a speech concerning a west indie association, at a committee of the whole house in the parliament, 21, jacobi by sir benjamin rudyerd. rudyerd, benjamin, sir, 1572-1658. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57831 of text r6236 in the english short title catalog (wing r2191). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57831 wing r2191 estc r6236 11893716 ocm 11893716 50505 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57831) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50505) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 509:13) a speech concerning a west indie association, at a committee of the whole house in the parliament, 21, jacobi by sir benjamin rudyerd. rudyerd, benjamin, sir, 1572-1658. 7 p. s.n.], [s.l. : 1641. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng great britain -colonies -america. west indies -history -17th century. a57831 r6236 (wing r2191). civilwar no a speech concerning a west indie association, at a committee of the whole house [sic] in the parliament, 21. iacobi. by sir benjamin rudyerd rudyerd, benjamin, sir 1641 808 2 0 0 0 0 0 25 c the rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2002-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a speech concerning a west indie association , at a committee of the whole house in the parliament , 21. iacobi . by sir benjamin rudyerd . printed in the yeare 1641. a speech concerning a west indie association , at a committee of the whole house of parliament . sir dudley digs , i doe professe , that as my affection , my reason , and my iudgement , goe strongly with the scope and drift of this proposition ; so shall a good part of my poore fortune , when it comes to execution . for to my understanding , there was never propounded in parliament , a designe more proper for this kingdome , nor of more pregnant advantage to it , whether we consider the nature of our situation , or the quality of our enemies forces . as wee are an iland , it concernes our very being to have store of ships to defend us , and also our well-being by their trade to enrich us . this association for the west indies , when it shall bee regulated and established by act of parliament , and thereby secured from the violence and injury of any intruding hand , it will certainely give many men encouragement & confidence , voluntarily to bring in large and liberall contributions , towards so noble , so profitable an enterprise . so that in short time , we shall see many new ships built , many brave men employed , and enabled for the service of their country , none of this money shall be carried out of the kingdome , but laid out for shipping , which is the defence of it , and bestowed upon our owne men , who must be fed and maintained , though they stay at home . for this , wee shall reape the fruit of whatsoever benefit plantation , trafficke , or purchase can procure us , besides honour and security . now , let us a little consider the enemy wee are to encounter , the king of spaine . they are not his great territories which make him so powerfull , and so troublesome to all christendome . for it is very well knowne , that spaine it selfe is but weake in men , and barren of naturall commodities . as for his other territories , they lye divided and asunder , which is a weaknesse in its selfe ; besides , they are held by force , and maintained at an extraordinary charge . insomuch , as although he be a great king , yet is he like that great gyant , who was said to have 100 hands , but he had 50 bellies to feed , so that ●atably , hee had no more hands then another man . no sir , they are his mines in the west indies , which minister fuell to feed his vast ambitious desire of universall monarchy : it is the money he hath from thence , which makes him able to levy , and pay souldiers in all places ; and to keepe an army continually on foot , ready to invade and endanger his neighbours . so that we have no other way , but to endeavour to cut him up at root , and seeke to impeach , or to supplant him in the west indies . by part of which course , that famous queene of most glorious memory , had heretofore almost brought him on his knees . and this our undertaking ( if it please god to blesse it ) must needs effect it sooner and quicker : the whole body of the kingdome being united and concur●ing in a perpetuall supply to this action , so that he wil have no free time given him to rest . moreover , this will be a meanes not only to save , but to fill his majesties coffers , enabling the people to give him liberally , and often ; the kings ships will have little to doe , but to guard the coasts , for the sea-warre will chiefly bee made at the charge of the subject . thus , ( sir dudley digs ) i doubt not but that in short time , both king and people shall be safe at home , and feared abroad . to conclude , i shall be very glad to heare any man make objections against this designe , so that hee doe it with an intention to refine and perfect the worke ; but if any shall speake against it with a mind to hinder and destroy it , i must entreat him to pardon me , if i doe scarce thinke him to bee a good englishman . finis . a true relation of the fleete which went vnder the admirall iaquis le hermite through the straights of magellane towards the coasts of peru, and the towne of lima in the west-indies with a letter, containing the present state of castile in peru. herevnto is annexed an excellent discourse which sheweth by cleare and strong arguments how that it was both necessary and profitable for the vnited prouinces to erect a west-india company, and euery true subiect of the same ought to aduance it according to his power. written by a well-willer of the common-wealth. casos notables, sucedidos en las costas de la ciudad de lima. english. selections well-willer of the common-wealth. 1625 approx. 52 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a05421 stc 15571 estc s108123 99843812 99843812 8569 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a05421) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 8569) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 843:13) a true relation of the fleete which went vnder the admirall iaquis le hermite through the straights of magellane towards the coasts of peru, and the towne of lima in the west-indies with a letter, containing the present state of castile in peru. herevnto is annexed an excellent discourse which sheweth by cleare and strong arguments how that it was both necessary and profitable for the vnited prouinces to erect a west-india company, and euery true subiect of the same ought to aduance it according to his power. written by a well-willer of the common-wealth. casos notables, sucedidos en las costas de la ciudad de lima. english. selections well-willer of the common-wealth. brandt, marten iansz, attributed name. usselincx, willem, 1567-ca. 1647, attributed name. hermite, jacques l', 1582-1624. [2], 33, [1] p. printed for mercurius britannicus, london : 1625. the "relation" is a translation of approximately the first half of "casos notables, sucedidos en las costas de la ciudad de lima", published in seville and madrid earlier the same year. the "discourse" is a translation of "voortganck vande west-indische compaignie", sometimes attributed to marten iansz. brandt or to willem usselincx, published in amsterdam in 1623. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image 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creation partnership web site . eng west-indische compagnie (netherlands) -early works to 1800. peru -history -1548-1820 -early works to 1800. west indies -commerce -netherlands -early works to 1800. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-08 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true relation of the fleete which went vnder the admirall jaquis le hermite through the straights of magellane towards the coasts of peru , and the towne of lima in the west-indies . with a letter , containing the present state of castile in peru. herevnto is annexed an excellent discourse which sheweth by cleare and strong arguments how that it was both necessary and profitable for the vnited prouinces to erect a west-india company , and euery true subiect of the same ought to aduance it according to his power . written by a well-willer of the common-wealth . london , printed for mercurius britannicus . 1625. a trve relation of the successe of the fleet which went vnder the admirall iaquis l' hermite through the staights of magellane , towards the coast of peru , and the towne of lima in the west-indies . the lord inquisitor iohn de manneza , hauing very earnestly vrged the vice-roy of the west-indies , that hee would procure and take care that this yeare the siluer should bee sent sooner downe then was done in the former yeare , seeing that he had letters from the generall thomas de larrasperu , by which hee receiued order to doe it , and shewed what damage were caused in spaine in the former yeare , namely in the yeare 1622. the siluer then beeing to late carried from harana , and in the yeare 1623. don antonio de oquendo tarrying then there in the winter time , seeing that the siluer was not sent timely away : wherefore hee did his best endeauor to mooue the vice-roy to the same effect according to his commission which he had . the siluer of the small nauy beeing shipped , they of lima were still of opinion that it should not be carried before the 7. or 10. day of may , and although diuers persons intreated the vice-roy that it might not sooner be sent away , he caused neuerthelesse the fleet to depart with the silue● from the port of callao , on the 3 day of may , to th● intent that it might in good time bee sent to the appointed places , and gaue afterwards notice that such as had not beene ready with their siluer to send it with the fleete , they should carry to another ship which is called the ship of the recago , which was within the space of few dayes afterwards to put to sea. and it fell very happily out by the prouidence of god , that a chinchorro ( beeing a certaine manner of a barke ) which went to sea in the seauenth day of may , found it selfe on the next morning to be amongst the fleete of the enemies , which demaunded them which were in it , whether the fleete with the siluer should put to sea on the seauenth of may , as was reported vnto them by one that was but halfe blacke ( on that was gotten perhaps by a spaniard and a blacke-indian woman ) and was taken by them in a barke : seeing that they were resolued to attend vppon it , or to pursue it if it was gone to sea : and without doubt ( if god had not preuented it ) and they had followed the fleet , they could easily haue taken it , for it consisted but in two ships that went very carelesse and ill-prouided ; and the enemies had twelue great ships besides their shaloups . but the pilote that was vppon the aforementioned chinchorro or barke , deceiued the generall of the hollanders , by not telling the truth , for hee spake vnto him in this manner . signior , you shall not neede to trouble your selfe about the small fleete , seeing that there are already eight dayes past since it went to sea , and it is not possible that your fleete can ouertake it : the report which is made vnto you of the seauenth of may , is of nothing else then of the ship of the recago which lyeth yet vntill this day in the hauen of callao , and is ready to put to sea beeing loaden with two millions of siluer which could not bee sent with the fleete , seeing the siluer was not ready by reason that went to soone to sea. the enemies were mightely displeased vppon these tydings , and resolued thereupon to cast anchor against the next night before the hauen of callao , which they did also afterwards , and set yet in the euening 18 ▪ of their shaloupes in sea , which were of the bignesse almost of a barke , and were not onely furnished with oares , but also wirh mastes and sayles to vse them when the winde will serue : they came with 14 of them betwixt the ordinance of the hauen , notwithstanding that 130. peeces were mounted vpon it , and fiered 9. of our ships which lay in the port ; but they could not goe further to take the ship with the siluer , and to fire a gallion of the king of spaine which layde neere it : for our gunners could see them very easily by the meanes of the great light which proceeded from the ships that were set on fire ( as is aforementioned ) and played so fiercely vppon them with the ordinance that they were forced to forsake againe the hauen , and to flye thence , leauying there yet 40 ships which they could neuer touch although wee were vnprouided and lookt not for such an enterprize when the afore-mencioned shipps were burning at callao , there were great moanes and lamentations made at lima ( seeing that there was a rumor spread abroad that the enemies had taken and fierd callao , and they were directly marching towards lima ) and they lasted vntill such time they learned the truth of the matter . one of our captaines tooke the same night a low-countryman who was discended from germain parents , and was a gunner of the enemies , and a very skilfull man , and rare inginer to make fire-workes : being brought before the vice-roy , hee charged him to declare vppon his oath the truth of such things as should bee propouded vnto him , if hee would saue his life , and on the other side , he threatned to hang him in case he would not reueale the truth , the prisoner answering therevppon sayd , that the fleete was on the twenty nine day of aprill departed from holland , being set forth by the rebells that dwell there , and that it consisted in eleuen gallions , of which there were seauen that were newly built , and other fower that had ben vsed in former time by priuate merchants : and were very well furnished with ordinance , and all other manner of necessaryes , which might be required both to fight at sea and to sayle through the streigh of magelane . moreouer hee sayd that besides them there were yet fower pinnasses , in the same fleete : he was likewise asked what ordinance , armes , munition , and victualls were in the fleete : item who was the generall , what course they had kept in their voyage , how long agoe it was they had taken any prizes , and what prizes they had taken during the time of their voyage what the fleete intendeth to do , whatstore of victualls were daily allowed to the men and marriners , how many there were deceased , from whence they had fetcht their water , and where they had refreshed themselues with victualls , and what aduises they had receiued o the sea . moreouer , he was commanded to declare al such things as hee knew concerning the voyage , for wee knew many things that happened in the same voyage , and asked him onely these questions to try whether hee spake the truth ; that wee might punnish him with the afore-mentioned payne if he went astray from the truth . wherevppon hee declared that there were fower moneths past since the fleete departed from their country , and were within the space of the same time come in the zouth-sea : that the shipps which they had brought with them , were the same which hee named or described in the beginning of his examination , that both the admirall , vice-admirall , and the schout , by night were great shipps , and that euery one of them was furnished with thirty peeces of ordinance , of which some twenty or thereabouts were brasse peeces , that the least gallion of all the rest , was furnished with one hundred barrells with powder ; that the fleete is likewise very well prouided with bullets , muskets , and all other manner of warre-like prouision , that wheresoeuer they met with the indians , and black-mores , they caused a rumor to bee spread amongst them that they came to recouer their liberty and settle them in it : that the fleete brought prouision enough with it for the space of two yeares : that both the souldiers and marriners amounted all together , to the number of two thousand and fiue hundered men . that some of them were discontented by reason that they could not get biskit , and other victualls , that the admirall was loath to land his men , fearing that many of them would runne away . that the admirall was named iacques l' hermite , item that hee was a man of great experience , hauing in former times bin in the east-indies , that his leggs were very thicke being swolne : that it was thought that hee should dye by reason of the greife and vexation which hee conceiued in his minde in regard that hee tooke not the siluer which was escaped . that iohn hugen the vice-admirall ( who was to succeede the admirall if hee should dye ) was a lusty and high-minded young man , but very cruell , that since they past guiena , many of the fleete fell sicke , and some of them dyed : that they sayled along the coastes of affrica . translated out of the spannish coppy . laus deo. in siuill the 4. of ianuary . anno 1625. here come daily many heauy tydings , the fleete of lisbon is aboue a month agoe departed , but it is vncertaine whether it is gone towards the baye of todos los santos or not . the spanish fleet is ready to depart , & tarrieth but for a good wind : some are of opinion that it is not bound for brasill , seeing that the wind hath a good while bene good to goe thitherwards , and that it putteth not to sea : it is a verie strong nauie . about eight dayes agoe arriued here a barke that came from the west indies , and brought letters that were written in the towne of lima and diuers other places of peru , to giue vs to vnderstand how the hollanders had fired and taken many shippes , both in the callao de lima and in diuers other ports and places that lye in the south sea , and that they haue fortified themselues in an iland which lyeth directly opposite against the port of lima , from whence it is but a league distant , by meanes of which fortification and their shippes , they hinder that none of our shippes can either come in the port of lima , or goe out of it . all the goods and marchandises that went last hence with the fleete of terra ferma , lye as yet at panama , by reason of which we stand here in great feare , that we shall not in this summer-time receaue any siluer from peru. many trades-men cannot paye their debtes , by reason that their goods lye yet by them , seing they could not send them to lima , where they thought to sell them : to be brief , the hollanders spoile there all our traficke . by the same letters we learne likewise these following tydings , namely , that the hollanders haue hanged about lima diuers of our men , and that we haue taken some of them . that in the towne of lima , there was a hollander who was a shippe-carpenter accused of treason , and condemned to be torne in peeces with hotte tongues , by reason that he ( as was alledged against him ) had giuen aduise to the hollanders , and wisht them to come in the south sea . there are two shippes perished of the last fleete that went towards noua hispania , and we cannot heare any thing of another that was comming from hauana . it is here a miserable time , and we haue no hope that it will mend , by reason of the heauy warres by sea . here at siuill is a iudge arriued , with a commission that he brought from madrill , to punish all such as had carried out of spaine without licence , gold , siluer , or ryalles of eight , and had brought false ryalles in it . and he hath already taken diuers vpon suspition oraccusation , but whither iustly or vniustly god knoweth . the first that were taken were these following , bernard dores , henrique vander borg , iuan vermuelen , lorenzo bultiau , besides some french men , and one amongst them being put to the torture , hath reuealed many things . molernaer cortoys , vanden buyr , haue likewise beene taken , but they got loose againe , hauing put in bayle , by fauour of friends . afterwards were likewise taken franciseo and antonio sandier , pedro de la farse , iuan gutier : but they are released againe of their imprisonment : cornelis de groot retyred into a church with oliuer leffe , and guilliam gutier . many of them are put in prison , and know not what the cause is of their impr isonment . about eight dayes agoe was at st. lucar , found in a vessell that was drownd in the sea , as many ryalles and wedges of gold and siluer , as amounted to the value of 15. thousand duckets . the flemings haue here erected an admiraltie with the permission of the king : the president of it is signieur hendricke vande raet , and his assistantes nicolaes anthoine , francisco de smit , pedro francoys , iuan courtois , guilliam clent : they are to buy many shippes , to fetch booties from the pyrates turkes , hollanders , and zealanders . and it is reported that they are to make ready in the port of st. lucar about 34. shippes : they