possession from his sword , reviv'd it , and at last gave it such vigour , that from deserving compassion , it came to move envy ; and if a fatal blow of a mean hand had not cut off that prince's life , and designs , there would have been requisite great dexterity , or great force to defend the republick from them . the count de fuentes , governour of milan , us'd to brag , that he had such musick as should make those dance who had no mind to 't : henry the fourth might have said so with much more reason , and he us'd to affirm , that at the pass things were , the neutrality of the republick was a coyn that would no longer be current . if he had given career to his no ill-founded designs , half a world would not have suffic'd him ; but we must not be frighted if we see the raging sea swell in billows , and look as if it would swallow up the earth , since a little sand stops all its fury . death has a scythe that most commonly cuts off all the noblest lives : if henry the third of france , had brought the siege of paris to an end ; if philip the second had not had the winds and seas against him , england would have been in chains , and paris would have been a village . in conclusion , the fatality of humane affairs is such , that most great undertakings are disappointed by unexpected causes . at present the constitution of france is such , that there is little danger from them ; for during the minority of their king , they will have enough to do not to lose ground , there being so many jealousies and factions a-foot : 't is true , that the common people have open'd their eyes , and begin to be weary of spending their blood for the ambition of the great ones ; and amongst these , the chiefest are old , and at their ease , so that they will think chiefly of keeping themselves in those posts they enjoy . the duke of maine , who is head of the catholick party , is very ancient and very rich ; wherefore if in the time of the great troubles , he either could not or would not aspire to make himself king , when even he had all but the name of it , 't is not to be imagined he thinks of it now ; and if he will be content with the state of a subject , he is as great as he can be . the duke of mercaeur , who in his wife 's right pretended to erect britany into a kingdom , is at last dead in hungary ; the duke of epernon is more studious of good husbandry than soldiery ; the duke of montpensier has always been true to the royal family ; the capricios of the marchioness of aumale , will hardly have any followers ; and it will be well if she can clear her self of the late king's death : on the other side , the prince of conde , the first prince of the blood , is young , and of a mild nature ; he has besides before his eyes the example of his father , grandfather , and great grandfather , who all perish'd unfortunately in civil broils , and has in his own person experimented the spanish parsimony , in his retreat from court to brussels : so that if he desires a greater fortune , he may compass it in france , from the hands of the queen her self , who is so ill a politician , as to try to put out fire with pouring oyl upon it . the hugonots are weary ; the duke of bovillon , their head , well pleased with his present fortune ; and if he have a mind to be a hugonot out of perswasion , and not faction , there is no body will hinder him ; but most of these great men have religion only for a pretext , as 't is reported likewise of the duke de lesdiguieres , which if it be true , they will never be quiet till the king be of age ; and by consequence , there will be little protection to be hop'd for from that kingdom . our speculation therefore may more certainly conclude , that the greatness of france is at a stand , and cannot in the space of some years make any progress , and till it come to an excess not to be thought on for these fifty years , it can give no jealousie to the republick . as to the title , inclination and facility that france may have to acquire any part of the republick's dominions ; i say , we need not doubt of their inclination , because princes are like wolves to one another , always ready for prey . as for title , they can set up none till they have conquer'd the dutchy of milan ; and facility they have as little , because they cannot come at the republick's territories , without first passing over those of other princes , which they will never consent to , lest they prove the first conquest themselves : whereupon i conclude , that for a long time the power of france can give no jealousie to the republick . and on the other side , the republick can have no pretences , as things stand , upon any part of the french territories , as long as they are totally excluded from italy ; and if there be no title , there is less inclination and facility . the union of france with the republick , to acquire the state of any other prince , will always be easie when france is in a condition to mind such acquisitions ; the past examples prove that sufficiently ; but they do sufficiently bear testimony likewise of the danger of such union : now that the french are totally excluded italy , they would agree to very large conditions with the republick , and allow them a great share of the kingdom of naples and dutchy of milan ; but they would no sooner have made the acquisition of their share , but they would begin to cast their eyes upon that of the republick , and enter into a league against them with some other prince , just as it happened in the time of lewis the twelfth , when to gain cremona , he was the first that consented to the league of cambray , deceiving all the while the venetian embassador at court , and affirming ( even with oaths ) , that he would never conclude any thing to the prejudice of the republick , tho he had sign'd the league above six weeks before the war began , which he exercised likewise in a most barbarous manner , hanging up the noble venetians that were governours of the towns he took . i believe france , to get footing in italy , would engage with any other prince against the republick , except with the spaniard ; and if that should happen , it would be necessary to stir up the factions of that kingdom , and bring upon them some powerful neighbour , such as england : the friendship of savoy would likewise be useful , to hinder the passes of the mountains , and make some diversion in provence and dauphine , if there could be any relying upon this present duke ; but he is a proteus , that turns himself into many forms , and with his capricio's and humours , would soon empty the treasures of s. marc : but these are things so remote , that they may be left to the prudence of those who shall live in those times ; for according to the times there must be alteration of councils . and so much for france . now let us turn to spain , a family that from low beginnings , is come by marriages to the possession of twelve kingdoms , and several dukedoms in europe , besides what it has in the indies , does certainly evidence a great favour of fortune , joyn'd with great application and industry : so that if it be not stopp'd by fatality , may bid fair for an universal empire : if charles the fifth had had as much prudence in his youth as he had in his old age , he would not have separated the empire from spain , but would have made his son philip have been chosen king of the romans , instead of his brother ferdinand : he understood his errour , and repented of it at last , trying to perswade ferdinand to a renunciation ; but he shew'd as much prudence in keeping what he had got so wonderfully into his hands , as charles would have shew'd folly in going to deprive him of it by force . charles was not less unhappy in the other act of moderation he shew'd , when he renounc'd all his kingdoms to his son , and retired to a private life ; for to one who on the anniversary day of that famous action , congratulated king philip for his felicity , he answered , that day was likewise the anniversary of his father's repentance : so that actions of moderation in princes , are but like that insect called the ephemera , which lives and dies the same day . the greatness of spain is therefore to be suspected ; it has two wild beasts that follow it always close , one on one side , and the other on the other , which is the turk by sea , and france by land ; and besides that it has that issue of holland , as witty boccalini calls it , which will sufficiently purge it of all its ill humours ; and it must be own'd , that all the spanish sagacity has not hindered them from following the fable of the dog , who forsook the substance for the shadow : for , for forty years together , france was sufficiently taken up with their own intestine broils , during which time spain might with great advantage have made a truce with holland ; and having likewise humbled the turk , by the battle of lepanto , they might have applied their whole force to italy , which had no defence but its own natives , and not of them above half : so that in all probability they could have met with no considerable opposition . one might say , that it was an effect of king philip's moderation , if he had not shew'd as great an ambition of dominion as possible , in endeavouring first to unite france to spain by conquest , then to have his daughter chosen queen , and lastly , seiz'd upon as many towns as he could ; therefore we may give the italians joy , that half an age of so much danger passed without the least loss of their liberty . now by reason of the french king's minority , the jealousies against spain are a-foot again , but , i think , not with so much ground ; for if not france , at least england , would raise their old enemies , the dutch particularly , if the italians should help with money : so that if italy can but resist the first brunt , it may hope for all sort of relief ; for france has forces , and they would soon have a will to succour italy against spain : neither do i believe , that spain would hazard the truce with holland , it having been compass'd with such difficulties , even to the loss of much of their honour and fast . 't is enough , that to all other christian princes , except the emperour , the greatness of spain is of ill consequence ; and therefore to be opposed by all secret means first , and if need be , at last openly , and without a mask . if spain has any title , inclination or facility to acquire part of the republick's dominions , there will be little difficulty to answer : their title would be upon brescia , crema , and bergamo , ancient members of the dutchy of milan : and these three cities are so considerable , that with their territory , they would perhaps make up as rich a dutchy as any in lombardy , except milan : so that we need not doubt , but the spaniard looks upon these cities with an amorous eye , and with great desire to enjoy them ; there remains only the facility of doing it , which is always the most important of the three points : upon this subject we must distinguish whether they will make the attempt by themselves , or in conjunction with others : if alone , and that the republick have any great prince , either italian , or foreigner on their side , they will meet with little facility in their designs , because the republick's money , joyn'd to the forces of another prince , can give check to almost any great power , and particularly to that of spain , whose states and possessions are large , but disunited ; and they cannot but be afraid , that while they are busied in lombardy , others would try to attack them in a more sensible part : if spain should therefore unite with any other prince , provided the republick had france on their side , they would not much hurt it , because the inundation of the french into lombardy , uses to be both powerful and sudden , provided they be called in by an italian prince of some figure ; and by that means the spaniard being attack'd on two sides , would go near to lose his dutchy of milan . but if we consider the republick united only with some italian prince , and the french to stand spectator , as might happen in the minority of a french king , particularly if the spaniard had the pope and emperour of his side , i doubt the republick would be hard set ; for that other prince in league with them , cannot be of any great force ; the most useful would be savoy ; but besides , that he would be bought very dear , he would be always wavering , if the spaniards tempted him strongly : the richest would be florence ; but his territories not joyning upon those of the republick , there is little good to be expected from his assistance . lastly , if spain will fall upon the republick alone , and the republick be likewise alone , i say , that as to the state of terra firma , it would go near to be lost ; but by sea the republick would make a stout resistance . but if it be ask'd , whether the republick have either title , inclination or facility to acquire any part of the spanish dominions in italy ? i answer , the title would be upon cremona in lombardy , and upon travi , and other ports of la puglia , in the kingdom of naples , the republick having been in possession of all these places before ever spain had footing in italy : so that there wants nothing but facility ; and there is but one case that i know in which the republick might hope to get possession again ; and that is , in case the republick were in league with france , and the emperour busied by the protestants of germany , then some of these expectations might be fulfilled , but still with the same jealousie , that your friends should at last joyn with your enemies to fall upon the republick , as it happened in the league of cambray . and this answers the other question , to wit , whether spain can unite with any other power against the republick ? 't is very true , that i can hardly believe , that the spaniards would , without any precedent broil , attempt a league with france against the republick , because the damage of one city's remaining in the french hands , would be greater to them than the profit of taking all the republick has in terra firma would amount to . whether the spaniard may unite with the republick , to acquire conjoyntly in italy ; i say , that if it be against an italian prince , they will not , because it is not their interest that the republick should be greater , and already almost all the lesser princes are dependants of that monarchy : and as for the pope , they would certainly help him , rather than joyn against him , being us'd to make a great shew of their protecting the church : the only case that would make them bear patiently any new acquisitions of the republick , would be , if france should make any progress in italy . after all , amidst so many well-grounded suspicions , it must be confessed , that the neighbourhood of spain has prov'd of less disturbance to the republick , than that of any other prince who had those countries before them ; for the dukes of milan were perpetually either quarrelling , or , finding themselves too weak , were inciting of other powers under-hand against the republick . there may be an union likewise of the republick and spain by sea , against the turk , and by land against the grisons , or any other hereticks . and this is enough for spain . now by reason of vicinity , we will speak of the other italian princes : it would be the interest of the republick to see them greater , if it could be done at the expence of spain , and by their spoils , as also by getting from the church : but both those cases are next to impossible , if first the world be not turn'd topsy turvy , which can never be , but by a league with france ; and then if any part of the spaniards dominions could be shar'd amongst them , it would not injure the republick at all : but for any of these princes to grow great by spoiling one another , i should not like it ; for the advantage would be inconsiderable , and in the mean time the fire would be kindled in italy , the property of which is to go not where you would have it , but often where you are most afraid of it . whether any of these princes have title , inclination or facility to acquire from the republick , the consideration will be short , because facility will be wanting . mantoua has some pretences upon valesa and peschiera ; modena upon the town of este , from whence the family comes : but all these little princes united without the pope and spain , could hardly give a disturbance to the republick , because the two powerfullest of them , to wit , savoy and florence , are not immediate borderers . whether the republick have either title , inclination or facility to acquire from them in the state they now are in ; i answer , that the house of este not having ferrara , the republick has no title to either modena or reggio : there would indeed be a good inclination against mantoua , because he lies , as it were , in the bowels of the republick ; but there would be but an ill title , except the republick should bear the charges of his education , while they were his guardians ; and then the facility would be small ; for no sooner would the republick have begun the dance , but others would come in , and perhaps it would not end as it begun . of the other princes i have little to say , the republick having had no disputes with them ; for the genoueses , who formerly set the republick so hard , have done as the horse in the fable , lost their own liberty , in hopes of being victorious of their enemies , and are by that means out of power to hurt the republick . as for leagues these princes will be ready to make them either with or against the republick , because their fortune , as princes , being but small , they will let slip no occasion of mending it , either by acquisition of new territory , or by receiving subsidies and pensions . florence only would hardly be mov'd by that last motive , because he is not needy , being at this time perhaps the richest prince in ready money that is in christendom ; and his riches always increase , because the princes of that family do yet retain their ancestors inclination to merchandize , and that enriches the prince without damage to the subject . the dominions of the great duke are considerable , as well because they are placed as it were in the navel of italy , with a fertile territory , all united together , as also because the states of other princes are , as it were , a wall and defence to it ; and it is besides , to be valued by the communication it has with the sea by leghorn , and some other maritime fortresses : so that if one were to reckon upon any italian prince , i know none that deserves so well , as being exempted from the temptation of being bought , and having yet some of that punctual mercantile faith. if the republick will have a league with any of the other italian princes , there will be no difficulty in it , provided they pay them ; but withal , one must not forget the witty reflection of boccalini , when the italian princes are willing to be taught manners out of the galateo , provided that it may not look like ill breeding in them , to eat with both jaws as fast as they can . with poland the republick can have no other concern than that of defending christendom , and by some diversion from that crown , bear the more easily the weight of the ottoman power : therefore it would be well for the republick to have that king and kingdom grow more powerful . as for any thing else , the great distance that is between that state and the republick , takes away all matter of any further consideration . the same thing may be said of the moscovite . england being the greatest of those powers that are separated from the church of rome , is a kingdom of great strength , particularly since the union of scotland ; and the kings of england have nothing left to desire as to territory : all that island is now under the dominion of one sole monarch , and has the sea for a wall : so that if england be not disunited within it self , there is no power to overcome it : we see the example in the invasion of philip the second of spain ( and yet then the union was not so great as might have been ) who lost his mighty armada that he had been so long preparing at such vast expences . queen elizabeth , who has shew'd the world how far a woman's ability can go in government , did likewise enlarge her dominions by navigations to the indies , and wounded spain in that tender part ; she likewise had some ports of the low-countries consign'd to her , so that she seem'd to be hardly contain'd in that separate world of hers . the island is fertile and delicious , producing all necessaries for life , and though the natives go abroad and buy the products of other countries , it is more as superfluities , and out of luxury , than want , and amongst the rest , they have a trade for grapes called currans , which they buy in the dominions of the republick . henry the eighth , who was the king that apostatiz'd from the church of rome , did use to concern himself in the affairs of italy , and several times the popes have had good protection from the ancient kings of that country , who were most devoted to the see of rome ; to say truth , religion has had a great loss , and the court of rome a greater , i cannot well say , whether out of the great lust of henry the eighth , or the little consideration of clement the seventh , at present that king will not hear of rome , and has but small curiosity for the affairs of italy . if this king could grow greater , it would be advantageous to the republick , because it might obtain his alliance , and by that means a greater respect from other crown'd heads ; but however , even without this consideration , 't is a power to be courted , because the nation having an ancient antipathy to france , and a modern one to spain , it cannot but have a good inclination for the republick . 't is true that the present king is more enclin'd to wars with his pen , than with his sword , having a mighty love for disputes , and valuing himself upon the character of a notable divine ; so much has the quarrel with rome influenc'd that country , that even their princes study controversie ; but however i should not think the republick ought to mind any of those circumstances , because where there is strength , there is always hopes of making use of it , that depending only upon raising of passions . the best means would be ( besides the continuation of those offices already introduc'd of mutual embassies ) strictly to command the governours in the levant to shew all good usage to the english merchants , and particularly observe punctually all treaties and engagements with them , because there is no nation that puts a greater value upon their word than the english do , and the kings of that island have not yet learnt the modern policy that gives them leave to break their faith in order to reigning more absolutely . with the seven united provinces 't will be good to cultivate friendship , and to encrease it by a mutual defensive league , particularly at this time , that the truce is but newly concluded with spain ; for it will be a curb upon the spaniard , if he should attempt any thing against the republick , for fear his old wounds should be set a bleeding again , they being but just bound up , and not healed . 't is feasable likewise to procure something more of trade with the hollanders , because they are extremely ingenious , and addicted that way ; and moreover , since both the republicks stand in awe of the same power , it will not be difficult to unite their inclinations ; and they have made on their side a sufficient advance , by sending an embassy to the republick , which though of complement , yet it has shew'd great esteem and inclination to an union . besides the advantage of a solid diversion of the forces of spain , there is another essential consideration , which is , that from them might be had a considerable body of well disciplin'd soldiers , and that with admirable celerity , besides several regiments that might be rais'd in a country so well us'd to war , if there were occasion , and all the inconveniencies of transportation are not to be valued ; for the republick will always have a greater scarcity of good soldiers , than of good money . with the princes of germany of a different religion , there can hardly be any concerns , if there is no room for quarrels . as the world stands now , if it be not well , they should grow greater , at least 't is not amiss , they are already great enough , because they are a check upon the emperour , who else would be a most formidable potentate to all princes , but more particularly to the italians , and more to the republick , than to the rest of italy ; but now by their means his power is not only balanced , but almost quite oppressed to the common benefit of other princes . with these princes it will be easie for the republick to have an engagement : first , because they know that the republick is not a blind adorer of the interests of the court of rome : and , secondly , because they see the jealousies that are between the republick and the emperour , from whence they conclude , that there is no danger of a league between them and the emperour , and by consequence , they have not the republick for a suspected power ; and upon all occurrences , it will do well to shew an inclination to friendship with them , first , because they may make a potent diversion ; and , secondly , because their country being a nursery of soldiers , the republick upon occasion may make levies there ; and it is a point of high importance for the republick to be certain of their levies ; for in a time of need they can hope but for small help from the italian militia . i have not yet said any thing of the duke of bavaria ; and he is not to be omitted , being so much a dependant of the emperour , from whom he has received the electoral dignity , upon the exclusion of the elector palatin : this prince has had the boldness to contest the precedency with the republick at the council of trent ; and therefore no good correspondency can be between him and the republick . it would not be amiss to see him lessen'd ; for 't is always to be wish'd , that he who has no good intentions , should have as little power to offend as may be . the order of malta , who are pyrating princes , is likewise to be minded ; and their growth in power can be of no use to the republick : they do nothing but waken the ottoman power , when 't is almost lull'd asleep ; and therefore are dangerous : their friendship , in time of open war with the turk , will be easily had , upon the hopes of a good booty . it remains for us now to speak of the greatest prince of this known world , formidable to all other princes , i mean the turk ; but we cannot speak of him by the rules we have laid down for the others ; for with him all arts and policies are vain : he makes no league with any , neither has he any residing embassadors in any court , scorning to descend to inform himself of other princes intrigues : he owns his greatness , and relies upon it , like the elephant , who by reason of his great strength , is never observed to use cunning : perhaps it may be an arcanum of the alchoran , to hinder his subjects from contracting the manners and customs of other nations , and bringing them home at their return : perhaps likewise that he is unwilling their wits should be 〈◊〉 in politicks : his is an empire built upon the ruin of all other empires , founded in force , and scorning titles and claims of justice . if he can acquire a country , he has always right to it ; and when he has conquer'd it , he assumes all the power to himself , suffering no usurpations where he himself usurps all : his ministers make open profession of ignorance , which is propagated industriously amongst his people , who are sufficiently learned , if they know how to obey : they are told openly of their slavery , and it is expected they learn the obligations of it : not but that they will dispute with christians for their emperour , and alledge , that he succeeds to all the rights of constantine , whose city he has conquered . in his religion the prince is loose , and the mufti , which is the high priest , tied up , who must speak complacently to the ends of the government , and in conformity to the will of him that rules , or pay his disobedience with his life . in this monarchy all the qualities of the mind , both speculative and practick , are despised and suspected , which made one of their emperours send back the musicians sent him by francis the first , lest with their harmony they should have molified the iron temper of those fierce natures : they value strength of body , and the arts of war , in which none are sooner preferr'd than those who shew the greatest fierceness and inhumanity in their dispositions : they are intent upon conquering the rest of the world , and in order to it they have infinite numbers of men , and infinite treasure : his yearly revenue exceeds twenty millions of crowns ; he inherits the estates of all his subjects , whose children can lay claim to nothing but their father's horse and arms. in the midst of all these riches his thirst of gold still increases : so that often his fury is laid with the charms of that metal : out of that has been said , 't is evident that his greatness must be the ruine of all other powers , and that it would be an unspeakable felicity to see him lessen'd ; but the hopes of that are so remote , that they are next to impossible . as for any title upon the territories of the republick , he can have none ; inclination and facility he has but too much , designing the ruine of all christendom ; and considering the disunion of christians , more intent upon jealousies at home than upon an union against a foreign invader , his design is not above his force : he fears nothing but an union of christendom against him ; and that he may not be negligent in providing against it , that cunning and wicked mahomet has left him a prophecy to keep him awake , by which , the ruine of his empire is to come from such an union : the turks never mention it but with cries and groans ; and the government strives to avoid it by being invincible , not considering , that if the prophecy be true , 't is unavoidable . as for the republick , he is a terrible neighbour to them , always encroaching , and setting no bounds to his pretences , till he has swallowed all . the republick , on the other side , cannot want a title against him ; for what he has taken from them , would make up a great principality : cyprus , negrepont , modon , coron , caramania , all the archipelago , bossina , scutari , albania , part of the very imperial city of constantinople , and in short , half his empire in europe has been at several times extorted from the republick : but to get any of this back is the difficulty ; and 't will be well if he is content with what he has , and that we can save what remains . the only good thing the republick can hope for , is , that the turk will not enter into league with any other against the republick , because he scorns all leagues : 't is true , that in the time of lodovico sforza , duke of milan , he was by him drawn to invade the republick , and before that , by the visconti , dukes of milan , likewise with promise to busie the venetians in italy , by a war on his side : 't is said also , that lewis the twelfth strove to draw him into the league of cambray : but all these are rather subornations than leagues , and spurring of a horse that 's free enough of his own nature . he would easily unite with the republick , to conquer other princes ; but then the republick must reckon , that he would take all to himself , he not understanding any accounts of dividing : so that it would only be a madness , and by ones own expence of blood and treasure , promote his tyrannical empire . the turk has often offered succours to the republick in their wars with others ; but our wise ancestors always disliked such a protector , but were glad he did not take the opportunity of their troubles to fall upon them . there is no other politicks to be used with this empire , than to profess friendship , and reckon upon sudden enmity ; and therefore be always provided , that the weakness of the state may not be an invitation to him to use his natural rapacity ; for the peace will be always the longer , when the readiness for war shall be visible . in case of a rupture , one should try to make a diversion by the king of persia , the moscovite and the pole : but that will be a long uncertain business , and of slow benefit ; to corrupt the ministers of the port in open war , will be a very hard thing , they will rather suffer a temptation in time of peace , and by that means one may penetrate their designs , and retard their deliberations , provided the person gain'd be of the divan , and particularly the grand vizier , if possible ; but they often take bribes , and deceive one ; besides , their being subject to continual changes , and those very sudden , according to the emperour 's capricio , and the calumnies of their competitors , the friendship of the queen mother , and of the wife of the grand signior , as also of the mufti , may help : but if the prince himself be of a resolute nature , their offices will be but weak : and all violent sudden resolutions of war made by the emperour himself , are always welcome to the janizaries , who are the soul of that empire : so that , as i said at first , i must conclude , that prudence and politicks can be of little use against rage and fury , and a nation that depends not upon reason , but upon might . i can say nothing then but what the angel said to gideon , comfortare & esto robustus ; and with this good omen that comes from heaven , and which i offer with a most affectionate mind , i take leave , having accomplish'd the task was imposed upon me , if not according to the full extent of my duty , at least in proportion to my weak forces , and small talent . finis . the history of the three late, famous impostors, viz. padre ottomano, mahomed bei and sabatai sevi the one, pretended son and heir to the late grand signior, the other, a prince of the ottoman family, but in truth, a valachian counterfeit, and the last, the suppos'd messiah of the jews, in the year of the true messiah, 1666 : with a brief account of the ground and occasion of the present war between the turk and the venetian : together with the cause of the final extirpation, destruction and exile of the jews out of the empire of persia. evelyn, john, 1620-1706. 1669 approx. 152 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38790 wing e3490 estc r17074 12102375 ocm 12102375 54134 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38790) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54134) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 66:12) the history of the three late, famous impostors, viz. padre ottomano, mahomed bei and sabatai sevi the one, pretended son and heir to the late grand signior, the other, a prince of the ottoman family, but in truth, a valachian counterfeit, and the last, the suppos'd messiah of the jews, in the year of the true messiah, 1666 : with a brief account of the ground and occasion of the present war between the turk and the venetian : together with the cause of the final extirpation, destruction and exile of the jews out of the empire of persia. evelyn, john, 1620-1706. [16], 126 p. printed for henry herringman ..., in the savoy : 1669. "the epistle dedicatory" signed: j.e. attributed to john evelyn. cf. bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ottomano, -padre, b. 1641? mehmet bey. shabbethai tzevi, 1626-1676. jews -iran. venice (italy) -history -turkish wars, 17th century. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the three late famous impostors , viz. padre ottomano , mahomed bei , andsabatai sevi . the one , pretended son and heir to the late grand signior ; the other , a prince of the ottoman family , but in truth , a valachian counterfeit . and the last , the suppos'd messiah of the iews , in the year of the true messiah , 1666. with a brief account of the ground , and occasion of the present war between the tvrk and the venetian . together with the cause of the final extirpation , destruction , and exile of the iews out of the empire of persia . in the savoy , printed for henry herringman at the sign of the anchor in the lower-walk of the new-exchange . 1669. to the right honourable henry , lord arlington , &c. principal secretary of state . my lord , these ensuing discourses intitle their original to the noble industry , and affection to truth of an illustrious person ; and to the great and worthy ingenuity of a persian stranger , lately amongst us , from whose mouth i have received the two following first narrations , and from whom i have been abundantly satisfied , that the particulars are of undoubted verity . for the third and last , which concerns the story of that impudent iew , it will need little analogy ; since it proceeds not onely from an eye-witness , but from the hand of a person , who has already gratified the publique with the fruit of many rare and excellent observations , and which becomes due to your lordship upon a just claim ; so as your lordship having been so pleas'd with the first relation , cannot be less with the following , though i should never have presum'd to be their deferent in this unpolish'd dress , had i not receiv'd some assurances of your pardon . it will doubtless appear very strange , that impostures of this magnitude should so long abuse the world , were there no other interest in it than the vanity of the persons , who assume to themselves the titles : whatever the reason of it be ; here we have matter of fact ; and it was more than time the world should at last be disabus'd , which has been so long impos'd on , and even labour'd under the common mistake , that , the cause of this obstinate war and quarrel 'twixt the turk and the venetian was grounded onely upon the taking of sultan osmon and his mother ( pretended son and wife of sultan ibrahim ) by the gallies of malta . this was , my lord , the believed report at my being at venice the very year this action fortun'd ; and it has since gain'd credit , and fill'd our ears , and all the histories of this age , as a thing unquestionable ; but , with what pretence of truth , these papers will both inform your lordship , and give day to some other passages worthy the notice of inquisitive men , and of a conjuncture so seasonable for it ; while the eyes and thoughts of all europe are intent upon the success of candia . what concerns the valachian vagrant will be a service both to his majesty and other christian princes , whom this bold impostor has had the front to abuse ; but eripitur persona — the mask is now off , and i have no more to add , than that of being my lord , your honors most obedient , obliged , and humble servant j. e. to the reader . the great scaliger was wont commonly to say , omnis historia bona , that all history was good ; meaning , that it was worthy of notice , so it were true , and matter of fact , though the subject of it were never so trivial . this , though but a pamphlet in bulke , is very considerable for the matters it containes , and for that it endeavours to informe , and disabuse the world of a current error , which has mingled , and spread it selfe into divers grave relations that have been printed , and confidently published many yeares without suspition . how i came to be enlightned for these pieces , i have in part declar'd in my dedicatory addresses ; and if i forbear to publish the name of that intelligent stranger , and that other person , from whom i receiv'd my informations ; you are to know , that it is not out of fear of being detected of imposture , whil'st we declare against it , and which cannot serve any interest of the relators ; but because , being strangers , or itinerants , and one of them upon his return into his native country ( which may possibly engage them to passe by malta , and other levantine parts obnoxious to these discourses ) it would appear but ingrateful in us to expose them to an inconvenience . let it suffice to assure you , that they are persons of no mean parts , ingenuity and candor ; well acquainted with the eastern countreys and affaires , and that have themselves been witnesses of most of these transastions . it were to be wish'd that our christian monarchs had alwayes near them some dextrous person of this gentlemans abilities ; were it but to discover such cheates as frequently appearing under the disguise of distressed princes , merchants , &c. are , to truth , but spies , and bold impostors , and whom otherwise 't is almost impossible to detect ; not to suggest the many other good offices , as to the eastern commerce and affaires , they might be useful in : but this is more than i have commission to say from those who have no other design in what they relate , than their affection to truth . it is not yet a full year since there went a crafty varlet about the countrey , who pretended himself to be the brother of the famous peter serini ( whose brave and heroick actions had so celebrated him against the turkes ) and related a story by his feign'd interpreter , how he fortun'd to be cast on shore on the west of england , as he was conducting supplies from abroad . this he perform'd with a confidence and success so happily , as caus'd him to be receiv'd , presented , and assisted ( like another mahomed bei ) by divers persons of quality , and some of them my nearest acquaintance , in his pretended iourney to court ; but being at last discover'd in a tipling-house on the rode , where un-mindful of his part and character , he call'd for a pot of ale in too good english , and a more natural tone than became so great a stranger , and the person he put on , we heard no more of the gamester : i wish our fin-land spirit , who is of late dropt out of the clouds amongst us , prove not one of his disciples ; for the age is very fertile ; and i am told , that our mahomed having receiv'd his ajuda de costo from the bounty and charity of a great person of more easie beliefe , is slipt aside for fear of the porters-lodge , and yet 't is possible you may hear more of him before his ramble be quite at a period . you have at the end of the last impostor an account of the jews exile out of that vast empire of persia , happening but the other day ; which , together with the miscarriage of their late messiah ( the twenty-fifth pretender to it ( as i am credibly inform'd , it stands in their own records ) might , one would think , at last open the eyes , and turne the hearts of that obstinate and miserable people : but whil'st the time not yet accomplish'd , i could wish our modern enthusiasts , and other prodigious sects amongst us , who dreame of the like carnal expectations , and a temporal monarchy , might seriously weigh how nearly their characters approach the style and design of these deluded wretches , least they fall into the same condemnation , and the snare of the devil . errata . page 15 , line 17 , read defide . l. 28 r. dignità , 18. 