put themselues in great troubles , and god knoweth how they shall speed . to the worshipfull the maiors or maisters of the west india companie , which is graunted by the high and mightie lords , the states generall of the vnited prouinces . sirs , many haue longed a great while for a west india company , and the matter is at last brought so farre , that the high and mightie lords the states generall haue granted one , and that your worships are chosen to be maisters of the same . neuerthelesse this good worke goeth not forth in such a manner as is required : and there are many welwillers of these lands , which were very sory therefore , and some of them doe likewise their best endeauours , not onely to aduance this worke by their owne meanes , but exhort also others both with word of mouth and by writing , to doe the like , that it may come to full perfection . and among others the author of this discourse is one of them , and a participant or venturer of this company . he vseth not onely great diligence to exhort euery one to the maintaining of this worke , but goeth likewise about to perswade them by strong reasons to venture their monyes in this company , to the intent that the capitall may be the greater before it be shut vp , both for the good of the company , and for the generall welfare of the common-wealth : and seing that this came to my hands , and was iudged to deserue printing , that it might be made common to be read by others , i haue willingly bene at the cost of the printing of it , to shew my good will to the company , and haue emboldened my selfe to present this discourse vnto your worships , which takes great paines to aduance this worke , and that it may be the better commended by your approbations : and desire therefore , that your worships will be pleased to take my small labour in good part . and especially i with the author will pray the almighty , that it may please his diuine maiestie , to prosper your administration , and to send his rich blessings one the company . to all the inhabitants of the vnited prouinces , the author wisheth a true and right consideration and care of the common-welfare . it is strange that so much paines are taken to moue men to their owne welfare and good ; for it seemeth that euery one ought to care for his owne welfare : there are dayly complaints made , that the children haue too little care of their own welfare : we attribute this to the foolishnesse and vnaduisednesse of youth , so that their parents are compelled to take great paines to exhort , moue , and compell them therunto . but that men which are come to their yeares , and haue their wit , must be brought thereunto with great paines and labour , that is a thing no lesse to be wondred at then to be complained for . the like hapneth in spirituall matters . what endeauours i pray you are taken to make men apprehend and embrace that good which leadeth them to the euerlasting salvation ? in the same manner it goeth in temporall matters . i will now passe by the lazie , vnaduised , strong , and vnthriftie drunkards , gamesters , players , and such like , which neglect their owne particular welfare , and that of their families , &c. i will speake now onely of the common welfare of our deare beloued country : what endeauors must be vsed to make men which are inhabitants of these countries , and whom the generall welfare concerneth in the highest degree , aswell in generall as in particular , to embrace and vse such meanes by which it may be procured . for the defence of these lands , there are necessary generall contributions , and reuenues . euery one is very sparing and sloathfull ( except some few honest men ) to raise and pay them . it is necessarie that such moneis as are raised be well managed . but where is any that taketh such care of these thinges as he ought ? but i doe not intend to treate at this time of all that which is necessarie for the preseruation of these lands . for if i should speake of it , i must first of all treate of the true seruice of god , who is to be worshipped with a pure conscience : and then of the vsing of charity and iustice amongst vs. for without these things , there isneither any blessing of the almighty to be expected , nor likelyhood to preserue any common-wealth in welfare and prosperity . but i will leaue these points to the teachers of gods word ( which may speake of them in their sermons ; and will wish that one amongst them , would out of a godly zeale , deduce into a small treaty , how necessary they be ; and i shall reioyce mightily , if both by the high & lowe degrees they should be embraced ) and intend onely to speake of a maine meane which hath long beene expected and wished ; and is at last , through great labour and paines brought so farre , that it is granted : namely , the west india company . and seeing that it goeth yet slowly forth , and that men must be perswaded , and as it were compelled in a manner to doe themselues good , i will vse the best meanes i can , according to my capacity , for the good of the common-wealth . it is certaine , that many yeares before the truce of twelue yeares was concluded , this company was wisht for : and that by reason of the same truce it could not be graunted . this was one of the hurtfull effects which the truce produced , and one of the aduantages which the enemies receaued by the truce . and besides them , they had many other of no lesse importāce , which are all clearely demonstrated in a small booke , which was presently after the truce published by a well-willer of his country , who instiled it the companion of the far-looking warning-giver , and shewed briefly , with cleare and strong arguments , how that for the preseruation of the state of these lands , the warre was more profitable and safe then the truce . but we neede not at this time to debate the matter , seeing that our enemie is not now of that minde . he did his best endeauour in the time of the deceitfull truce , not onely to take breath and to strengthen himselfe , but to ruine vs by ciuill warres , and dissentions amongst vs. he hauing mist ▪ his marke ( god be thanked ) he renewed the warre againe ; and that the rather , seeing that he is become of a high minde , through the victories which he hath obtained in germany , more through deceit , and by the meanes of the negligence and dissentions of the germaines , then through his owne valiantnesse . he hath these two last yeares set very fiercely vppon vs , and caused these lands to be at very great and such excessiue charges , which these lands should not be able to beare for many yeares . therefore it is necessary that we deuise other meanes , by which we may support and beare the common charges , weaken the enemie , by deminishing his means , and giuing him elsewhere worke . the west-india company ( as i take it ) is one of the best meanes to effect this . but because i may treate more orderly of this busines , i will put to the consideration of the reader , and all the inhabitants of these vnited prouinces , these following points . 1 that this company is necessary . 2 feasible and possible to be effected . 3 the profit which is receaued from it . 4 the good conduct & administration of the same . concerning the first point : it seemeth that it will be needles to take much paines to proue it : for there is hardly a well-willer of these countries , but esteemeth this company to be very necessary . but i would wish that each one said this , not onely with his heart , but shewed his minde likewise by the deed : for words and wishes onely , without deedes , cannot aduance it . not faire speeches but money will helpe vs herein : for we want no aduisers and counsellers , but disbursers , as the prouerbe saith . but seeing that there are many which contribute yet verie little to this company , by reason that they are not well informed of the necessity of it : it seemeth then to be necessarie , which otherwise might bee accompted superfluous , to shew with few , cleare , and strong reasons , the necessity of it . first of all it is to be considered , that wee haue an irreconciliable enemie , who thirsted after the good and blood of vs and of our children . the high mind which the spaniard beareth is well enough knowne . it is not yet forgotten , or at least it ought not to be , what cruelty he hath vsed in america , and other lands among the poore heathens which had not giuen him any occasion of offence . who knoweth not what cruelties , bloodsheds , deflowrings of virgins , pillages , and ransackages of the townes and villages of the low-countries the spaniard hath vsed in them : but such as know not this , let them reade the historie of emanuel van metren , or if this history be too long for them , let them peruse a booke which is called in dutch , den nederlantschen morgen-wecker : that is to say , the netherlandish morning-waker : and looke vpon the obseruations which are made vpon the proposition of peckius , and hee shall find this to be true . then were the offences not so great ; and are now since growne irreconciliable by the meanes of the warre which hath continued the space of fiftie yeares ▪ he neither shall , can , or will forget the spire which he accounteth that these lands haue done vnto him , and it will continually sticke in his stomacke , that he hath spilt so much money and so many men to recouer them . hee accounteth vs all as rebells , and as if wee had committed crimen laesae maiestatis , treason in the highest degree , and maketh reckoning that wee haue forfeited both life and goods . i know that some romish catholikes which dwell amongst vs , thinke that they are excepted : but they are much mistaken . for it is fault enough for them that they haue tarried here , and haue strengthned the power of the heretikes ( as hee calleth vs ) by their meanes . in regard of the reformed religion hee accounteth vs to be damned persons , that are fit to be burnt . so that the spaniard maketh reckoning that our liues and goods are for the king of spaine , and our soules for the deuill . consider now by your selues what wee ought to expect of such an enemie . and therefore it is certaine that wee haue no reason to conceiue any hope of a peace or truce to liue in with a tranquill and setled minde . to obtaine peace is impossible , vnlesse wee would surrender our selues whollie into his hands , with soule and bodie , goods and blood . if you like such a