6. r. spina longa , 21 l. 12. r. detected . 24 l. 23 , r. wafer . 30. 14. dele and 58. l. 17. essendo . l. 21. promessa per gli suoi profeti e padri nostri . 59. l. 2. r. digjuni . 66. 11. r. should be wrought . 77 l. 18. r. not onely . 85. 22. r. one that ( as it was said . 93. l. 22. r. tenor . 97. 15. dele which , and read it . 99. 7. r. as that . 110. l. 12. r. cymeterie . the history of padre ottomano , the first impostor . sultan ibrahim began his reign in the year 1049 , according to the turkish hegira or period , which was of our style anno 1640. he was about nine years emperor , and had born to him ( after the first three years ) a son nam'd mahomed , who is the present grand signior now swaying the ottoman scepter : the halaki or great sultana his mother ( for by that adjunct of great she is distinguished from the rest of that high title ) being extreamly weak after her delivery , necessitated them to seek out , and provide a fitting nurse for the new-born infant . but , before we can proceed in the event of that , some other circumstances require the readers attention . it fortun'd that from the year 1640 , to 44 there liv'd in constantinople one giovanni iacobo cesii native of persia , but descended from a noble family in rome , who , being by profession a merchant , did use to traffique not onely in this port , but held commerce likewise in divers other places of the levant ; so as being a man of more than ordinary note , he came at last to be particularly favour'd by the grand signiors chief eunuch , whose name was iumbel aga , otherwise called keslar agasi , a great minion of sultan murad , who deceasing a while after , his following successor confirm'd to him his former charge , which was to take care of the ladies , who were kept in the seraglio , and superintended the women ( for so the name imports ) nor is the dignity of less esteem than that of the visier himself , within the precincts of the seraglio ; since it intitules him to the same access to the emperour his lord and master , whom he serves as pimp of honour ; if there be any true honour in so vile an employment . this kefler aga , eunuch as he was , and of no denomination for sex , ( for his lower-belly was par'd as smooth as his chin , ) would for all this , be thoughr a lover of women ; not for his ability and furniture ; or that he took pleasure in their embraces ; but because it is the style of the countrey , and a mark of good breeding and courtly grandeur . it was upon this occasion that he one day sent for iacobo cesii , and desir'd that he would search out and purchase for him the most elegant and handsome wench he could possibly light upon , amongst such slaves as are daily expos'd to sale in the turkish dominions . the merchant was not longbe'r he happen'd upon a very beautiful creature , of a modest countenance , and , as near as could be guess'd , a virgin. he bought her , and brought her to the aga , who being extreamly taken with her shape and mine , pay'd him for her 450 dollers , which was the price she was valued at . but this pretty girle had , for all her simpering and innocent demeanour , been corrupted , it seems , before she came to the eunuch ; and after some time that she had been with him , ( for he kept her in a house of his own , and not in the seraglio ) ▪ was suspected to be with child . her lord was wonderful importunate to sift out who it was that might be the father of her great belly ; but she would by no means be induc'd to discover it ; which so incensed him , that the aga forthwith causes her to be turn'd out of doores ; and thus for some time she remained in disgrace , though in the house of her major damo , to whom he had given her to be disposed of , till she was at last brought to bed of a goodly boy . some time after the child was born , the aga , whether mov'd with compassion or curiosity , we need not enquire , begins to discover a most passionate desire to see the little bastard ; which was no sooner brought to him , but being exceedingly pleas'd with the babe , he immediately orders it a rich vest , and other fine things to wear , though it was then not above eight or nine moneths old ; commanding that it should still be kept in his stewards house , where it was born . it fortun'd , that not long after was the birth of the present turkish emperour ; and the great sultana ( as we said ) being indisposed , the grand aga was sent for to provide a nurse for the young prince , that care belonging likewise particularly to his charge : immediately the aga reflects upon his disgrac'd slave , whom he speedily sent for to him , and brought to court , ( together with her pretty by-blow , the present padre ottomano ) recommending her for a nurse to the royal infant , upon which account she stay'd near two whole years in the seraglio : sultan ibrahim ( father of the young prince ) during this time grew so taken with the nurses boy , as being much a lovelier child than his own , that he grew infinitely fonder of him ; which so inrag'd and displeas'd the great sultana , that being now no longer able to dissemble her resentment , she grew in wroth with ibrahim , and gave a second and more cruel exilement to the unfortunate nurse , and her darling child ; whom she banish'd out of the seraglio , and could never after abide the aga that introduc'd them . this violent action of the sultana made , you may imagine , a foul house in the court , and it grew at last to that height , that the emperour ( who took it greatly to heart , his pretty favorite should be thus thrown out of the seraglio , running one day to the sultana , he snatches his son out of her arms , and threw him into a piscina or large fountain , which was near them , where he had like to have been drown'd . this passionate and unnatural action of ibrahim inrag'd the sultana now more then ever against the aga , so as she sought all occasions possible to put him to death , as imputing the ill-nature of her lord the emperour to some wicked impressions of his favorite ; but chiefly , for his bringing the fair slave and her bastard into the seraglio . the continual hatred and machinations of the g. sultana caused the aga to consult his safety ; and besides , he was not a little apprehensive of the capricious and unconstant humour of ibrahim , who being of a weak complexion and understanding , he feared might in time be wrought upon by the sultana to destroy him ; and therefore makes suit to the emperour that he would permit him to go on pilgrimage to mecha , since absence might possibly mitigate her fury ; and for that he was now grown aged , and less capable of doing him service in his charge , which he desired he would give him leave to resign . but ibrahim , finding him by long experience to be a discreet person , and one that had faithfully served the emperour his brother , would by no means hearken to his request , or permit him to go from him ; since as the constitution of the seraglio stands , that had been to have for ever depriv'd him of a servant , whom he so dearly loved . for you are to understand , that whoever obtains leave to go that holy pilgrimage , is ipso facto made free ; no eunuch belonging to the seraglio ( being slaves of honour to the grand signior ) can obtain his liberty , but by the emperours especial grace ; which also entitles him to a certain annual pension , arising from the revenue of grand cairo , set apart for such rewards : and for this reason it was , that ibrahim was very unwilling to part with his eunuch : however , being vanquish'd at last with his continual importunity , and for that it was upon condition , that notwithstanding the custom● and style of the seraglio in such cases , he should go but as his slave , and having perform'd his devotion , return to him again , and to the office which he would have resign'd ; he grants him his request . upon this stipulation he dismisses his favourite , and the eunuch prepares for his iourney in the caravan of alexandria ; the grand signior having at that time never a man of war in the port. the whole fleet consisted of but eight vessels , whereof giafer commanded the first , mahumed the second , arab ogli the third , ( this arab o●li was pa●tner with the above-nam'd gio iacobo cesii ) cura mahumed commanded the fourth , memi the fifth , bodur the sixth , nicola a christian the seventh ; and ian● another christian captain the eighth , who brought up the rear : these being ready to set saile , the aga embarkes with his family , and whole equipage ( amongst which was his beautiful slave , and her little son ) in the first ship , whereof , as we said , giafer was commander : and now directing their course towards alexandria , they touch'd a while at scio ( an island in the archipelago ) where lingering some little time , they happen'd to meet with a certain dominican fryer ( well beloved of the chief of the country ) whom , for a former prevarication with them in matter of religion , they would needs have constrained to abjure his faith , and become a turke ; which the religious man refusing to do , the cruel eunuch caus'd him to be immediately burnt alive : this was in the year 1644. loosing from scio , they were surpriz'd with a dismal tempest , which caus'd them to put in at rhodes , where they were likewise forc'd to continue for some dayes e'r they durst adventure out ; but at last pursuing their intended voyage from thence ( being now about 15 leagues distant from rhodes ) they discover six gallies : it fortun'd to be a great calme , and yet they were hardly within ken , so as to distinguish what they were ; yet supposing they might be the gallies of bailer ( who are certain turkish guardians of the archipelago ) that were making towards them , they seem'd not to be so much concern'd : but when a little after they came to find their mistake , and that they belonged to malta , they were strangely surpriz'd , and in great confusion what to resolve on ; for divers vessels of their company were so dispers'd , by reason of the calme , that they could not possibly joyn them ●or want of vvind . this happen'd upon the tenth of may , in the year 1644. well , for all this , the aga resumes courage , prepares for the conflict ; and upon their approach , begins bravely to defend himself . the fight continues for some time ve●y fiercely on either part , and not without mutual loss ; till by an unlucky broad-side from one of the malta-gallies , the eunuch receives a canonade on his breast , which dash'd him into the sea ; and at the same instant , there was also fallen dead the fair sciabas , ( for so was that female slave nam'd , a russe by nation , and mother of our padre ottomano ) without any mark or wound , or so much as the least bruise to be found , which made divers believe she dy'd of very fright and apprehension ; and with these perish'd likewise divers others in that vessel ; upon which the rest immediately struck saile , and submitted to mercy . the maltezes now boarding their prizes , and seeing so many women , eunuchs , and other passengers ( for as we recounted , one of these vessels was wholly taken up by the aga , and his domesticks ) asked , what pretty child that was ? the distracted people , partly out of terror , and haply , upon hope of better quarter , tell them , that he was the son of sultan ibrahim going to meca to be circumcis'd . greatly pleas●d with their success , they set saile immediately for malta , where the hopes of their fancied prize had so far exalted them , that they soon noys'd it over all christendome , that they had taken the grand signiors son , and the sultana his mother , with many like stories which pass'd about the vvorld for current , and it gain'd credit , and was indeed generally believ'd by themselves : nay , the whole colledge , and religion of malta were so elated and possess'd with the conceit of it , that they began seriously to consult of proposing an exchange for rhodes , which had been their antient seat , and which they almost made themselves as good as sure of . the great master , and the grand croci were absolutely of th●s opinion ; and did thereupon write letters to constantinople , to smyrna , and to several other places and correspondences , to certifie where they might find their young prince , and his mother , provided they would come up to their conditions . for though she were dead in the combate , yet it seems they had either drest up a property to personate her amongst the she-slaves that were taken , or willing to have it believed so , and both her own , and the portrait of her young son , were painted to the life , and familiarly sold in italy and france , for the better confirmation of this beliefe : but after long expectations , receiving no answer to their satisfaction , they begin to be in some doubt , and could not well divine what to make of it , and whether they were not all this while deluded of their boast , and entertain'd in suspense to abuse them ; for so it appears they were to the very year 1649. but how farr this contributed to the quarrel with the venetians , whom they unexpectedly surpriz'd soon after , will be made appear by the sequel . it was in this year that the person who gives us this information ( returning from rome , where he had finish'd his studies in the colledge de propaganda fide ) into his native country of persia , happen'd in his journey to arrive at malta ; where making some stay , he came to be known to divers of the order , and principal persons there ; as namely to the treasurer , several of the grand croci , to the great master himself , the commandator , the general of the gallies , and most of the nobility there . the grand master was then iohannes lascaris , the grand commandator , monsieurde la helle , the general monsieur de beauchamp , &c. to omit the rest . these enter into a solemn consultation , what was to be done to fift out the truth , and value of their prize ; that is , to know whether the child were indeed sultan ibrahims son or no ; and finding this person , as they conceiv'd , a fit instrument for their purpose , as being well experienc'd in the turkish language , and the customes of their country , and for some other relations of his at the port , and one who had given them good markes of his capacity and faithfulness , they resolve to dispatch him forthwith to constantinople , accompanyed onely with three or four turkish slaves , who had redeem'd themselves , and with instructions to their envoye how the design was to be managed . signior pietro ( for so we will now call him ) sailes from malta , arrives at constantinople ; makes friends in the seraglio ; enquires with all the sedulity imaginable , whether any child of the grand signiors were missing ? and whether it were true , that the hasaki , or great sultana , had some years since been lost , or taken by the maltezes in her pilgrimage towards mecha ? &c. but after all the dilligence he could possibly make , he could never discover any likelihood , or so much as shadow of it : in sum , he finds there was not a syllable of it true ; and that the religion of malta had all the while but abused themselves in their credulity , and all christendom in the report of it . pietro writes back to the religion , and assures them by many indubitable evidences , nay oathes and affidavit's , which he had procur'd , and several other effects of his dilligence , that it was all imposture , and that they ought to give credit to the romance no longer , or hope for the least advantage by it : this was in the year 1650 ; for so long , and somewhat longer it was , e'r they would be dis-abus'd : and now at last they begin to defend themselves , and by little and little to let their boasting dye , and to neglect any farther ceremony to their pretended royal captive ; in short , they now grew very cold , hardly made any more account of him ; yet so , that having for a long time abus'd the world , as asham'd at their credulity , and to prevent reproach , they continually endeavour'd to have it still thought true ; and therefore gave the boy the title of ottomano , which he weares to this day , non per dignitatem ( sayes our ingenious informer ) ma per la vanita . this is the true and real history of the so much talk'd-of padre ottomano , and consequently of that groundless and vulgar opinion , which has been spread so long about , that this accident alone was the onely sourse and cause of the grand signiors quarrel with the venetians , but of which there is so little appearance ; the interest of that republick , being so different from that of the maltezes , who are sworn never to be at peace with those miscreants ; whil'st the venetians , on the contrary , were in a profound , and un-interrupted league with them . it is indeed commonly pretended , that contrary to a stipulation with the grand signior , the venetians had protected the knights of malta , after this exploit of surprizing the sultana and her son , going with an infinite treasure to mecha ; but the truth is , finding no occasion to commence the war upon this suggestion , they give out another , and which is believed was the more real ground of it . in the reign of sultan amorat , there were destroy'd and burnt by the venetians no less than five and twenty fusti barbaresche , or barbary gallies , who were rovers and pyrats upon those seas , and greatly infested the commerce ; these they attaqu'd in the port of avelona , demolishing withal their castle : complaint hereof being made to morud , he was provok'd to declare war against them as the first aggressors ; though in truth this had been no violation of any article between them : however , upon their earnest instigation , amurat seems highly to resent the affront , as done against his allies ; hereupon the venetians offer to give them two galeasses in satisfaction , and to pay for all the losse which they had sustain'd . but in this interim the grand signior ingag'd in the war at babylon , dyes soon after his return , and leaves the quarrel to his brother isruhim ; who , insensed also somewhat more for the vessels that were destroy'd , upon the neck as it were of this , by the maltezes , when padre ottomano was taken by them , and his favorite aga slain ( his design , which was first against the maltezes failing ) without the least pretence of renewing his predecessors qua●rel with the venetians , or declaring any formal war ) with a fleet of near 500 saile , he lands an army of threescore thousand men near the city canea , and in little time became master of that , and of the whole kingdome beside ; candia the metropolis , spina songa , carbusa , suda , and some very few posts more excepted , and leaves the pursuit of this war to his son mahomed , who has continued it to this present day . by what accident the maltezes contributed to the fatal rousing of this immane lyon we have seen , but without the least appearance of intituling it to the merit of this supposititious child and his mother , upon which yet it is so vulgarly and so weakly founded . but what may farther elucidate the utter impossibility of ottomano's title , as heir to that family , 't is notoriously known , that the last emperor of the turks ( father to the sulran now reigning ) never had but three sons ; that the present grand signior was alwayes the eldest ; and that the other two ( by an extraordinary effect of their brothers good-nature , or address of the present valadir or do●ager ) are still living in the seraglio , out of whose precincts they are never allow'd to stir abroad , but in company of the grand signior , and under the strictest guard : next , that no prince of the ottoman blood , or the sultana her self , does ever travel to any place whatsoever out of the palace , but when the emperor goes himself in person . this being so , how probable and likely it is , he should hazard the great sultana , and the heir of the crown in a weak and ordinary caravan , with so small an equipage , and so little concernment for their losse , as never so much as to treate about their release , &c. let any rational man determine upon mature consideration , and prospect of the circumstances . besides , as our intelligence argues and assures us , those of malta are so insatiably covetous , that if they could sell even the very maltezes themselves , they would not stick to make money of them ; and that it is familiar with these holy corsaires , to spoil all the oriental christians , without distinction , who come in their way ; neither regarding their faith , nor their profession : so as when ever they surprize any miserable slaves , who for the diead of torment have been forc'd to turne renegadoes ; but would now most chearfully revert to their faith again ; the maltezes will not hearken to them , but sell them a second time to the turkes , to satisfie their prodigious avarice : how much more then ( as our informer concluded ) had it been to their advantage , to have sold this pretended royal boy , being a natural turke ; than to have suffer'd him to become a christian ? but they reserv'd him upon furture hopes , and when they perceiv'd that fail them , to rid their hands of the expense of the mock-state , they had so long been at , and yet to preserve their reputation , make out their boast , and credit their rel●gion ; they find a pretence of sending him to be bred in italy , and now suffer him to be made a dominican fryer forsooth , under the pompous title of padre ottomano . the story of mahomed bei , who calls himself ioannes michael cigala ; being at the writing hereof in the court of england ; where this second impostor was first delated . the better to acquaint our reader with the successful impudence of this famous impostor , he is to understand , that this rodomontade had lately publish'd a book , at his being not long-since in france , to which he had procur'd the french kings licence , with all the formalities of it , which he intitles , the history of mahomet bei , or iohn michel de cigala , prince of the imperial blood of the ottomans ; to which he annexes other his dignities , bassa and soveraign plenipotentiary of ierusalem , and of the kingdome of cyprus , trebizond , &c. dedicated to the french king with a front of steele . in this treatise , or rather romance of his knight-errantry , he sums up the antiquity of the family of cigala , which he extracts out of several grave and sober authors ; intituling it to most of the royal houses and crown'd-heads of europe ; making himself at last to be descended from scipio , son of the famous vicount de cigala , who was taken prisoner by the turkes anno 1561 , after that signal battel and victory of the great andrea● oria. this scipio , being now a captive with his father , and perswaded to renounce the faith , was , as he pretends , advanc'd to the dignity and charge of grand visier , by solyman the magnificent , under the new name of sinan bassa ; after that honour , he was made prime aga , or generalissimo of the ianizaries ; then seraschier or general of the whole army ; sometimes higher , and sometimes lower ; and at last again first visier , and second bassa of the port , and had above all this preferred to him in marriage several great ladies , whom he names , and amongst the rest , canou salie sultana , daughter of sultan achmet , sister of osman , and sultan amurad ( who took babyl●n ) and of ibrahim father to the emperour now reigning . from this illustrious mother our bei deriving himself , he goes on to relate the story of his princely education under the mufti , and of the strange and prodigious accidents that advanc'd him first to tephlici or vice-roy of the holy-land , where we have the miraculous dream and vision , and the assistance of the good hermite , and his own christian physitian , by which he became converted to the faith , and diverted from his sacrilegious purpose of plundering the chappels of the holy sepulchers in ierusalem of the silver lamps , and other sacred treasure , which he reports to be there in great abundance ; but that still dissembling his profession , he got to be advanc'd to the government of cyprus , &c. here he acquaints the reader how he came to be made absolute commander of all the forces design'd against candy ; and that being of the first who entred that city , he privately heard , and assisted at mass , deliver'd many christian slaves , &c. hence , after two years gallantry , and notorious exploits , ( which no man ever heard of but himself ) the succeeding emperor constituted him soveraign of babylon , caramania , magnesia , and divers other ample territories . in his iourney about these governments another miracle confirms him at iconium , by the wonderful iuster of an inclosed host , in which a splendid child appear'd through the chest or cabinet of a certain christian woman that had procur'd and lock'd up a consecrated water , for fear of her jealous and unbelieving husband ; to this adding the phaenomenon of no less than nine extraordinary and refulgent stars , which appear'd for divers nights over a place where certain christians had lately been martyr'd . coming back from iconium to candy a second time , he communicates his resolution of openly declaring his conversion , and consequently of quitting his high employments : but the poor iesuit ( his ghostly father ) unhappily dies before it could be accomplished , and so , as fate would have it , does that other intimate confident of his designs , lazaro moccenigo , the venetian general . upon this disaster our illustrious bei conveys himself again to constantinople , where he is made vice-roy of trabisond , and generalissimo of the black sea in order to his purpos'd retreat . upon the confines of this it was , that he trusts a vast treasure of iewels , &c. to a great person whom he had redeemed out of slavery from the tartars , and dispatch'd before him into moldavia , which was the rendezvous agreed upon , and where he had appointed to meet him upon the first opportunity of totally renouncing the grand signiors service , to declare himself the christian , which he had hitherto but disguiz'd . chamonsi ( for so was this confidents name ) in stead of receiving his friend and benefactor at the place design'd , plotted with the governour of moldavia to have perfidiously surprized and slain him ; but our don herchio bei , after wondrous proofs of his valour , and giving death to almost all that oppos'd him , escapes their hands , though extreamly wounded ; in this plight , he meets with a poor shepherd , with whom he changes his princely robes for the shepherds gray coat , and travels on his ten-toes a tedious and unknown way for many days together . in this unfortunate encounter it was that he lost his faithful counsellour , another iesuite , and all his glorious retinue , who were every one of them kill'd upon the spot , save one poor honest iew , and in this lamentable condition came our devout prince on foot , and in the snow to the cossaque army , then in hostility against the muscovite , amongst whom he found three souldiers that he had formerly freed from turkish captivity . these were the first who made his quality known to their chief , by whom he was civilly treated , and p●●swaded to honour muscovy with his intended baptism : but our prince designing from the beginning to make his solemn profession at rome , and receive that sacrament from his holiness's own hands , the captain being , it seems , a schismatick , and of another church , neglects and despises him , whom he had hitherto so generously treated . upon this the prince steals secretly away from the cossaques , and by the assistance of another vertuous iew , ( who likewise knew him ) he at last got safe into poland , where the then queen , lovize de gonzagues , hearing the report of his approach , and illustrious quality , receives him ( as himself relates it ) with infinite respect ; and , in fine , prevails with him to honour the cathedral of warsovia with his baptism , which is perform'd by the archhishop of the place , the queen her self standing at the font , and giving the name of iohn , to our cousen german of the ottoman emperour : here we have a relation of the extraordinary pomp of that ceremonie , as well as of that of his confirmation which dignified him with another name . taking now leave of warsovia he travels towards lauretto in pilgrimage to our lady ; from thence he goes to rome ; at first ●ncognito , making himself known on●●● to 〈◊〉 sa●ctity , with a brief recapitulation of his ●●ventures . this was to alexander 〈◊〉 viith , whose benediction 〈◊〉 , he returns into poland again to 〈◊〉 and pay his duty to his royal god-mother . in this journey he was known to divers great persons travelling through germany , especially to the famous n. serini , and this being at a time when the emperour was at difference with the turk , our hero could not but shew some marks of his courage , and affection to the cause he had espoused , which he now signalizes , in not onely offering himself a voluntier , but by fighting hand to hand with the turkish general himself , whom he kill'd upon the spot before both the armies , performing other stupendous exploits , which would have seem'd incredible had not himself related it . for this , and other his egregious services , his imperial majestie after a thousand caresses and presents of infinite value , creates him captain guardian of his artillery , and 't is a wonder how he escap'd the golden fleece . but nothing of all this would prevail with him to stay longer at vienna . for the peace being now concluded , he returns incognito to lauretta again , thence makes an excursion into sicily to visit some aliances and great kindred , which he had living there . excessive are the complements and presents which he received from the great princes of germany and italy in this progress . arriv'd in sicily , don pedro d' arragon receives and treats him in his palace , and the whole city of messina meet and attend him , acknowledging him of the illustrious house of the cigala's , from which that countrey had , it seems , received many great benefits . from sicily he passes through calabria towards rome again , visiting divers of his friends and kindred in the way , and arriving at naples has done him the same honors of the vice-roy and nobility there , and so by sea imbarks for rome , into which he now makes his publike entry , and obtain'd audience accordingly of clement the ixth , before whom in a bravado he draws and flourishes his dreadful cimeter , in token of his defiance of the enemies of the church . here it is you have him received , and presented by the pope , the nephew , the cardinals , ambassadors , and in summe by all the nobility of this mistress of the world ; till resolving to bless france with his presence , touching a little at venice and turino , he at last arrives at paris , where he was received of that great monarch , who no sooner hears of his arrival , but he forthwith commands the duke of st. agnan with coaches and an equipage sutable to this princely guest , and to introduce this glorious stranger . the king receives him according to his high quality , so nearly related to his antient allie the turk ; and so does monsieur the dauphin , his altess-royal , and all the grandees of that court , not forgetting the grand prior , and to be sure , the knights of malta , &c. a palace being assign'd him , and at last a present made him , no less than two chains of gold ( they should have been doubtless something else ) with the king and queens effigies medalized at his taking leave of that kingdom . thus far goes the printed relation of our errant , i had almost said , recreant knight , with the elogies latine and french , which prepare the reader for the wonders and adventures of his life . but now if upon examination of all this geer and enormous rhapsody , we take the boldness to deplume our gallant of his mutuatitious and borrow'd feathers ; and that our ottoman prince , who has brav'd it so long and so successfully amongst the birds of feather , shall prove at last but a iack-daw . spectatum admissirisum teneatis , amici ? this impudent vagabond then , and pretended mahound bei , that has indeed abused the french king , and believ'd he should have done the same to his majestie of england , is in fine a natives of walachia , born of christian parents in the city of trogovisti : they were formerly very opulent and well to pass , and his father in good esteem with the prince matthias vaivoda of moldavia . his father dying , our pretended cigala was taken into the service of the prince , as his father had been before him , and sent in the retinue of his resident to constantinople about twenty years since ; after some time spent there , he returns into his countrey , where he grew intimately acquainted with a married priest ( as in that place they are permitted to be ) and made love to his wife ; but the woman , the better to colour and conceal the familiarity and courtship that was between them , makes her husband believe he had a kindness for her daughter , and in so honorable and decent a way , that the simple man believes her , and entertaining him more like a domestique now than a lover , suffers him even to govern his little family . but it seems our rampant amoroso could not so govern himself , but the priest began to suspect and discover his villany ; for either he did , or would have lain with both mother and daughter . upon this he is complained of to the vaivoda , who sought all means possible to have apprehended and executed him according to their law ; and that not only for this his inhospitable crime ; but for sundry other most notorious delicts and misdemeanors , of which he had been formerly convicted . but , it seems , having timely notice of it , he gets away again to constantinople , where he remained till the decease of prince matthias , after which he comes back impudently into walacria again , thinking all had been now forgotten , and that by some address or other , he might procure to be receiv'd amongst the great men of his countrey ; but when upon some attempts that he made , he perceived they had discovered who he was , and would have laid hold on him , and chastiz'd him for his former insolencies ; to constantinople he retires a third time , where despairing after a while of his designs at home , he makes himself turk , and turns perfect renegado . since these exploits he has rang'd from place to place about christendom , and in countries where he was wholly unknown , with that specious story , or rather monstrous imposture of his being so nearly related to the present grand signior , and the dignities and charges he has quitted for the love of christ ; by which he has rom'd about the world , been caress'd and really presented by divers great persons , and especially by the french king , &c. with this confidence and expectation he came lately into england , had the fore-head to present himself , and the legend of his life to his majestie . frequented the court in his ottoman garb and eastern-mode , till a person of great quality , who had seen him the last year at vienna in austria ( where he durst pretend to nothing of all this ) del●ted the imposture , and a persian gentleman lately a stranger , and by meer accident here at that time , confirms this relation of him , from whose mouth we receiv'd it , together with this account of the illustrious family of the cigala , which with a few reflections upon some passages of the pamphlet we mention'd ( which does abundantly discover this audacious hypocrite ) shall dispatch this second impostor . sinen bassa otherwise called cigala , had but two sons , grand-children of sultan soliman : the eldest son of sinen was named alii ; the second mahomed : alii deceas'd after his father . sinen a little since , and the second remained alive . this mahomed married the sisters daughter of sultan mahomed about the year of their hegira 1003 and of our aera 1594 of which daughter he had born a son called also mahomed after the name of his father . this youth was of a singular good disposition , ingenious , and of a sprit-full wit , without great ambition , or affecting of command , but add●cted rather to the sof●er pleasures of life , and was in summe , the darling both of sultan mahomet , and achmet , and indeed of all that succe●ded in the empire to the reign of sultan mahomed han the present grand signior , who called him gioran capuci pasha , a title the emperor usually bestows on those who are dignified with the office of secret porters of the seraglio , and whose charge it is to attend upon all extraordinary occasions , and that are sometimes dispatch'd to cut off the head of a visier , or bassa , and such signal executions . this capuci pasha we find afterward made general in candia , and by degrees ascended to be grand visier , but he enjoys not that honor long ; for he died in that war about fifteen or sixteen years since . this is what we can yet discover concerning sinen , otherwise , cigala . but there is indeed besides this , another very noble family of the cigala's about scio : who are , 't is believ'd , a branch of the race of the genoveses , and who are at present called at scio , cigal ogli , which imports as much to say as son of cigali , or sons of meni pasha c●gala . this meni pasha had two sons that arriv'd both to be bassa's and captains of gallies ; one of which was called beker pasha , the other holein bassa . beker died some while since , and holein is yet , i suppose , living : it is not believed that our impostor mahomed bei is brother to holein , as he somewhere boasts himself ; because it is against all appearance of truth ; neither is it probable , that though some of the cigali might be merchants , that therefore any of them should go into ch●istendom to change their religion , and renounce a government so great and glorious as that of being sole moderator of the whole ottoman empire ( for to no less does this impost●r pretend ) without that ever we should hear of it but from his own trumpet . if conjecture may be admitted in this case , how this braggadocio comes to assume the name of cigala , 't is possible his fathers name may be found to have been cigo ; which founding near that of cigala , might prompt him to usurp the title of that illustrious house . there are innumerable instances throughout his legend which fall under the same suspicion ; some whereof are notorious falsities , divers of them incongruous and contradictory ; and if there were no other than that of his egregious ignorance in the turk●sh language ( which he pretends to be his maternal tongue , but blatters very imperfectly ) besides his gross unskilfulness in the ottoman court and oriental affairs , it were sufficient to disabuse the world , and to brand him for a most impudent impostor . some passages out of his book animadverted . page 14. that the vicount cigala dying in constantinople in the time of his captivity , his funeral was openly solemniz'd by permission of solyman ; his corps publiquely carried through the town with the cross and holy-water , followed and accompanied by all the ambassadors of christian princes then at the port , and all the religious orders of the city to the church of saint francis , where he was interred according to the forms of christian burial ; almost every particular of which carries a notorious confutation , as all who understand any thing of that time and place do well know . page 1. selim made cipio cigala visier , and second bassa of the port : consider if this were likely , that being a descent ; and page 21. whether to be captain bassa be a greater honor than to be prime visier ? page 45. whether the grand signior uses to permit any officer to suspend execution , or use ceremony in decollation , when he is the highest incensed ? page 58. whether there be any such treasures of plate , &c. and other precious things among the poor friers at the holy sepulchre in ierusalem . page 86. whether the turks make use of any christian physicians ? page 90. whether the war with 〈◊〉 venetian was onely for the surprising of ibrahims eldest son by the knights of malta with the sultana his mother , as she went to have him circumcised at meca ? which we have already confuted ? page 112. 