peace , accept of it . truce is but deceit , and is onely concluded by him to make afterwards his owne vantage . then it is certaine , that wee haue no other remedie then to keepe our armes in hand , and trust to the aid and protection of the almightie . this foundation must first bee laid . this you must know and hold firme in your hearts , that you may looke to your selues . and therefore we haue reason to deuise meanes to increase our power with the blessing of the almightie , and to diminish the might of the enemie . and to effect this , there is nothing more fit then the west india company , for thereby shall our trafficke augment , and the enemies decrease , yea his meanes shall bee taken from him , to make with the same warre vpon himselfe . it is very well knowne that the spaniard should not be very well if he had not the west indies . from thence he gets great store of siluer and gold to maintaine his warres . we must annoy him there , if we will make him weake , and not onely goe about that he get none or few thence , but doe likewise our best endeauors that wee get some part of them . for otherwise it is impossible that euer wee should liue in rest of him . the spaniard himselfe knoweth this very well , and was there chiefly besides some other considerations moued to make a truce with us , fearing we should otherwise erect a west india companie . secondly , the present state of these lands require it , for they are small , and full of inhabitants , which for the most part liue by manufactours , trafficke , and by the sea. now then to get meanes for this great number of inhabitants to entertaine them withall , and to imploy our ships and mariners ▪ it is necessary to haue many nauigations on the sea. we must look that the merchants and handicrafts-men , which nourish themselues by hand labour get no occasion to depart . and wee must especially finde out worke for our mariners , for feare that they might become desperate , and goe to serue our enemies against vs , or should goe againe towards algiex and turne pyrates . the king of spaine hath forbidden the inhabitants of these lands to trafficke in the lands which are vnder his dominions , and are very many , for some of them border on the north , spanish , and the mediterranean seas . so that we are compelled to try our fortune el ewhere . many yeares agoe when the king of spaine barred vs from the trafficke which we had in spaine , we began in these vnited prouinces to sayle towards the east indies , and haue still had good successe , as is knowne to all the world . let vs then follow this example , and in consideration that that voyage is long , and that we cannot haue our ships which goe thither , at hand when we will , and it requireth not so many ships and mariners as we haue to imploy , take some neere voyages in hand , to set our mariners and ships at worke . these two reasons seeme vnto mee sufficient and strong enough . looke vpon the power of our enemie : looke vpon the present state of these lands , and the inhabitants of them , and you shall easily perceiue how necessarie i the erecting of this company . but some heauy head shall perhaps say : although this company be very necessary , but not likely to haue any good successe , it were better not to begin it , then to dissolue it afterwards with damage and shame . our sauiour christ himselfe teacheth vs this prouidence , that whosoeuer will build a steeple that he must first forecast what the charges will be to finish it . but this hath beene already , euen before the resolution was taken to erect this company . if this were yet now first to be done , it were too late : and it is to be considered , that it should be a great discredit and shame for vs , at which our enemies would laugh , if we should now giue ouer this company , the resolution of which hath beene taken so solemnly and at seuerall times iteratiuely : and thereupon the octroy or patent being granted and published , the masters of it were likewise chosen . if it were not possible and feasable , bee assured that the states would not haue troubled themselues so long with the consideration of it , nor haue taken so many aduices . wherefore i pray ye may the west india companie not haue as good successe as the east india , which was at the beginning onely by the small meanes of few persons vndertaken , and is now growne so rich and strong ? certainly the voyage is not so great , but halfe so big onely as that of the east indies . the coasts are not vnknowne to our mariners , for by the meanes of the traffique which some particular persons haue vsed in diuers parts and places thereabouts , they are as skilfull , and as well acquainted with them , as with any other in the world : yea they are as skilfull of those parts , as they are of our owne coasts . could particular persons traffique and trade thither in former times , what should bee the reason i wonder , why a setled company shall not bee able to doe it . the traffique of guinea , puncto del rey , and diuers other places , are already in daily vse and practice . i pray you what may hinder vs , not onely to continue them , but also to increase them with the traffiques vpon many other places which lye at large about them ? shall wee want ships ? where is there a country vader the sunne , that is richer in shipping then this land ? or in which there may yet daily so many lusty and strong shipps bee built , in lesse time and with lesser charges ? shall wee bee destitute of mariners ? wee haue already farre more of them then wee know how to imploy : so that this point is one of the chiefest reasons which may and indeed ought to moue vs to the aduancement and furthering of this company , to the intent that they may haue imployment and not bee idle . but some miserable hollanders , which would faine lay their thumbs vpon all that they haue , shall bee afraid for losse at sea , and will therefore rather buy and purchase lands , rents , and leases in these countries . o poore foolish men , who looke onely vnto the hennes egge ( as the prouerbe is ) and in the meane time lose the gooses nest . haue you then all gotten when you peserue your owne particular goods , and so suffer the common-wealth to receiue damage and losse in the meane while ? but if doe well consider euen your owne particular good , is thereby not your money in danger which you haue bestowed on lands and rents in these vnited prouinces ? doth there not daily happen bankrupts and other damages , and is it not all vncertaine whatsoeuer wee possesse in this world ? seeing then that all is to be ventured , is it not best to hazard it in such maner and places that it may yeeld both particular and generall profit . but some shall perhaps say , the danger is too great in this trafficke : for there is both perill at sea , and of a mighty potentate , the king of spaine . his power is not vnknowne vnto vs , his riches which hee getteth out of the west indies are almost vnualuable , and he shall employ them to his vttermost power to keepe vs out of the west indies . for this is the best pearle which he hath on his crowne , and his onely meanes and pillar which vpholdeth him in his chaire . hee will vse all meanes hee can to bereaue vs of the trade which we haue through the strait of gibraltar in italy , where he hath no command , what shall hee then doe in this case . certainly this is a point of great consideration : but it will both the difficultie and the necessitie set before our eyes . for if the west indies bee so deare vnto him that will venture all that he hath before he will lose it , wee haue the more reason to venture for them a blew eye . and if we become master of all , or of some part , as wee are now in the east indies , wee shall shorten his wings in such a manner , that hee shall not easily trouble vs nor our good friends so much as hee hath done . moreouer , i say , that the danger is not so great that it ought to discourage vs , and to make vs conceiue that these voyages will not bee made with good successe . looke vpon the former times , and you shall perceiue that our honest predecessors haue not onely resisted the power of the king of spaine in these countries , but haue likewise beene so bold as to wage battell with him , when he was more powerfull then hee is now , and haue beene the occasion that we liue now in liberty , and enioy the fruits of their labour . but consider once if we might not rightly be blamed if we liuing now at ease , should loose that which they haue gotten ( with the losse of their owne bloud , and by the deaths of so many braue souldiers which were sent to aid them , by seuerall princes and states of europe , but especially by her maiestie of england of happie memorie ) and that onely through a base feare , imprudencie , couetousnesse , or through any other ill passions . if our ancestors had had such heauy heads , in what case should wee now bee ? where were our libertie , and welfare ? the enemie hath now so many yeeres made a heauie warre vpon these lands , but they with their power and the aid of their confederates , reresisted him brauely through the fauor and grace of the almightie . these two last yeeres hath the enemie set verie fiercely vpon these vnited prouinces , but what hath hee gotten in a manner to speake , but damage and shame ? can we doe so much by land ? we may do much more by water . this may appeare by the sea fight which was in the strait of gibaltar betwixt our fleet that was commanded by the valiant admirall heemskerke , and the spanish nauie , which tried there what the marriners of holland could doe . i will not boast idly , knowing that all things happen according to gods blessing . but i speake onely in manner of discourse , according to nature , to shew what meanes the almightie hath granted vs for our defence . we haue ships enow , and wee want neither marriners , souldiers , munition , and victuals . but you will say , wee want mony . this is the maine point i intend to speake of , and will shew that this shall neither want , if euerie one will doe his best to bring a good capitall or stocke in the company . and therefore let euerie one goe on with a good resolution , and he shall finde this matter easily to be performed . but some shall perhaps reply there is daily so much to be giuen to the maintenance of the warres , as pole-money for euery ones head , and other taxations and impositions according to the seuerall