't is to be considered how timely he makes his two iesuites and maccenigo die , the chief and onely authentique testimonies of his conversion and pretended exploits . page 150. that this happens to be known by none save two or three poor slaves , and as many iews , neither of which appear with him . page 167. that he produces not his story 'till after the death of both the queen of poland his god-mother , and , i suppose , the archbishop too , who he pretends to have baptiz'd him . page 167. the captain guardianship of the emperors artillery , is , ( as we are informed ) no more than master of the carriages , which is all he had to produce here for his grand diploma , without a word of any thing else to the purpose of the rest of his high pretences . the history of sabatai sevi , the pretended messiah of the iewes , in the year of our lord , 1666. the third impostor . according to the predictions of several christian writers , especially of such who comment on the apocalyps , or revelations , this year of 1666 was to prove a year of wonders , of strange revolutions in the world , and particularly of blessing to the iewes , either in respect of their conversion to the christian faith , or of their restoration to their temporal kingdome : this opinion was so dilated , and fixt in the countreys of the reformed religion , and in the heads of phanatical enthusiasts , who dreamed of a fift monarchy , the downfall of the pope , and antichrist , and the greatness of the iewes : in so much , that this subtile people judged this year the time to stir , and to fit their motion according to the season of the modern prophe●ies ; whereupon strange reports flew from place to place , of the march of multitudes of people from unknown parts into the remote desarts of arabia , supposed to be the ten tribes and halfe , lost for so many ages . that a ship was arrived in the northern parts of scotland with her sailes and cordage of silke , navigated by mariners who spake nothing but hebrew ; with this motto on their sailes , the twelve tribes of israel . these reportes agreeing thus near to former predictions , put the wild sort of the world into an expectation of strange accidents , this year should produce in reference to the iewish monarchy . in this manner millions of people were possessed , when sabatai sevi first appear'd at smyrna , and published himself to the iewes for their messiah , relating the greatness of their approaching kingdome , the strong hand whereby god was about to deliver them from bondage , and gather them from all partes of the world. it was strange to see how the fancy took , and how fast the report of sabatai and his doctrine flew through all partes where turkes and iews inhabited ; the latter of which were so deeply possessed with a beliefe of their new kingdome , and riches , and many of them with promotion to offices of government , renown , and greatness , that in all parts from constantinople to buda ( which it was my fortune that year to travel ) i perceiv'd a strange transport in the iewes , none of them attending to any business unless to winde up former negotiations , and to prepare themselves and families for a journey to ierusalem : all their discourses , their dreames , and disposal of their affaires tended to no other design but a re-establishment in the land of promise , to greatness , glory , wisdome , and doctrine of the messiah , whose original , birth , and education are first to be recounted . sabatai sevi was son of mordechai sevi , an inhabitant , and natural of smyrna , who gained his livelihood by being broaker to an english marchant in that place ; a person , who before his death was very decrepit in his body , and full of the goute , and other infirmities , but his son sabatai sevi addicting himself to study , became a notable proficient in the hebrew and metaphysicks ; and arrived to that point of sophistry in divinity and metaphysicks , that he vented a new doctrine in their law , drawing to the profession of it so many disciples , as raised one day a tumult in the synagogue ; for which afterwards he was by a censure of the cho●hams ( who are expounders of the law ) banished the city . during the time of his exile , he ●ravelled to thessalonica , now called salonica , where he marryed a very handsome woman ; but either not having that part of oeconomy as to govern a wife , or being importent towards women , as was pretended , or that she found not favour in his eyes , she was divorced from him : again , he took a second wife , more beautiful then the former , but the same causes of discontent raising a difference between them , he obtained another divorce from this wife also . and being now free from the incumbrances of a family , his wandring head mov'd him to travel through the morea , thence to tripoli in syria , gaza , and ierusalem ; and by the way picked up a ligernese lady , whom he made his third wife , the daughter of some polonian or german , her original and parentage not being very well known . and being now at ierusalem he began to reforme the law of the iewes , and abolish the fast of tamnz ( which they keep in the moneth of iune ) and there meeting with a certain iew called nathan , a proper instrument to promote his design ; he communicated to him his condition , his course of life , and intentions , to proclaime himself messiah of the world , so long expected and desired by the iewes . this design took wonderfully with nathan ; and because it was thought necessary according to scripture , and antient prophesies , that elias was to precede the messiah , as st. iohn baptist was the fore-runner of christ : nathan thought no man so proper to act the part of the prophet as himself ; and so no sooner had sabatai declared himself the messiah , but nathan discovers himself to be his prophet , forbiding all the fasts of the iewes in ierusalem ; and declaring , that the bridegroom being come , nothing but joy , and triumph ought to dwell in their habitations ; writing to all the assemblies of the iewes , to perswade them to the same beliefe . and now the schisme being begun , and many iewes really believing what they so much desired , nathan took the courage and boldness to prophesie , that one year from the 27th of kislen , ( which is the moneth of iune ) the messiah shall appear before the grand signor , & take from him his crown , and lead him in chaines like a captive . sabatai also at gaza preached repentance to the iewes , and obedience to himself and doctrine , for that the coming of the messiah was at hand : which novelties so affected the iewish inhabitants of those partes , that they gave up themselves wholly to their prayers , almes , and devotions ; and to confirme this beliefe the more , it hapned , that at the same time that newes hereof , with all perticulars were dispatched from gaza , to acquaint the brethren in forrain partes : the rumour of the messiah hath flown so swift , and gained such reception , that intelligence came from all partes and countreys where the iewes inhabit , by letters to gaza , and ierusalem , congratulating the happiness of their deliverance , and expiration of the time of their servitude , by the appearance of the messiah . to which they adjoyned other prophesies , relating to that dominion the messiah was to have over all the world : that for nine moneths after he was to disappeare ; during which time the iewes were to suffer , and many of them to undergoe martyrdom : but then returning again mounted on a caelestial lyon , with his bridle made of serpents with seven heads , accompanyed with his brethren the iewes , who inhabited on the other side of the river sabation , he should be acknowledged for the sole monarch of the universe ▪ and then the holy temple should descend from heaven already built , framed , and beautified , wherein they should offer sacrifice for ever . and here i leave you to consider , how strangely this deceived people was amused , when these confident , and vain reports , and dreams of power , and kingdomes , had wholly transported them from the ordinary course of their trade , and interest . this noise and rumour of the messiah , having begun to fill all places , sabatai sevi resolved to travel towards smyrna , the country of his nativity ; and thence to constantinople the capital city , where the principal work of preaching was to have been performed : nathan thought it not fit to be long after him , and therefore travels by the way of damascus , where resolving to continue some time for better propagation of this nes doctrine ; in the meane while writes this letter to sabatai sevi , as followeth . 22. kesvan of this year . to the king , our king , lord of our lords , who gathers the dispersed of israel , who redeems our captivity , the man elevated to the height of all sublimity , the messiah of the god of jacob , the true messiah , the coelestial lyon , sabatai sevi , whose honour be exalted , and his dominion raised in a short time , and for ever , amen . after having kissed your hands , and swept the dust from your feet , as my duty is to the king of kings , whose majesty be exalted , and his empire enlarged . these are to make known to the supreme excellency of that place , which is adorned with the beauty of your sanctity , that the word of the king , and of his law , hath enlightned our faces : that day hath been a solemn day unto israel , and a day of light unto our rulers , for immediately we applyed our selves to performe y●ur commands , as our duty is . and though we have heard of many strange things , yet we are couragious , and our heart is as the heart of a lyon ; nor ought we to enquire a reason of your doings , for your workes are marvellous , and past finding out : and we are confirmed in our fidelity without all exception , resigning up our very souls for the holiness of your name : and now we are come as far as damascus , intending shortly to proceed in our iourney to scanderone , according as you have commanded us ; that so we may ascend , and see the face of god in light , as the light of the face of the king of life : and we , servants of your servants shall cleanse the dust from your feet , beseeching the majesty of your excellency and glory to vouchsafe from your habitation to have a care of us , and help us with the force of your right hand of strength , and shorten our way which is before us : and we have our eyes towards jah , jah , who will make hast to help us , and save us , that the children of iniquity shall not hurt us ; and towards whom our hearts pant , and are consumed within us ; who shall give us tallons of iron to be worthy to stand under the shadow of your asse . these are the words of the s●rvant of your servants , who prostrates himself to betrod on by the soles of your feet , nathan benjamine . and that he might publish this doctrine of himself , and the messiah more plainly , he wrote from damascus this following letter , to the iewes at aleppo , and parts the●eabouts . to the residue or remnant of the israelites , peace without end . these my words are , to give you notice , how that i am arrived in peace at damascus , and behold i go to meet the face of our lord , whose majesty be exalted , for he is the soveraign of the king of kings , whose empire be enlarged . * according as he hath commanded us and the 12 tribes to elect unto him 12 men , so have we done : and we now go to scanderone by his command , to sh●w our faces together , with part of the principal of those particular friends ▪ to whom he hath given licence to assemble in that same place . and now i come to make known unto you , that though you have heard strange things of our lord , yet let not your hearts faint , or fear , but rather fortifie your selves in your faith , because all his actions are miraculous , and secret , which humane understanding cannot comprehend , and who can penetrate into the depth of them . in a short time all things shall be manifested to you clearly in their purity : and you shall know , and consider , and be instructed by the inventor himself ; bl●ssed is he who can expect , and arrive to the salvation of the true messiah , who will speedily publish his authority and empire over us now , and for ev●r . nathan . and now all the cities of turky where the iewes inhabited were full of the expectation of the messiah ; no trade , nor course of gaine was followed : every one imagin'd that dayly provisions , riches , honours , and government , were to descend upon them by some unknown and miraculous manner : an example of which is most observable in the iewes at thessalonica , who now full of assurance that the restoration of their kingdome , and the accomplishment of the time for the coming of the messiah was at hand , judged themselves obliged to double their devotions , and purifie their consciences from all sins and enormities which might be obvious to the scrutiny of him who was now come to penetrate into the very thoughts and imaginations of mankinde . in which work certain chochams were appointed to direct the people how to regulate their prayers , fasts , and other acts of devotion . but so forward was every one now in his acts of pen●nce , that they stay'd not for the sentence of the chocham , or prescription of any rules , but apply'd themselves immediately to fasting : and some in that manner beyond the abilities of nature , that having for the space of seven dayes taken no sustenance , were famished to death . others buryed themselves in their gardens , covering their naked bodies with earth , their heads onely excepted , remained in their beds of dirt until their bodies were stifned with the cold and moisture : others would indure to have melted vvax dropt upon their shoulders , others to rowle themselves in snow , and throw their bodies in the coldest season of winter into the sea , or frozen waters . but the most common way of mortification was first to prick their backs and sides with ●ho●es , and then to give themselves thirty nine lashes . all business was laid aside , none worked , or opened shop , unless to clear his vvarehouse of merchandize at any price : who had superfluity in houshold-stuffe , sold it for what he could ; but yet not to iewes , for they were interdicted from bargaines or sales , on the pain of excommunication , pecuniary mulcts , or corporal punishment ; for all business and imployment was esteemed the test , and touchstone of their faith. it being the general tenent , that in the dayes that the messiah appeares , the iewes shall become masters of the estates and inheritance of infidels ; until when they are to content themselves with matters onely n●cessary to maintain and support life . but because every one was not master of so much fortune and provision , as to live without dayly labour , therefore to quiet the clamours of the poor , and prevent the enormous lives of some , who upon these occasions would become vagabonds , and desert their cities , due order was taken to make collections , which were so liberally bestow'd , that in thessalonica onely 400 poore were supported by the meer charity of the richer . and as they indeavour'd to purge their consciences of sin , and to apply themselves to good vvorkes , that the messiah might find the city prepared for his reception ; so , least he should accuse them of any omission in the law , and particularly in their neglect of that antient precept of , increase and multiply ; they marryed together children of ten yeares of age , and some under , without respect to riches , or poverty , condition or quality : but , being promiscuously joyned , to the number of 6 or 700 ●ouple , upon better and cooler thoughts , after the deceipt of the false m●ssiah was discover'd , or the expectation of his coming grew cold , were divorced , or by consent separated from each other . in the heat of all this talk and rumor , comes sabatai sevi to smyrna , the city of his nativity , infinitely desir'd there by the common iewes ; but by the chochams , or doctors of their law , who gave little or no credence to what he pretended , was ill receiv'd , not knowing what mischief or ruine this doctrine and prophesie of a new kingdome might produce . yet sabatai bringing with him testimonials of his sanctity , holy life , wisdom , and gift of prophesie , so deeply fixed himself in the heart of the generality , both as being holy and vvife , that thereupon he took courage and boldness to enter into dispute with the grand chocham ( who is the head , and chief exposi●er of the law and superin●endent of their will and government ) between whom the a●guments grew so high , and language so hot , that the iewes who favoured the doctrine of sabatai , and feared the authority of the cho●ham , doubtful what might be the issue of the contest , appear'd in great numbers before the cadi of smyrna , in justification of their new prophet , before so much as any accusation came against him : the cadi ( according to the custome of the turkes , ) swallows mony on both sides , and afterwards remits them to the determination of their own justice . in this manner sabatai gaines ground dayly ; and the grand chocham with his party , losing both the affection and obedience of his people , is displaced from his office , and another constituted , more affectionate , and agreeable to the new prophet , whose power daily increased by those confident reports , that his enemies were struck with phrensies and madness , until being restor'd to their former temper and wits by him , became his friends , admirers , and disciples . no invitation was now made in smyrna by the iewes , nor marriage , or circumci●ion solemnized , where sabata● was not present , accompanyed with a multitude of his followers , and the streets cover'd with carpits , or fine cloath for him to tread on ; but the humility of this pharisee appear'd such , that he would stoop and turne them aside , and so pass . and having thus fixed himself in the opinion and admiration of the people , he began to take on himself the title of messiah , and the son of god ; and to make this following declaration to all the nation of the iewes , which being wrote originally in hebrew , was translated for me faithfully into italian , in this manner . l'unico figliolo , e primogenito d' dio , sabatai sevi , il messiah , e salvatore d' israel eletti di dio pace bessendo che sete fatti degni di veder quel grangiorno della deliberatione e salvatione d' israel , e consummatione delle parole di dio , promess per li sua profeti , e padri notri , per il suo diletto figlio d' israel , ogni vestra amaritudine si converta in allegrezza , e li vestri diginguiti facino feste , per che non piangerete o miei figliole d' israel havendovi dati iddio la consolatione inenarrabile , festegiate contimpani e musiche , ringratiando quello chi ha adempito il promesso dalli secoli , facendo ogni giorno quelle cose che solete fare nelle callende , e quel gi●rno dedicato al● ▪ afflictione e mestitia , convertite lo in giorno giocondo per la mia comparsa , e non spaventate niente , per che haveret● dominio sopra , le genti , non solamente di quelle , che si vedodono in terra , ma quelle che sono in fondi del mare , il tutto pro vestra consolatione & allegrezza . which translated into english , runs thus ; the onely , and first-borne son of god , sabatai sevi , the messiah and saviour of israel , to all the sons of israel , peace . since that you are made worthy to see that great day of deliverance , and salvation unto israel , and accomplishment of the word of god , promised by his prophets , and our fore-fathers , and by his beloved son of israel : let your bitter sorrowes be turned into joy , and your fasts into festivals , for you shall weep no more , o my sons of israel , for god having given you this unspeakable comfort , rejoyce with drums , organs , and musick , giving thanks to him for performing his promise from all ages ; doing that every day , which is usual for you to do upon the new-moons ; and , that day dedicated to affliction and sorrow convert you into a day of mirth for my appearance : and fear you nothing , for you shall have dominion over the nations , and not onely over those who are on earth , but over those creatures also which are in the depth of the sea. all which is for your consolation and rejoycing . sabatai sevi . notwithstanding the disciples of sabatai sevi were not so numerous , but many opposed his doctrine , publiquely avouching that he was an impostor , and deceiver of the people , amongst which was one samuel pennia , a man of a good estate and reputation in smyrna , who arguing in the synagogue , that the present signs of the coming of the messiah were not apparent , either according to scripture , or the doctrine of the rabbins , raised such a sedition and tumult amongst the iews , as not onely prevailed against arguments , but had also against his life , had he not timely conveyed himself out of the synagogue , and thereby escaped the hands of the multitude , who now could more easily endure blasphemy against the law of moses , and the prophanation of the sanctuary , than contradiction , or misbelief of the doctrine of sabatai . but howsoever it fell out , pennia in short time becomes a convert , and preaches up sabatai for the son of god , and deliverer of the iews : and not onely he , but his whole family ; his daughters prophesie , and fall into strange extasies ; and not onely his house , but four hundred men and women prophesie of the growing kingdom of sabatai , and young infants who could yet scarce stammer out a syllable to their mothers , repeat , and pronounce plainly the name of sabatai the messiah , and son of god. for thus farr had god permitted the devil to delude this people , that their very children were for a time possessed , and voices heard to found from their stomacks , and intrails : those of riper years fell first into a trance , foamed at the mouth , and recounted the future prosperitie , and deliverance of the israelites , their visions of the lion of iudah , and the triumphs of sabatai , all which were certainly true , being effects of diabolical delusions : as the iews themselves since have confessed unto me . with these concomitant accidents , and successes , sabatai sevi growing more presumptuous , that he might correspond with the prophesies of greatness , and dominion of the messiah , proceeds to an election of those princes which were to govern the israelites in their march towards the holy-land , and to dispence judgement and justice after their restoration . the names of them were these which follow , men well known at smyrna , who never ( god knows ) had ambition to aspire to the title of princes , until a strange spirit of deceit and delusion had moved them , not onely to hope for it as possible , but to expect it as certain . isaac silvera . king david . salomon lagnado . was salomon . salom lagnado jun. named zovah . ioseph cohen . uzziah . moses galente . iosaphat . daniel pinto . hilkiah . abraham scandale . iotham . mokiah gaspar . zedekiah . abraham leon. achas . ephraim arditi . ioram . salom carmona . achab. matassia aschenesi . asa. meir alcaira . rehoboam . iacob loxas . ammon . mordecai iesserun . iehoachim ▪ chaim inegna . ieroboam . ioseph scavillo . abia. conor nehemias . was zarobabel . ioseph del caire . named ioas. elcukin schavit . amasia . abraham rubio ▪ iosiah . elias sevi had the title of the king of the king of kings . elias azar his vice-king , or vizier . ioseph sevi , the king of the kings of iudah . ioseph inernuch his vice-king . in this manner things ran to strange height of madness amongst the iews at smyrna , where appear'd such pageantry of greatness , that no comedy could equal the mock-shews they represented , and though none durst openly profess any scruple , or doubt of this common received belief , yet for confirmation of the iews in their faith , and astonishment of the gentiles , it was judged no less than n●cessary that sabatai should shew some miracles , whereby to evince to all the world that he was the true messiah : and as the present occasion seemed to require an evidence infallible of this truth , so it was daily expected by the vulgar , with an impatience sutable to humors disposed to novel●ie ; who out of every action and motion of their prophet began to fancy something extraordinary and supernatu●al . sabatai was now horribly puzzled for a miracle , though the imagination of the people was so vitiated that any legerdemaine , or slight of hand would have passed more easily with with them for a wonder than moses striking the rock for water , or dividing the red sea . and occasion happening that sabatai was , in behalf of his subjects , to appear before the cadi , or judge of the citie to demand ease , and relief of some oppressions which aggrieved them : it was thought necessary a miracle should now or never , when sabatai appearing with a formal and pharisaical gravitie , which he had starcht on : some on a sudden avouched to see a pillar of fire between him and the cadi , which report presently was heard through the whole room , filled with iews that accompanied sabatai , some of whom , who strongly fancied it , vow'd , and swore they saw it ; others in the outward yard , or that could not come near to hear , or see for the crowd , as speedily took the alarm , and the rumour ran , and belief receiv'd by the women and children at home in a moment , so that sabatai sevi returned to his house triumphant , fixed in the hearts of his people , who now needed no further miracles to confirm them in their faith . and thus was sabatai exalted , when no man was thought worthy of communication who did not believe him to be the messiah : others were called kophrim , infidels or hereticks , liable to the censure of excommunication , with whom it was not lawful so much as to eat : every man produc'd his treasure , his gold and jewels , offering them at the feet of sabatai ; so that he could have commanded all the we●lth of smyrna , but he was too subtil to accept their money , least he should render his design suspected by any act of covetousness . sabatai sevi having thus fully fixed himself in smyrna , and filled other places with rumors of his fame ; declared that he was called by god to visit constantinople , where the greatest part of his work was to be accomplisht ; in order whereunto he privately ships himself , with some few attendants in a turkish saick , in the moneth of ianuary 1666. least the crowd of his disciples , and such who would press to follow him , should endanger him in the eyes of the turks , who already began to be scandal●zed at the reports and prophesies concernning his person . but though sabatai took few into the vessel to him , yet a multitude of iews travell'd over land to meet him again at constantinople , on whom all their eyes and expectations were intent . the wind proving northernly , as commonly it is in the helespont and propontis ; sabatai was thirtie nine days in his voyage , and yet the vessel not arriv'd , so little power had this messiah over the sea and winds , in which time news being come to constantinople that the iews messiah was near , all that people prepared to receive him with the same joy and impatience as was exprest in other parts where he arrived ; the great vizier ( then also at constantinople , being not yet departed on his expedition for candia ) having heard some rumors of this man , and the disorder and madness he had raised amongst the iews ; sent two boats , whil'st the saick was detained by contrary winds , with commands to bring him up prisoner to the port , where accordingly sabatai being come , was committed to the most loathsom and darkest d●ngeon in the town , there to remain in farther expectation of the viziers sentence : the iews were not at all discouraged at this ill treatment of their prophet , but rather confirmed in their belief of him , as being the accomplishment of the prophesie of those things which ought to precede his glory and dominion ; which consideration induc'd the chiefest persons amongst the iews to make their visits and addresses to him with the same ceremony and respect in the dungeon as they would have done had he then sat exalted on the throne of israel : several of them , with one ana●ago , by name , a man of great esteem amongst the iews , attended a whole day before him , with their eyes cast down , their bodies bending forward , and hands crost before them ( which are postures of humility , and service in the eastern countre●s ) the undecency of the place , and present subjection , not having in the least abated their high thoughts , and reverence towards his person . the iews in constantinople were now become as mad and distracted as they were in other places , all trade and trafficque forbidden , and those who owed money , in no manner careful how to satisfie it : amongst which wild crew some were indebted to our merchants at galata , who not knowing the way to receive their money , partly for their interest , and partly for curiosity thought fit to visit this sabatai , complayning that such particular iews , upon his coming , took upon them the boldness to defraud them of their right , desired he would be pleased to signifie to these his subjects , his pleasure to have satisfaction given : whereupon sabatai with much affectation took pen and paper , and wrote to this effect . to you of the nation of the iews , who expect the appearance of the messiah , and the salvation of israel , peace without end . whereas we are informed that you are indebted to several of the english nation : it seemeth right unto us to enorder you to make satisfaction to these your just debts : which if you refuse to do , and not obey us herein : know you , that then you are not to enter with us into our joys and dominions . in this manner sabatai sevi remained a prisoner at constantinople for the space of two moneths ; at the end of which , the vizier having designed his expedition for candia ; and considering the rumor and disturbance the presence of sabatai had made already at constantinople , thought it not secure to suffer him to remain in the imperial citie , whil'st both the grand signior and himself were absent : and therefore changes his prison to the dardanelli , otherwise called the castle of abydos , being on the europe side of the helespont , opposite to se●tos , places famous in greek poetrie . this removal of sabatai from a worse prison to one of a better air ; confirmed the iews with greater confidence of his being the messiah , supposing that had it been in the power of the vizier , or other officers of the turks , to have destroyed his person , they would never have permitted him to have lived to that time , in regard their maximes enforce them to quit all jealousies and suspitions of ruine to their state by the death of the party feared , which much rather they ought to execute on sabatai , who had not onely declared himself the king of israel , but also published prophesies fatal to the grand signior and his kingdoms . with this consideration , and others preceding , the iews flock in great numbers to the castle , where he was imprisoned , not onely from the neighbouring parts , but also from poland , germanie , legorne , venice , amsterdam , and other places where the iewt reside : on all whom , as a reward of the expence , and labours of their pilgrimage , sabatai bestowed plenty of his benedictions , promising encrease of their store , and enlargement of their possessions in the holy-land . and so great was the confluence of the iews to this place , that the turks thought it requisite to make their advantage thereof , and so not onely raised the price of their provision , lodgings , and other necessaries , but also denied to admit any to the presence of sabatai , unless for money , setting the price , sometimes at five , sometimes at ten dollers , or more or less , according as they guessed at their abilities , or zeal of the person , by which gain and advantage to the turks no complaints or advices were carried to adrianople either of the concourse of people , or arguments amongst the iews in that place ; but rather all civilities , and libertie indulged unto them , which served as a farther argument to ensnare this poor people in the belief of their messiah . during this time of confinement , sabatai had leisure to compose and institute a new method of worship for the iews , and principally the manner of the celebration of the day of his nativity , which he prescribed in this manner . brethren , and my people , men of religion inhabiting the city of smyrna the renowned , where live men , and women , and families ; peace be unto you from the lord of peace , and from me his beloved son , king salomon . i command you that the ninth day of the moneth of ab ( which according to our account answered that year to the moneth of iune ) next to come , you make a day of invitation , and of great joy , celebrating it with choice meats and pleasing drinks , with many candles and lamps , with musick and songs , because it is the day of the birth of sabatai sevi , the high king above all kings of the earth . and as to matters of labour , and other things of like nature , do , as becomes you , upon a day of festival , adorned with your finest garments . as to your prayers , let the same order be used as upon f●stivals . to converse with christians on that day is unlawful , though your discourse be of matters indifferent , all labour is forbidden , but to sound instruments is lawful . this shall be the method and substance of your prayers on this day of festival : after you have said , blessed be thou , o holy god! then proceed and say , thou hast chosen us before all people , and hast loved us , and hast been delighted with us , and hast humbled us more than all other nations , and hast sanctified us with thy precepts , and hast brought us near to thy service , and the service of our king. thy holy , great , and terrible name thou hast publi●hed amongst us : and hast given us , o lord god , according to thy love , time of joy , of festivals , and times of mirth , and this day of consolation for a solemn convocation of holiness , for the birth of our king the messiah , sabatai sevi thy servant , and first-born son in love , through whom we commemorate our coming out of egypt . and then you shall read for your lesson the 1 , 2 , and 3 chapters of deut. to the 17 verse , appointing for the reading thereof five men , in a perfect and uncorrupted bible , adding thereunto the blessings of the morning , as are prescribed for days of festival : and for the lesson out of the prophets usually read in the synagogue every sabbath : you shall read the 31 chapt. of ieremiah . to your prayer called mussaf ( used in the synagogue every sabbath and solemn festival ) you shall adjoyn that of the present festival ; in stead of the sacrifice of addition , of the returning of the bible to its place , you shall read with an audible voice , clear sound , the psalm 95. and at the first praises in the morning , after you have sang psalm 91 , and just before you sing psalm 98 , you shall repeate psalm 132 but in the last verse , where it is said , as for his enemies i shall cloath them with shame , but upon himself shall his crown flourish ; in the place of ( upon himself ) you shall read upon the most high : after which shall follow the 126 psalm , and then the 113 to the 119. at the consecration of the wine upon the vigil , or even , you shall make mention of the feast of consolation , which is the day of the birth of our king the ●es●iah sabatai sevi thy servant , and first-born son , giving the blessing as followe●h : blessed be thou our god , king of the world , who hast made us to live , and hast maintain'd us , and hast kept us alive unto this time . upon the eve of this day you shall read also the 81 psalm , as also the 132 and 126 psalmes , which are appointed for the morning praises . and this day shall be unto you for a remembrance of a solemn day unto eternal ages , and a perpetual testimony between me , and the sons of israel . a●dite audiendo & manducate bonum . besides which order , and method of prayers for solemnization of his birth , he prescribed other rules for divine service , and particularly published the same indulgence and priviledge to every one who should pray at the ●omb of his mother ; 〈◊〉 if he had taken on him a pilgrimage to pray , and sacrifice at ierusalem . the devotion of the iewes toward this pretended messiah increased still more and more , so that onely the chief of the city went to attend , and proffer their service toward him in the time of his imprisonment , but likewise decked their synagogue with s. s. in letters of gold , making for him on the wall a crown , in the circle of which was wrote the 91 psalm at length , in faire and legible characters ; attributing the same titles to sabatai , and expounding the scriptures in the same manner in favour of his appearance , as we do of our saviour . however some of the iewes remain'd in their wits all this time , amongst which was a certain chochan at smyrna , one zealous of his law , and of the good and safety of his nation : and observing in what a wilde manner the whole people of the iewes was transported , with the groundless beliefe of a messiah , leaving not onely their trade , and course of living , but publishing prophesies of a speedy kingdome , of rescue from the tyranny of the turk , and leading the grand signior himself captive in chaines ; matters so dangerous and obnoxious to the state wherein they lived , as might justly convict them of treason and rebellion , and leave them to the mercy of that justice , which on the least jealousie and suspicion of matters of this nature , uses to extirpate families , and subvert the mansion-houses of their own people , much rather of the iewes , on whom the turkes would gladly take occasion to dispoile them of their estates , and condemn the whole nation to perpetual slavery . and indeed it would have been a greater wonder then ever sabatai shewed , that the turkes took no advantage from all these extravagances , to dreine the iewes of a considerable sum of money , and set their whole race in turky at a ransome , had not these passages yielded them matter of pastime , and been the subject of the turkes laughter and scorne ; supposing it a disparagement to the greatness of the ottoman empire , to be concerned for the rumors and combustions of this dispersed people . with these considerations this cocham , that he might clear himself of the blood and guilt of his countrey-men , and concern'd in the common destruction , goes before the cadi , and there protests against the present doctrine ; declaring , that he had no hand in setting up of sabatai , but was an enemy both to him and to hi● whole sect. this freedome of the chocham so enraged and scandalized the iewes , that they judged no condemnation or punishment too severe against such an offender and blasphemer of their law , and holiness of the messiah ; and therefore with money and presents to the cadi , accusing him as disobedient in a capital nature to their government , obtain'd sentence against him , to have his beard shaved , and to be condemn'd to the gallies . there wanted nothing now to the appearance of the messiah , and the solemnity of his coming , but the presence of elias , whom the iewes began to expect hourely , and with that attention and earnestness , that every dreame , or phantasme to a weak head was judged to be elias ; it being taught , and averred , that he was seen in divers formes and ●hapes , not to be certainly discovered or known , before the coming of the messiah ; for this superstition is so far fixed amongst them , that generally in their families they spread a table for elias the prophet , to which they make an invitation of poor people , leaving the chief place for the lord elias , whom they believe to be invisibly present at the entertainment , and there to eate , and drink , without dimunition , either of the dishes , or of the cup , one person amongst the iewes commanded his wife after a supper of this kind , to leave the cup filled with wine , and the meat standing all night , for elias to feast , and rejoyce alone ; and in the morning arising early , affirmed , that elias took this banquet so kindly , that in token of gratitude , and acceptance , he had replenish'd the cup with oyle , in stead of wine . it is a certain custome amongst the iewes on the evening of the sabbath , to repeate certain praises of god ( called havdila ) which signifies a distinction , or separation of the sabbath from the prophane dayes ( as they call them ) which praises they observe to performe in this manner . one takes a cup filled with wine , and drops it through the whole house , saying , elias the prophet , elias the prophet , elias the prophet , come quickly to us with the messiah , the son of god , and david ; and this they affirme to be so acceptable to elias , that he never failes to preserve that family , so devoted to him , and augment it with the blessings of increase . many other things the iewes avouch of elias , so ridiculous , as are not fit to be declar'd , amongst which this one is not far from our purpose , that at the circumcision there is alwayes a ch●ir set for elias : and sabatai sevi being once invited at smyrna to the circumcision of t●e first-borne-son of one abraham gutiere , a kinsman of sabatai , and all things ready for the ceremony , sabatai sevi exhorted the parents of the child to expect a while until his farther order : after a good halfe hour , sabatai order'd them to proceed and cut the prepuce of the child , which was instantly perform'd with all joy and satisfaction to the parents : and being afterwards demanded the reason why he retarded the performance of that function , his answer was , that elias had not as yet taken his seat , whom , assoon as he saw placed , he ordered them to proceed ; and that now shortly elias would discover himself openly , and proclaime the newes of the general redemption . this being the common opinion amongst the iewes , and that sabatai sevi was the messiah , being become an article of faith , it was not hard to perswade them , that elias was come already , that they met him in their dishes , in the darke , in their bed●chambers , or ●ny where else invisible , in the same ma●ner as our common people in england believe of hobgoblins , and fairies . for so it was , when solomon cremona , an inhabitant of smyrna , making a great feast , to which the principal iewes of the city were invited , after they had eaten and drank freely , one starts from his seat , and avouches , that he saw elias upon the wall , and with that bowes to him , and complements him with all reverence and humility : some others having in like manner their fancies prepossessed , and their eyes with the fume of wine ill prepared to distinguish shadowes , immediately agreed upon the object , and then there was not one in the company who would say he did not see him : at which surprize every one was st●uck with reverence and awe ; and the most eloquent amongst them , having their tongues loosed with joy , and wine , directed orations , encomiums , and acts of thankfulness to elias , courting and complementing him , as distracted lovers doe the supposed presence of their mistresses . another iew at constantinople reported , that he met elias in the streets , habited like a turke , with whom he had a long communication ; and that he enjo●n'd the observation of many neglected ceremonies , and particularly the zezit , numb . 15. v. 38. speak unto the children of israel , and bid them that they make fringes in the borders of their garments , throughout their generations , and that they put upon the fringe of the border a ribbon of blue . also the peos , levit. 19. v. 27. ye shall not round the corners of your head , nor marr the corners of your beard : this apparition of elias being believed as soon as published , every one began to obey the vision , by fringing their garments ; and for their heads , though alwayes shaved , according to the turkish and eastern fa●hion , and that the suffering hair to grow , to men not accustomed , was heavy , and incommodious to their healths and heads ; yet to begin again to renew , as far as was possible , the antient ceremonies , every one nourished a lock of hair on each side , which might be visible beneath their caps ; which soon after began to be a sign of distinction between the believers and kophrims , a name of dishonour , signifying as much as unbelievers ; or hereticks , given to those who confessed not sabatai to be the messiah ; which particulars , if not observed , it was declared , as a menace of elias , that the people of the iewes , who come from the river sabation , as is specifyed in the second esdras , chap. 13. shall take vengeance of those who are guilty of these omissions . but to return again to sabatai s●vi himself , we find him still remaining a prisoner in the castle of abydos upon the hellespont , admir'd and ador'd by hi● brethren , with more honor then before , and visited by pilgrimes from all parts where the same of the coming of the messiah had arriv'd ; amongst which one from poland , named nehemiah cohen , was of special note , and renown , learned in the hebr●w , syriack , and chaldee , and versed in the doctrine and kabala of the rabines , as well as sabatai himself , one ( of whom it was said ) had not this sevi anticipated the design , esteemed himself as able a fellow to act the part of a messiah as the other : howsoever , it being now too late to publish any such pretence , sabatai having now eleven points of the law by possession of the office , and with that the hearts and belief of the iewes : nehemiah was contented with some small appendage , or relation to a messiah ; and therefore to lay his design the better , desired a private conference with sabatai : these two great rabbines being together , a hot dispute arose between them ; for cohen alleadged that according to scripture , and exposition of the learned thereupon , there were to be two messiahs , one called ben ●phraim , and the other ben david : the first was to be a preacher of the law , poor , and despised , and a servant of the second , and his fore-runner ; the other was to be great and rich , to re●tore the iewes to ierusalem , to sit upon the throne of david , and to perfo●me and act all those triumphs and ●onques●s which were expected from sabatai . nehemiah was contented to be 〈◊〉 ephraim , the a●●licted and poor messiah ; and sabatai ( for any thing i hear ) was well enough contented he should be so : but that nehemiah accused him ●or being too forward in publishing himself the latter messiah , before ben ephraim had fitst been known unto the world. sabatai took this reprehension so ill , either out of pride , and thoughts of his own infallibility , or that he suspected neh●miah , being once admitted for ben ephraim , would quickly ( being a subtile and learned person ) perswade the world that he was ben david , would by no means understand , or admit of this doct●ine , or of ben ephraim for a necessary officer : and thereupon the dispute g●ew so hot , and the controve●sie so irreconcileable , as was taken notice of by the iewes , and controverted amongst them , as every one fancy'd : but sabatai being of greater authority , his sentence prevail'd , and nehemiah was rejected , as schismatical , and an enemy to the messiah , which afterward proved the ruine and downfal of this impostor . for nehemiah being thus baffled , and being a person of authority , and a haughty spirit , meditated nothing but revenge ; to execute which to the full , he takes a journey to a●rianople , and there informes the chief minsters of state , and officers of the court , who ( by reason of the gai● the turks made of their prisoner at the castle on the hellespont ) heard nothing of all this concourse of people , and prophesies of the revolt of the iews from their obedience to the grand signior ; and taking likewise to his counsel some certain discontented and unbelieving chochams , who being zealous for their nation , and jealous of the ill-consequences of this long-continued , and increasing madness , took liberty to informe the chimacham ( who was deputy of the great vizier then at candia ) that the iew , prisoner at the castle , called sabatai sevi , was a lewd person , and one who indeavoured to debauch the mindes of the iewes , and divert them from their honest course of livelihood , and obedience to the grand signior ; and that therefore it was necessary to clear the world of so factious and dangerous a spirit : the chimacham being thus informed , could do no less then acquaint the grand signior with all the particulars of this mans condition , course of life , and doctrine ; which were no sooner understood , but a chiaux , or messenger , was immediately dispatched , to bring up sabatai sevi to adrianople . the chiaux executed his commission after the turkish fashion in hast , and brought sabatai in a few days to adrianople , without further excuse or ceremony ; not affording him an hours space to take a solemn farewel of his friends , his followers and adorers ; who now were come to the vertical point of all their hopes and expectations . the grand signior having by this time received divers informations of the madness of the iews , and the pretences of sabatai ; grew big with desire and expectation to see him : so that he no sooner arriv'd at adrianople , but the same hour he was brought before the grand signior : sabatai appeared much dejected , and failing of that courage which he shewed in the synagogue ; and being demanded several questions in turkish by the grand signior , he would not trust so farr to the vertue of his messiahship , as to deliver himself in the turkish language ; but desired a doctor of physick , ( who had from a iew turned turk ) , to be his interpreter , which was granted to him ; but not without reflection of the standers by ; that had he been the messiah , and son of god , as he formerly pretended , his tongue would have flown with varietie , as well as with the perfection of languages . but the grand signior would not be put off without a miracle , and it must be one of his own choice : which was , that sabatai should be stript naked , and set as a mark to his dexterous archers : if the arrows passed not his body , but that his flesh and skin was proof like armour , then he would believe him to be the messiah , and the person whom god had design'd to those dominions , and greatnesses , he p●etended . but now sabatai not having faith enough to stand to so sharp a trial , renounced all his title to kingdoms and governments , alledging that he was an ordinary chocham , and a poor iew , as others were , and had nothing of priviledge , or vertue above the rest . the grand signior notwithstanding , not wholly satisfied with this plain confession , declared , that having given publique scandal to the professors of the mahometan religion , and done dishonour to his soveraign authoritie , by pretending to draw such a considerable portion from him , as the land of palestine ; his treason and crime was not to be expiated by any other means then by a conversion to the mahometan faith , which if he refus'd to do , the stake was ready at the gate of the seraglio to empale him . sabatai being now reduced to extremitie of his latter game ; not being the least doubtful what to do ; for to die for what he was assured was false , was against nature , and the death of a mad man : replyed with much chearfulness , that he was contented to turn turk , and that it was not of force , but of choice , having been a long time desirous of so glorious a profession , he esteemed himself much honored , that he had opportunity to own it ; first in the presence of the grand signior . and here was the non plus ultra of all the bluster and noise of this vain impostor . and now the reader may be pleased to pause a while , and contemplate the strange point of consternation , shame , and silence , to which the iews were reduc't , when they understood how speedily their hopes were vanished , and how poorly and ignominiously all their fancies and promises of a new kingdom , their pageantry , and offices of devotion , were past like a tale , or a midnights dream : and all this was concluded , and the iews sunk on a sudden , and fallen flat in their hopes , without so much as a line of comfort , or excuse from sabatai ; more than in general , to all the brethren . that now they should apply themselves to their callings and services of god , as formerly , for that matters relating unto him were finished and the sentence past . the news that sabatai was turned turk , and the messiah to a mahumetan , quickly filled all parts of turky . the iews were strangely su●prized at it , and ashamed of their easie belief , of the arguments with which they had perswaded one the other , and of the proselytes they had made in their own families . abroad they became the common derision of the towns where they inhabited : the boys houted after them , coyning a new word at smyrna ( ponftai ) which every one seeing a iew , with a finger pointed out , would pronounce with scorn and contempt : so that this deceived people for a long time after remained with confusion , silence , and dejection of spirit . and yet most of them affirm that sabatai is not turned turk , but his shadow onely remains on earth , and walks with a white head , and in the habit of a mahumetan : but that his natural body and soul are taken into heaven , there to reside until the time appointed for accomplishment of these wonders : and this opinion began so commonly to take place , as if this people resolved never to be undeceived , using the forms and rules for devotion prescribed them by their mahumetan messiah : insomuch that the chochams of co●stantinople , fearing the danger of this error might creep up , and equal the former , condemned the belief of sabatai being messiah , as damnable , and enjoyned them to return to the antient method and service of god upon pain of excommunication . the style and tenure of them was as followeth . to you who have the power of priesthood , and are the knowing , learned , and magnanimous governours and princes , residing in the citie of smyrna , may the almighty god protect you , amen : for so is his will. these our letters , which we send in the midst of your habitations , are upon occasion of certain rumors and tumults come to our ears from that citie of your holiness . for there is a sort of men amongst you , who fortifie themselves in their error , and say , let such a one our king , live , and bless him in their publique synagogues every sabbath day : and also adjoyn psalms and hymns , invented by that man , for certain days , with rules and methods for prayer , which ought not to be done , and yet they will still remain obstinate therein ; and now behold it is known unto you , how many swelling waters have passed over our souls , for his sake , for had it not been for the mercies of god , which are without end , and the merit of our forefathers , which hath assisted us ; the foot of israel had been razed out by their enemies . and yet you continue obstinate in things which do not help , but rather do mischief , which god avert . turn you therefore , for this is not the true way , but restore the crown to the antient custom and use of your forefathers , and the law , and from thence do not move ; we command you that with your authoritie , under pain of excommunication , and other penalties , that all those ordinances and prayers , as well those delivered by the mouth of that man , as those which he enjoyned by the mouth of others , be all abolished and made void , and to be found no more , and that they never enter more into your hearts , but judge according to the antient commandment of your forefathers , repeating the same lessons and prayers every sabbath , as hath been accustomary , as also collects for kings , potentates , and anointed , &c. and bless the king , sultan mahomet , for in his days hath great salvation been wrought for israel , and become not rebels to his kingdom , which god forbid . for after all this , which is past , the least motion will be a cause of jealousie , and you will bring ruine upon your own persons , and upon all which is near and dear to you , wheresore abstain from the thoughts of this man , and let not so much as his name proceed out of your mouths . for know , if you will not obey us herein , which will be known , who , and what those men are , who refuse to conform unto us , we are resolved to prosecute them , as our duty is . he that doth hear , and obey us , may the blessing of god rest upon him . these are the words of those who seek your peace and good , having in constantinople , on sunday the fifth of the moneth sevat , underwrot their names . ioam tob son of chananiah ben-iacar . isaac alnacagna . ioseph kazabi . mana●seh barndo . kalib son of samuel . eliezer castie . eliezer gherson . ioseph accohen . eliezer aluff . during the time of all these transactions and passages at constantinople , smyrna , abydos , upon the helespont , and adrianople , the iews leaving their merchantlie course , and advices , what prizes commodities bear and matters of traffique , stuffed their letters for italy and other parts , with nothing but wonders and miracles wrought by their false messiah . as then when the grand signior sent to take him , he caused all the messengers immediately to die , upon which other ianizaries being again sent , they all fell dead with a word only from his mouth ; and being desired to revive them again , he immediately recall'd them to life ; but of them onely such who were true turks , and not those who had denied that faith in which they were born , and had profest . after this they added , that he went voluntarily to prison , and though the gates were barr'd and shut with strong locks of iron , yet that sabatai was seen to walk through the