estates of the inhabitants , &c. this is giuen , but the other is laid in to get profit . that which is giuen is gone , saith the prouerbe , although there is nothing lost that is giuen for the defence of the country , and to remoue the enemies from our frontiers , as hath beene done at bergen vp zoom : but this which is required is no giuing , but laying in a company of trafficke vpon hope of great gaine . you set daily ships forth , and send abroad , and receiue dayly merchandizes , and buy and sell wares to get a penny . but what is the reason that you will not venture your monies in this company to annoy the enemies , by which meanes it is likely to happen that henceforth you shall not bee charged with such great taxations as you are now for the maintenance of war. you complaine that there is nothing to be gotten , that the trades and traffickes are very dead : and now when there are meanes shewne vnto you , where to trafficke with profit , and how to reviue the negotiation , you will not giue eare and lend your helping hand . in former times the lord gaue vs this aduantage , that our enemies had now and then warres with england , france , and other states of christendome . but the enemie hath hitherto liued in peace with them , and made himselfe maister in a manner of germanie , so that all aide which we might get thence is cut from vs , and we haue almost no meanes to defend our selues but our owne power , and the aid of the almightie . if wee will not vse those meanes of our owne which his diuine maiestie hath yet left vnto vs , what will become of vs ? if it be impossible for vs to erect this company as it should be done , how shall we then hereafter bee able to resist our enemies , if we neglect this , and other such like meanes ? but it is certaine that there can want no money , if the richer sort of the inhabitants of those vnited prouinces will spare but some of their monies . the common sort of people haue quitted themselues verie well , and haue according to their abilities ventured great some of money , and raised thereby a good capitall . but if it could be made higher , it would be more sufficient to bring the matter to a good effect . let but the rich follow their example , and assist the company likewise , according to their abilitie , all the difficulties will presently be taken away . diuers rich persons which haue either subscribed for small sums , or haue not done it at all , they excused themselues , saying , that they did it for feare they might be chosen masters of the company : which charge they would not accept of for many reasons . let them then now yet signe for as much or more then the masters must needs participate in the company , otherwise we shall haue reason to think that they seeke but friuolous euasions . those which obiect that the west-indies are in many places inhabited by the spaniard , and fortified with forts in such a manner , that wee shall hardly be able to settle our selues there : they scant deserue any answer . for the west-indies are so large and great , that the spaniard cannot beset the hundreth part of it , and we shall haue opportunitie enough to trafficke in such places which lie from his forts . but it is all for profit that the merchant looketh : and where there is any hope of gaine , there hee ventureth willingly . therefore if we can make apparant that this company is to yeeld profit , it is likely that there will be many that will resolue themselues to venture their monies in it . first of all , then ought euerie good subiect , and well-willer of his country , to haue regard to the generall good of these lands . it is to be hoped that by the meanes of this company we shall diminish the traffick of the spaniards in the west-indies , euen in the same manner as we haue done with our east-india company in the east-indies . hereby shall the reuenues of the king of spaine be defalked and lesseued , his customes decreased , and his treasure sometimes exhausted . if some heauy head would say , that we shall not continually haue good successe ; i would answer , that it is as much to bee hoped that wee shall continually lie vnder and haue the worst . and although there were not any thing else effected by this company , but to make the spaniard elsewhere to imploy his power , and to bestow some of his meanes to warre by water where we haue more vantage then by land , ( by which meanes the warre which hee maketh vpon these lands would be partly diuerted ) our common-wealth should receiue great benefit by it . moreouer , it is no small matter , that by reason of this companie , there are not onely many carpenters and smiths , besides other workemen , and other poore men which doe now hardly know how to liue , shal get good imployments both here and in the west-indies . and it is likewise to be considered , that diuers manufactures , as linnen , saye , bombasin , ribban , looking-glasses , kniues , and other wares ( which the spaniard vsed to get out of the low-countries , and other parts , to sell them there ) shall by the companie be vented in the west-indies , to the great good of our handicrafts men . but all this is yet nothing to the participants which lay their moneyes in the companie ; for euery one looketh commonly what profit he may make with his owne money , notwithstanding that the common good is to be preferred before the particular . therefore comming now to the particular profit ; i say , that by all likelyhood ( if the almightie will be pleased to send his blessing to this companie , without which , no good successe is to be had ) they that shall venture in the same ▪ are likely to make more profit of their moneyes , then they could get by any other traffique . it is knowne what profit the east-india companie hath yeelded to the participants of it , namely , in the time of seuen yeeres , viz. from the yeere 1595. to the yeere 1602. they haue receiued for one hundred gilders capitall , three hundred gilders . and afterwards when the east-india companies were vnited by the octroy , or priuiledge of the states generall , the participants of the same , which sold their actions , haue in the time of sixteene yeeres , namely , from the yeere 1604. vntill the yeere 1602. gotten foure hundred gilders , for euery one a hundred gilders capitall : so that they profited some twentie foure gilders yearely in the hundreth : and those which haue not sold their actions , haue receiued about fiue hundred and fiftie gilders for each hundreth gilders of their stocke . that this be true , is not onely confessed by the masters of the east-india company , but likewise by those participants themselues , which complaine against the gouernment and dealing of the maisters of the companie . and it is to be obserued , that notwithstanding the heauy warres which this company hath had , the participants haue profited so much . conferre now these profits with other traffickes and imployments , and bestowings of moneys , and you shall finde that they exceed all other gaines which are made with money . if you buy land with your money , you cannot commonly get aboue three in the hundred by the yeere , and by buying of houses , you shall get but little more . if you buy rents you shall out get aboue 4. 5. or 5. and a halfe at most . if you put your monies at vse , you receiue no more then 5. 6. and 6. and a halfe in the hundreth yeerly . the best traffickes which are now vsed yeeld seldome aboue ten in the hundred cleere gaine . the chap keepers i must confesse may sometimes get 18. or 20. in the hundreth : but they loose againe much by bankrupts and slow payments . it is then manifest , that the east-india companie yeeldeth more profit then any other traffique or dealing ; and it is apparant , that the west-india companie is likely to giue yet once as much profit : and we may easily be induced to beleeue this by these following considerations . for first of all , wee may sayle hence into the west-indies within the space of seuen weekes , whereas an east-india shippe that goeth but for bantam , is commonly thirtie or fortie weekes by the way ; and those shippes which goe to the moluccaes , are for the most part a whole yeere by the way . secondly , i gather hereout , that the west-india companie , by reason of the short voyages , shall nothing neere be at such charges as the east-india companie is , which giue great wages both to the mariners and souldiers . thirdly , a west-india ship may make two returnes in a yeere , whereas an east-india ship can make but one returne in a yeere and a halfe , or in two yeeres . fourthly , an east-india shippe is to be cast off , after that it hath made three voyages in the east indies , and a west-india shippe may make twelue or more voyages in the west-indies . fiftly , the voyage for gold vpon guinea , and the voyage for salt vpon printo del rey , which cost nothing but the fraught , are alreadie in vse , and haue continually yeelded great profit , and are likely to yeeld yet more , through good directions and gouernment . sixtly , there are almost no wares , or marchandizes , but onely moneyes sent into the east-indies ; but in the west indies there may many wares and other commodities be sold ( as wee said before ) to the great profit both of the companie and of the other inhabitants of those vnited prouinces . and last of all it is to be considered , how that the states assist this companie with ten tunnes of gold , which amount to an hundred thousand sterling , and twentie shippes , being altogether well furnished with all manner of necessaries , and haue promised to giue yet more aid to this companie , as soone as the state of these lands will bee able to beare it , and the occasions and imployments of the companie shall require it . so that i may conclude very well , that it is to bee hoped , that the west-india companie shall yeeld more profit then euer the east-india companie yeelded vnto the inhabitants of those lands . and there is no doubt to be made , but there will be many that shall repent that they haue not ventured their moneyes in this companie , when they shall learne the good successe of it , and shall resolue to buy some actions of other , that they may likewise enioy the benefit of it . and it is likely , that there will be many that will vpon this hope , that they shall be able to sell their actions afterwards with great profit , subscribe for greater summes of money then they would haue done otherwise . therefore let euery house-keeper , that will enrich himselfe and his familie , venture his moneyes in this companie , and he shall in time , by the grace of the almightie , learne that he hath done the part of a prudent and wise house-keeper . now concerning the fourth and last point of the orders and gouernment of the company , we must a like treate of them a little : for euery one will the rather put his mony in the company , when they shall be possessed and assured that it shall bee well gouerned . but seeing that these orders are already concluded by the states , and the articles of them in print , that euery one may reade them , and vnderstand how the monies of the companies shall be administred , i shal not need to talke much of them . they are such , that many honest & vnderstanding merchants take great liking in them . there are also some which refuse to venter their monies in the company , and alledge for their excuse , that they mislike the orders and articles of the company . it were to be wished that men would not in these daies be too curious and nice . for there is not any man that can please euery one . and there is nothing in the world so well done , but some that will looke with curious eies vpon it , shall say that it hath the one or the other fault . therefore let vs hold with our common prouerbe , which saith : that wee must commend those things which are reasonable well done . but they shall perhaps say , if they were tollerable we should commend them : but they are too strange . i will not dispute against such for feare that i should do nothing else but loose my labour . what their drift or designe is i cannot tell . but it is to be admired , that so many other vnderstanding merchants cannot as well as they perceiue the faults & imperfections of these orders . they shall perhaps say out of their malice : that the other haue perceiued them as well as they , but would not finde fault with them , and lay thereupon so much in the company , as the masters of it must bring in , the company hoping to get such places , and to come to the handling or receit of the monies . but let vs banish out of our hearts all such malitious and pestiferous conceits which hinder all good affaires . who is it ( i pray you ) amongst vs that knoweth the heart of another ? none surely , but onely the almightie knoweth the heart of man , and the experience shall shew what their intentions haue beene . and this i dare assure you , that if these articles be but well obserued that the company shall by the grace of god yeeld great profit , according to the calculations which haue beene made . you know that the east-india company hath much enriched the participants of the same , notwithstanding that many haue found fault with the orders and administration of it . but i will wish that if any one could propound any better order or directions for the good of the company , that they would yet shew them to the states , and i make no question or the company will be very willing to embrace them whiles it is yet time . therefore seeing that this company is so necessarie and profitable , both for the state of these vnited prouinces , and the particular good of the inhabitants , and easily to be erected and maintained , and that no exceptions can be taken against it , i will exhort euery one but especially the magistrates , and the richer sort of the commons , to lay great sums of monies in this company , hat they may bee presidents to others . for there ought great fleets to bee sent into the west-indies : and it is apparant that how the capitall of the company will bee the greater , the traffike will be surer , and yeeld more profite . herewith ending , i will pray the almightie , who is the onely fountaine of all goodnesse that he will send his blessing to this company , and that it may tend to the welfare of these vnited prouinces , the weakning of our enemies , & especially to the exaltion of his holy name , and the propagation of the gospell , that it may bee preached amongst the blinde indians which haue no knowledge of the right way to saluation . finis . a description of the island of jamaica with the other isles and territories in america, to which the english are related ... : taken from the notes of sr. thomas linch, knight, governour of jamaica, and other experienced persons in the said places : illustrated with maps / published by richard blome. 1672 approx. 173 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 106 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28392 wing b3208 estc r7437 11899209 ocm 11899209 50575 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28392) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50575) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 55:6) a description of the island of jamaica with the other isles and territories in america, to which the english are related ... : taken from the notes of sr. thomas linch, knight, governour of jamaica, and other experienced persons in the said places : illustrated with maps / published by richard blome. blome, richard, d. 1705. lynch, thomas, sir, d. 1684? [9], 192 p. : 2 folded maps. printed by t. milbourn, and sold by the book-sellers of london and westminster, london : 1672. first ed. cf. bm. identified in reel guide as wing b3208. errata: p. 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xml conversion a description of the island of jamaica ; with the other isles and territories in america , to which the english are related , viz. barbadoes , st. christophers , nievis , or mevis , antego , st. vincent , dominica , montserrat , anguilla , barbada , bermudes , carolina , virginia , maryland , new-york , new england , new-found-land . taken from the notes of sr. thomas linch knight , governour of jamaica ; and other experienced persons in the said places . illustrated with maps . published by richard blome . london , printed by t. milbourn , and sold by the book-sellers of london , and westminster , 1672. to his sacred majesty charles ii. king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , &c. dread soveraign , this small treatise , or description , of your majesties dominions and territories in america , humbly presents its self unto your royal patronage , by the hands of your majesties most humble and obedient subject and servant , richard blome . the preface to the reader . having the favour of some notes from my honoured friend sir thomas linch knight , about the description of the island of jamaica , whose worth and ingenuity hath lately merited from his majesty the government of the said isle ; as likewise the opportunity of several papers relating to the affairs and description of the other isles and territories in america , wherein the english are concerned , which i received from the hands of several of my friends who are related thereunto , i thought them very fit to be published . the said notes and papers i have digested into a clearer and more compendious method ; being brief descriptions thereof , which this small treatise only aimeth at ; and not to trouble the reader with large and unnecessary discourses no ways proper for the design in hand : for by that means , i might ( by the help of a large print which some publisher of books call ornamental ) have put them to an unnecessary charge in buying , and as great a trouble in reading . i have also added some maps for the more utility thereof , which were taken from the latest surveys . rich. blome . errata . in page 126. line 8. the word [ not ] to be omitted . a new survey , or , description of the island of jamaica . the island of jamaica lyeth betwixt the tropicks in the 17. and 18. degrees of northern latitude ; and beareth from off the island of hispaniola eastward , about 35. leagues . from the island of cuba northwards , about 20. leagues . from porto bello southwards , about 160. leagues . from carthagena south-easterly about 140. leagues . from rio de la hache in the continent south-easterly , 160. leagues . the forme and extent of the isle . it is something inclined to an oval forme , being from east to west 170 miles in length ; and from north to south in the midst where it is broadest about 70 , it waxing narrower and narrower at both extream ends . from east to west along the the midst of the isle runns a continued ridge of lofty mount●ins which are full of fresh springs , whence flow the many rivers that so plentifully waters the island , to the great refreshment and accommodation of the inhabitants . the soyle , fertility , &c. it is in most parts ( especially the north ) of a rich and fat soyle , being of a blackish earth , in many places mixt with a clay , and in some , as the south west parts , it is of a more red and loose earth , but every where incomparable apt to produce , and liberally to answer the cultivators cost and paines for what is planted ; being alwayes springing , and its trees and plants never disrobed of their summer livery , every month being to them as our may , or april . here are many savanas which are intermixed with the hills and woods , ( especially in the north and south parts , where are great store of wild cattel ) which by report were sometimes feilds of indian maiz , or wheat , which when the spaniards became masters of the isle , they converted to pasture for the feeding of their cattel ; bringing hither from spain , horses , cowes , hoggs , and asenegros for a breed , after they had destroyed all the natives , or indians , which according to calculation , did amount to about 60000. which cattel did exceedingly encrease , witness the great heards of horses , and other cattel , that are now wild in the woods ; besides the great quantities of cows that have been killed by the english , since they became masters thereof : and these savanas are the most barren , as being so long made use of without tillage ; yet doth they produce such great plenty of grass , that the english are constrained oft-times to burn it up . the air , and temperature . the air is here more temperate then in any of the caribbee isles , as seated more northerly , and of as mild a temperature ( as to heate ) as any place between the tropicks , being always cooled with fresh breezes , that constantly bow easterly , and refreshed with frequent showers of rain , and such dews that fall in the night ( much quickning the growth of what is planted ) that it may truly be called temperate