streets with a numerous attendance , and when they laid shackles on his neck and feet , they not onely fell from him , but were converted into gold , with which he gratified his true and faithful believers and disciples . some miracles also were reported of nathan , that onely at reading the name of any particular man , or woman , he would immediately recount the story of his , or her life , their sins or defaults , and accordingly impose just correction and penance for them . these strong reports coming thus confidently into italy and all parts , the iews of casel di monferrato resolved to send three persons in behalf of their society , in the nature of extraordinary legates , to smyrna , to make inquiry after the truth of all these rumors , who accordingly arriving in smyrna , full of expectation and hopes , intending to present themselves with great humility and submission before their messiah and his prophet nathan , were entertain'd with the sad news , that sa●atai was turned turk , by which information the character of their embassy in a manner ceasing , every one of them laying aside the formalitie of his function , endeavoured to lodge himself best to his own conveni●nce . but that they might return to their brethren at home , with the certain particulars of the success of the affairs , they made a visit to the brother of sabatai ; who still continued to perswade them , that sabatai was notwithstanding the true messiah , that it was not he who had taken on him the habit and form of a turk , but his angel or spirit , his body being ascended into heaven , until god shall again see the season , and time to restore it , adding further , that an effect hereof they should see by the prophet nathan , certified , now every day expected , who having wrought miracles in many places , would also for their consolation , reveal hidden sec●ets unto them , with which they should not onely remain satisfied , but astonished . with this onely hope of nathan , these legates were a little comforted , resolving to attend his arrival , in regard they had a letter to consign into his hands , and according to their instructions , were to demand of him the grounds he had for his prophesies , and what assurance he had , that he was divinely inspir'd , and how these things were reveal'd unto him , which he had committed to paper , and dispersed to all parts of the world. at length nathan arrives near smyrna , on friday the third of march , towards the evening , and on sunday these legates made their visit to him : but nathan , upon news of the success of his beloved messiah , began to grow sullen and reserved ; so that the legates could scarce procure admittance to him ; all that they could do was to inform him , that they had a letter to him from the brother-hood of italy , and commission to conferr with him concerning the foundation and authority he had for his prophesies ; but nathan refused to take the letter , ordering kain abolafio a chocham of the city of smyrna to receive it ; so that the legates returned ill contented , but yet with hopes at nathan's arrival at smyrna to receive better satisfaction . but whil'st nathan intended to enter into smyrna , the chochams of constantinople , being before advised of his resolution to take a journey into their parts , not knowing by which way he might come , sent their letters and orders to smyrna , prussia , and every way round , to hinder his passage , and interrupt his journey ; fearing that things beginning now to compose , the turks appeas'd for the former disorders , and the minds of the iews in some manner setled , might be moved , and combustions burst out afresh , by the appearance of this new impostor ; and therefore dispatc●ed this letter as followeth . to you who are the shepherds of israel , and rulers , who reside for the great god of the whole world , in the citie of smyrna , which is mother in israel , to her princes , her priests , her iudges , and especially to the perfect wise men , and of great experience , may the lord god cause you to live before him , and delight in the multitude of peace , amen , so be the will of the lord. these our letters are dispatched unto you , to let you understand , that in the place of your holiness , we have heard that the learned man , which was in gaza , called nat●an , benjamin , hath published vaine doctrines , and made the world tremble at his words and inventions ; and that at this time we have receiv'd advice , that this man some dayes since , departed from gaza , and took his journey by the way of scanderone , intending there to imbarke for smyrna , and thence to go to constantinople , or adrianople : and though it seem a strange thing unto us , that any man should have a desire to throw himself into a place of flames , and fire , and into the sparkes of hell ; notwithstanding we ought to fear , and suspect it ; for the feet of man alwayes guide him to the worst : wherefore we under-written do advertise you , that this man coming within the compass of your jurisdiction , you give a stop to his journey , and not suffer him to proceed farther , but presently to return back . for we would have you know , that at his coming , he will again begin to move those tumults , which have been caused through the imaginations of a new kingdome ; and that miracles are not to be wrought every day . god forbid that by his coming the people of god should be destroy'd in all places where they are , of which he will be the first , whose blood be upon his own head : for in this conjuncture , every little error or fault is made capital . you may remember the danger of the first combustion : and it is very probable that he will be an occasion of greater , which the tongue is not able to express with words . and therefore by vertue of ours , and your own authority , you are to hinder him from proceeding farther in his journey , upon paine of all those excommunications which our law can impose , and to force him to return back again , both he , and his company . but if he shall in any manner oppose you , and rebel against your word , your indeavours and law are sufficient to hinder him , for it will be well for him and all israel . for the love of god , let these words enter into your eares , since they are not vain things ; for the lives of all the iewes , and his also , consist therein . and the lord god behold from heaven , and have pitty upon his people israel , amen . so be his holy will : written by those who seek your peace . ioam tob , son of chanania iacar . moise benveniste . isaac alce-nacagne . ioseph kazabi . samuel acazsine . caleb son of chocham , samuel deceased . moise barndo . elihezer aluff . iehoshuah rap●ael benveniste . by these meanes nathan being disappointed of his wandring progress , and partly ashamed of the event of things contrary to his prophesie , was resolved , without entring smyrna , to returne again : howsoever he obtained leave to visit the sepulcher of his mother , and there to receive pardon of his sins ( according to the institution of saba●ai before mentioned ) but first washed himself in the sea , in manner of purification , and said his tephilla , or prayers , at the fountain , called by us the fountain sancta veneranda , which is near to the cymetry of the iewes , and then departed for xio , with two companions , a servant , and three turks , to conduct him , without admitting the legates to audience , or answering the letter which was sent him , from all the communities of the iewes in italy . and thus the embas●y of these legates was concluded , and they returned from the place from whence they came , and the iewes again to their wits , following their trade of merchandize and brokage as formerly , with more quiet , and advantage , then the meanes of regaining their possessions in the land of promise . and thus ended this mad phrensie amongst the iewes , which might have ●●st them dear , had not sabatai reno●●●t his messiaship at the feet of mahomet . the history of the late final extirpation and exilement of the iewes out of the empire of persia . you have heard in the foregoing ●tory from what glorious expectations the whole nation of the iewes were precipitated by the impostorious , but improsperous vilany of their late pretended messiah : you will in this relation perceive farther , how signally the hand of almighty god ( about the same time ) went out to their yet greater shame and extermination : and if any thing were capable to reduce that miserably deluded people , certainly one would think these continu'd frownes , and accents of his displeasure against all their enterprises ; as it ought to confirme the truth of the christian profession , so it should even constraine them to hasten to it ; for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . in the reign of the famous abas , sop●y of persia , and grand-father to the present emperour , the nation being low , and somewhat exhausted of inhabitants , it entred into the minde of this prince ( a wise and prudent man , and one who exceedingly studied the benefit of his subjects ) to seek some expedient for the revival and improvement of trade , and by all manner of pr●viledges and immunities to encourage other contiguous nations to negotiate and trade amongst them ; and this project he fortified with so many immunities , and used them so well who came , that repairing from all partes to his countrey , in a short time the whole kingdome was filled with multitudes of the most industrious people and strangers that any way bordered on him . it happened , that amongst those who came , innumerable flocks of iewes ran thither from all their dispersions in the east ; attracted by the gaine , which they universally make where ever they set footing , by their innate craft , sacred avarice , and the excessive extortions which they continually practice . and it was not many years but by this meanes , they had so impoverished the rest , and especially the natural subjects of persia , that the clamor of it reached to the eares of the emperour ; and indeed it was intollerable , for even his own exchequer began to be sensible of it , as well as his peoples purses , and estates , which they had almost devoured . how to repress this inormity , and remedy this inconvenience , without giving umbrage to the rest of those profitable strangers now setled in his dominions , by falling severely upon the iewes on the sudden , he long consulted ; and for that end call'd to his advice his chief ministers of state , the muf●i , and expounders of the law : after much dispute 't was at last found , that the iewes had already long since fo●feited their lives by the very text of the alcoran ; where it is express'd , that if within six hundred yeares from the promulgation of that religion , they did not universally come in , and profess the mahumetan faith , they should be destroy'd . the zealous emperor would immediately have put this edict in execution ; but , by the intercession of the mufti , and the rest of the doctors , 't was thought fit to suspend it for the present : but that these growing evils might in time have a period , his maj●sty commanded that all the chachammi , rabbins , and chiefe amongst the iewes , should immediately appear before his tribunal , and make answer to some objections that were to be propounded to them . the iewes being accordingly conven'd , the sophy examines them about several passages of their law , and particularly concerning the prophet moyses , and those rites of his which seem'd to have been so long annihiliated amongst them , since the coming of isai ( for so they call iesus ) after whom they pretended their mahomet was to take place , and all other predictions to determine . the iewes much terrified with the manner of these interrogatories , and dubious what the meaning and drift of them might signifie , told the emperor ; that for christ they did not believe in him ; but that they expected a messiah of their own to come , who should by his miraculous power deliver them from their oppre●sors , and subdue all the world to his obedience . at this reply the sophy appear'd to be much insenc'd : how ! sayes he , do you not then believe christ , of whom our very alcoran makes so honorable mention ? as that he was the spirit of god , sent down from him , and returning to him , &c. if we believe him , why do not you ? what say you for your selves you incredulous wretches ? the confounded iewes perceiving the emperour thus provoked , immediately prostrated themselves on the ground , humbly supplicating him to take pity on his slaves , who acknowledged themselves altogether unable to dispute with his majesty ; that for the christians , they seem'd indeed to them to be grosse idolaters ; men , who did not worship god , but a crucified malefactor , and a deceiver : which still the more displeased the sophy ; not induring they should so blaspheme a person for whom their alcoran had so great a reverence : however , for the present he dissembles his resentment ; ' ●is well , sayes he , you do not believe the god of the christians : but , tell me , what think you of our great prophet mahomet ? this demand exceedingly perplex'd them , not knowing what to reply : and indeed it was contriv'd on purpose , that convincing them of blasphemy ( as they esteem'd it ) against their prophet , the sophy might find a specious and legal pretence to ruine and destroy them , without giving any jealousie or suspition to the rest of the strangers , who were traficking in his country , of several other religions , but who were not in the least obnoxious to his displeasure . after a long pause , and secret conference with one another , it was at last resolved among them , that though they had deny'd christ , they would yet say nothing positively against mahomet : therefore they told the emperour ; that though their religion forbad them to believe any prophet save moses , &c. yet they did not hold mahomet for a false prophet , in as much as he was descended of ismael the son of abraham ; and that they desired to remaine his majesties humble vassals and slaves , and crav'd his pity on them . the sophy easily perceiving the cunning and wary subterfuge of their r●ply , told them ; this should not serve their tu●ne : that they were a people of dissolute principles and tha● under pretence of their long expected messiah , they pe●sisted in a false religion , and kept off from proselyting to the true beliefe ; and therefore required of them to set a positive time , when their messiah was to appear ; for that he would support them no longer , who had impos'd on the world , and cheated his people now so many yeares ; but , withal assuring them , that he would both pardon and protect them for the time they should assign , provided they did not go about to abuse him by any incompetent procrastinations , but assign the year precisely of his coming ; when , if accordingly he did not appear , they were sons of death , and should all of them either renounce their faith , or be certainly destroy'd , and their estates confiscated . the poor iewes , though infinitely confounded with this unexpected demand , and resolution of the sophy ; after a second consultation among themselves , ( which the emperor granted , ) contriv'd to give him this answer . that according to their books and prophesies their messiah should infallibly appear within seventy years ; prudently ( as they thought ) believing , that either the emperor or they should be all of them dead before that time ; and that , in the interim , such alterations might emerge , as all this would be forgotten , or averted ; and that at the worst , a good summe of money would reverse the sentence . but that something was of necessity to be promis'd to satisfie his present humorous zeal . the emperor accepts of the answer , and immediately causes it to be recorded in form of a solemn stipulation between them ; that in case there were no news of their messiah within the seventy years assign'd ( to which of grace , he added five more ) they should either turn mahumetans , or their whole nation utterly be destroyed throughout persia , and their substance confiscated : but with this clause also inserted ; that if their messiah did appear within that period , the emperor would himself be obliged to become a iew , and make all his subjects so with him ; this drawn ( as we said ) in form of instrument , was reciprocally sign'd and seal'd on both parts , and the iews for the present dismiss'd ; with the payment yet of no less than two millions of gold ( as my author affirms ) for the favour of this long indulgence . since the time of this emperor abas , to the present sophy now reigning , there are not onely these seventy years past , but one hundred and fifteen expir'd ; during which the persians have been so molested by the turks , and by continual warr in the east indias , &c. that the succeeding princes no more minded this stipulation of their predecessors ; 'till by a wonderful accident in the reign of the second abas , ( father of him who now governs ) a person extreamly curious of antiquities , searching one day amongst the records of his palace , there was found this writing in the iournal of his father , intimating what had so solemnly pass'd between him , and the chiefs of the iews in the name of their whole nation . upon this the sophy instantly summons a council , produces the instrument before them , and requires their advice , what was to be done ; and the rather , for that there began now to be great whispers , and some letters had been written to them from merchants out of turkey , of the motions of a pretended messiah , which was the famous sabatai : this so wrought with the emperor and his council , that with one voice , and without longer pause , they immediately conclude upon the destruction of the iews , and that this wicked generation of impostors and oppressors of his people were no longer to be indured upon the earth . in order to this resolution proclamations are issu'd out and published to the people , and to all that were strangers and inhabitants amongst them , impowering them to fall immediately upon the iews in all the persian dominions ; and to put to the sword man , woman , and child , but such as should forthwith turn to the mahumetan belief : and to seize on their goods and estates without any remorse or pity . this cruel and bloudy arrest was accordingly put in execution first at ispahan , and suddenly afterwards in all the rest of the cities and towns of persia. happy was he that could escape the fury of the inraged people , who by vertue of the publique sentence , grounded upon the declared stipulation , and now more encouraged by the dwindling of their pretended messiah , had no commiseration on them , but slew and made havock of them , where-ever they could find a iew through all their vast territori●s ; falling upon the spoil , and continuing the carnage to their utter extermination ; nor did the persecution cease for several years , beginning from about sixty three till sixty six , at ispahan , the cities and countries of seyra , ghelan , humadan , ardan , tauris , and in summe , through the whole empire , without sparing either sex or age ; excepting ( as was said ) such as turned mahumetans , or escaped through the deserts into turkey , india , and other farr distant regions , and that without hopes of ever re-establishing themselves for the future in persia , the hatred of that people being so deadly and irreconcileable against them . and in truth this late action and miscarriage of their pretended messiah has rendred them so universally despicable ; that nothing but a determined obstinacy , and an evident and judicial malediction from heaven could possibly continue them in that prodigious blindness out of which yet , god , of his infinite mercy , one day , deliver them , that they may at last see and believe in him whom they have pierced ; and that so both iew and gentile may make one flock under that o●● shepherd and bishop of our souls , iesus christ the true messiah . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a38790-e15100 * sabat●●●rote ●rote a letter to elect one man out of every tribe . the iews scruple to say , the head of israe● .