and healthful ; and by reason of its continuall verdure ( as i have before noted ) exceeding delightful . and it is observed that the west and east parts of the isle are most subject to raine and windes ; and the woods being also thick , and close , rendreth the aire less agreeable , then the north and south parts , which are more plain and open , and less subject to raine and winds . the mountaines which run along the midle of the isle from one extreame point to the other , are much cooler then the other parts , insomuch that oft times in the mornings there is small white frosts . this island is in no parts troubled with those storms of wind called huricanes , which all the caribbee isles are much pestered with , having somtimes by the violence of those gusts , their ships forced out of their roads ; and on shore , their houses blown down , and provisions , &c. rooted out of the earth . the weather . the weather of this isle is less certain then in the rest of the caribbee islands ; the most observable wett seasons are in november or may ; there being no seemable winter but by a little more rain , and thunder , in the winter months . the winds here constantly blow all the day from nine in the morning easterly , and become more fresher as the sun mounteth higher , by reason of which , at midd-day travel or labour is sufferable . but from eight at night to about eight in the morning , it frequently blows westerly ; and with these winds , or breezes , the vessells get out of the harbours , and ply to wind-ward . there is scarce any sencible lengthning or shortning of the days or nights , but are almost alwayes of an equal length . the sea ebbs and flowes seldome above a foot . hurricanes are here never known , as before i have noted ; nor hath any vessel been lost , or cast away on the coast , since the english were masters of it . the commodities , which this island produceth . this isle hath , and produceth many excellent commodities and that in exceeding great plenty , as sugars so good , that they out-sell those of the barbadoes 5. s. per cent. there being at present about sugar works , which may produce yearly 1710 thousand weight of sugar , those still encreasing , and divers others a going up . cocao , the principal , and most beneficial commodity of the isle , which i shall anon take occasion to speak of more at large ; and that by reason of the aptness of the ground to produce and beare it above other places : here being at present above 60. cocao walks ; besides abundance of young walks which are a growing up , and still more a planting , so that in time it will become the only noted place for that commodity in the world , which is so much made use of by us , and other nations , but in far greater measure by the spaniards who alone are enough to take of the product of the isle ; so that there is no fear that it will become a drugg , and lye upon the hands of the planter . indico this isle produceth very good , there being at present more then 60. indico works , which may produce about 50000. weight of indico per. annum , and do likewise much encrease . cotton here hath an especial fineness , and is by all preferred before that of the carribbee isles . tobacco is here indifferent good , being esstemed better then that of the barbadoes , but it is not much planted , only a sufficiency to serve themselves ; the other commodities being more benificial . hydes , of which great quantityes have been yearly made , and are found to be very large and good . great store of tortoises are taken on this coast , whose meat ( being excellent ) they eat , and their shells so much esteemed here in england for several curious works , finds good vent . here are great variety of woods for dyers , as fustick , red-wood , a kind of logg-wood , &c. also caedar , mothogeney , brasilletto , lignum-vitae , ebony , granadilla , and many other excellent sweet smelling , and curious woods fitt for choise works , whose names are as yet not known ; nor indeed their excellencies ; but are exported in great quantities . copper , they are assured is in this isle , for they have seen the ore , wrought out of a mine here ; and by the spaniards report , the bells that hung in the great church of st. iago , were cast of the copper of this island . silver may probably be here , as well as in cuba , and in the maine ; and the english have been shewed where the spaniards had found a silver mine , behind the mountains west of cagway . ambergreece ( according to the spaniards report ) hath been often found on this coast . salt , this island might make great quantities , there being already 3. good and very large salt-ponds , containing neare 4000. acres of ground ; but as yet they make no more then for their own use : although there was made in one yeare about 10000 bushells ; and the manager thereof , cap. jo. noye , did affirm that he could have made as many tunns if they had had vent . saltpeter hath been found in many parts of the island . ginger grows better in this isle , then in many of the carribbe islands ; of which here is sufficiency planted . codd-pepper which is so commonly used in all the west indies , grows plentifully here . piemente , or jamaica pepper , a spice of the form of east-india pepper , very aromatical , and of a curious gousto , having the mixt taste of divers spices , grows here in great plenty , wild in the mountains . but the spaniards did sett a high esteeme thereon , and exported it as a very choise commodity , as indeed it is ; and now it is begun to be planted by the english , and will become a good commodity . drugs are here in great abundance , as guacum , china-roots , sasapharilla , cashia fistula , tamerindes , vinillos , achiots or anetto , which is like to prove a good commodity . here are also dive●● gums , and roots , wherewith experienced planters do cure many hurts , ulcers , and distempers of the body . and by the report of an intelligent doctor , which made it his business to search after such things , here are likewise contrayerna , cyperas , aloes , assole pie , adjuntum , nigrum , cucumis , agrestis , sumach , acacia , miselto , with many other druggs , balsoms and gums , whose names are not known , or remembred : but the planters begin to be more expert in these drugs , and endeavour to encrease them , and supply england therewith . cochaneil is produced by a plant that grows in this isle , but as yet the english want experience to husband it ; easterly winds , and many other things being enemies to its growth , besides the difficulty of makeing it . these with some others are the commodities that this island produceth , which if well improved , would soon become the best , and richest plantation that ever the english were , ( or are like to be ) masters of . i shall in the next place give you an account of the management of a cocao walk , with a calculation of its costs , and profits , as it was lately estimated by that judicious and great encourager of the planters , s. tho. modiford baronett , late governour of the said island . directions about a cocao walk . first , take up 5 or 600. acres of land , which be sure choose in a good place proper to produce the cocao , which will cost for the surveying and patent 010 l. 0 s. for 3 negro men , and as many negro women at 20 l. per head 120 l. 0 s. for 4 white servants , with their passage and dyet for a year 080 l. 0 s. for 20 axes , 20 bills , and 20 hoos for them 005 l. 0 s. for 6. negroes dyet , for six months at 2 s. per day , until you have some provisions grown in your plantation . 018 l. 5 s. for an overseer to look after the servants , for his wages ▪ and diet at 40 s. per month 024 l. 0 s. in all 257 l. 5 s. and for the employing these servants in your plantation as followeth : supposing them to land , and to be on the plantation the first of march , and that they have by the middle of that month ( as they may very easily ) cleared a convenient place , and built fitting houseing for the lodging them . then put them to falling , cleaning , and planting a potato peece of 4. acres , which ten hands will very well do by the middle of april : after this , you may clean , and plant with rue and plantin-trees , until the last of february , which is above 10 months ; in which time they may with ease have cleansed and planted 21. acres , besides keeping them clean which are planted and are still a planting ; and in this time , which compleats the year , you may be full of potatoes and corn , and within 2. months of the new year , with plantins , and a small stock of hoggs , and fowles ; so that you will be at no more charge for provisions for your servants . and then to keep this clean , and to plant the cocao-walk , and for five more negro men , and 5. negro-women to buy about the first of march following , at 20 l. per negroe comes to 200 l. and in that month you will have planted cocao-trees out of the nuts , or seed , betwixt all the rows of the plantin-trees , that are 6. foot high ; so that by the first of june , the whole 21 acres that were planted the last year , will be full of cocao-trees , and by that time you will have ( besides much other work done ) 21. acres of cocao-trees in the ground ; which in less then 4. years , from the planting , will begin to bear cods , and in a year after , produce compleat cropps . and according to experience , an acre doth produce every year about 1000. pound weight ; which at jamaica is worth 4 l. per cent. which for the 21 acres , doth amount unto 840 l. per ann. although this last year , by reason their cropps were blasted , it is at present far dearer , the hundred weight at london being now worth 18. pound sterling . the charges of gathering and houseing the cocao , is inconsiderable , only cloths or baggs to put it in , which with some other incident charges , may be reckoned at the most ( as all things else have been ) to amount to 42. l. 15. s. more , which makes up just 500. l. note , that all this that is planted , is done in 15. months , and the cocao bears not compleatly until the sixth year from the first begining , or comming ; so that you will have four years and nine months at liberty with your servants , either to encrease the cocao-walk , building of convenient houses , and makeing of garidens for pleasure ; or else you may fall on ginger , indico , or some other commodity for present profit , which perhapps may be necessary for such as cannot forbear their money , until the cocao walk doth come to perfection as aforesaid : after which , you will find sufficient profit as is exprest , sickness , mortality , and running away excepted . yet it cannot be expected , but that as the island encreaseth in this commodity , they must some-what abate the present price , and content themselves with a more moderate gaines . and according to this calculation proportionably a greater or lesser cocao-walk may be undertaken , and performed . their cattle . in this isle are greater abundance of cattle then in most of the english plantations in america ; as horses , which are here so plentiful , that a good horse may be bought for 6 or 7 l. their cowes are very large , and so numerous , that although there hath been every year so many killed , yet their number seemeth not much to be lessoned . assnegroes and mules ( both wild and tame ) are very many , which are found to be very serviceable to the inhabitants . their sheep are large , and tall , and their flesh good , but their wool is long , hairy , and little worth . goats are many , which thrive exceedingly well , the countrey being very fit for them . hoggs are here in exceeding great plenty , as well those wild in the mountains , as tame in the plantations , whose flesh is far better tasted , and more nourishing and easier to be digested then those of england ; which is the reason that it is so much eaten in this island ; as indeed throughout the west-indies . their fish . this island hath both in the rivers , bayes , roads , and creeks , very excellent fish , and in such abundance that it contributes much to the feeding of the inhabitants ; and those that frequent this isle , say , that they have few or none of those sorts common to us in england ; but such great variety of those appropriated to the indies , that it would be too tedious to repeat the names of them , if they were known or remembred . the principal sort is the tortoise , which they take plentifully on the coast ; and about 20. or 30. leagues to the leeward of port negril , by the isles of camavos , in the months of may , june , and july , do resort great store of ships from the carribbee isles to victual and load with this fish , it being reputed to be the wholsomest and best provision in all the indies . their fowls . here are very great plenty of tame hens , turkies , and some ducks ; but of wild fowle infinite store , as ducks , teale , wigen , geese , turkeys , pigeons , guine-hens , plovers , flemingo's , snipes , parats , parachetos , with very many others , whose names are not known . the fruits . there are great plenty of choise and excellent fruits in this island , as oranges , pome-granates , cocar-nuts , limes , guavars , mammes , alumee-supotas , suppotillias , avocatas , cashues , prickle-aples , prickle-pears , grapes , sower-sops , custard-aples , dildowes , and many others whose names are not known , or too tedious to name , besides plantains , pines , &c. their herbes , and roots . here likewise grows very well , all manner of summer garden-herbs and roots common to us in england , as radish , lettis , purseley , cucumbers , melons , parsley , pot-herbs , also beanes , pease , cabbages , colly-flowers , &c. their diseases . it hath been experimentally found , that there is no such antipathy betwixt the constitutions of the english , and this clime , for the occasioning sickness to be mortal or contageous , more than in other parts ; for if a good dyet , and moderate exercises are used , without excess of drinking they may enjoy a competent measure of health . the diseases that strangers are most incident to , are dropsies ( occasioned often by ill diet , drunkeness , and slothfulness ) calentures too frequently the product of surfits , also feavers , and agues , which although very troublesome , yet are seldome mortal . and the reason of the great mortality of the army , at their first arrival , was their want of provisions , together with an unwillingness to labour or excercise , joyned with discontent . hurtful things . there are upon this island , very few obnoctious beasts , insects , or plants . here is the manchonele , which is a king of a crab , so common in all the caribbee isles . here are snakes , and guianas , but no poysonous quality is observed in them . in many of the rivers , and land-ponds , are alligators , which are very voracious creatures , yet seldome do they prey upon a man , as being very easy to be avoided , for he can only move forwards , and that he doth with great swiftness and strength , and is as slow in turning . some are 10 , 15 , or 20 foot long , their backs are scaly and impenetrable , so that they are hardly to be killed , except in the belly or eye . they have four feet or finns with which they go or swim . they are observed to make no kind of noise : and the usual course for the getting their prey , is to lie on the banks of rivers , and as any beast or fowle cometh to drink , they suddenly seize on them ; and the rather , for that they do so much resemble a long peece of dry wood , or some dead thing . and as these allegators are thus obnoctious on the one hand , so are they found to be useful on the other , for their fat is a sovereign oyntment for any internal ach or pain in the joynts , or bones . they have in them musk-codds , which are stronger scented then those of the east-indies , and by this their strong smell , they are discovered , and avoyded ; which ●s supposed the cattle by instinct of nature , are also sencible of , and do by that means often shun them . they lay eggs in the sand lay the water-side , which are no bigger than a turkeys , which they ●over , and by the heat of the sun , the young ones are hatched , who naturally creep into the water . here are also muskettoes and merry-wings , a sort of stinging flies that are troublesome in some parts of the isle , but are seldome found in the english plantations . their harbours , roads , and bays ▪ this island abounds with goo● bayes , roads , and harbours : th● principal amongst which are port-royal , formerly called cagway , situate on the extream en● of that long point of land whic● makes the harbour , which is e●ceeding commodious for shippin● and secured by one of the stronge●● and most considerable castles th●● his majesty hath in all americ● in which are mounted about 6● peeces of ordnance , and is we●● guarded with souldiers . it is land lock't by a point of land that run 12 miles south-east from the mai● of the island , having the great r●ver that runs by los angelos , and● st. jago falling into it , where ship● do commonly water , and conven●ently wood . the harbour is 2. or 3. leagues cross in most places , and hath every where good anchorage , which is so deep , that a ship of a 1000 tunn may lay her sides to the shore of the point , and load , and unload with planks a float : which commodiousness , doth make it to be the most frequented by men of war , and merchants ships of any in the island , and as much inhabited by the merchants , store-house-keepers , vintners , & alehouse-keepers , being the only noted place of trade in the isle , and doth contain ( since the english became masters of it ) about 800. houses , being about 12 miles and a half in length , and the houses are as dear-rented as if they stood in well-traded streets in london ; yet it 's situation is very unpleasant and uncommodious , having neither earth , wood , or fresh-water , but only made up of a hot loose sand , and being thus populous , and so much frequented , as well by strangers , as by the planters , in the negotiation of their affairs as being the scale of trade , provisions are very dear . this town or port is seated about 12 miles from the metrapolitan town of the island called st. jago , or st. jago de la vega , or the spanish town ; of which i shall treat anon . port-morant in the eastern point , a very capacious and secure harbour , where ships do conveniently wood , water , and ride safe from the windes , and about this place is a potent colony of the english seated . old-harbour westwards , from st. jago , a good bay for ships to ride in . point-negril in the extream western point , very good and sufficiently convenient , and secure to windward , in which men of war do often ply , when they look for the spanish ships , whence a little north-west , was seated the old town of melilla , founded by columbus , after the shipwrack there ; which was the 1st place that the spaniards setled at , and afterwards deserted . port-antonio seated on the north , a very safe land-lock't-harbour , only the coming in is somwhat difficult , the channel being narrowed by a little island that lies off the mouth of the port , being wholly taken up by the right honourable , charles earl of carlisle , visc . howard of morpeth , lord dacres of gilsland , lord lieutenant of the counties of cumberland and westmerland , and one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. here are several other good bayes , and harbours , along the coast of this island ; the names of which are set down in the map , amongst which , these are very commodious and good , viz. in the south-part michaels hole . micary bay. allegator pont. point pedro. pallate bay. lewana bay. blewfelds bay. cabaritaes bay. all very good and commodious bayes for ships . in the north-part porto-maria ora cabessa cold-harbour rio-nova montega-bay orang-bay all very good bays for shipping . the towns. there are at present but three towns of considerable note in the island , to wit , st. jago , or st. jago de-lavega seated 6 miles within the land north-west , in a plaine , by a river , and about 12. miles from port-royal already treated of , which makes another of the 3 towns. this town of st. jago when the spaniards were masters of the isle , was a large city , and of great account , containing about 2000 houses , and for divine worship , had 2 churches , 2 chappels , and an abbey ; which when the english first took the isle ( under the conduct of general venables ) were destroyed to about 4 or 500 houses , and its churches and chappels to a fewer number , & those that remained were sufficiently spoiled and haraced . but since the english have made a settlement , this towne is now of considerable account ; where the governour resideth , and where the chief courts of judicature are held , which makes it to be well resorted unto , and inhabited ; so that most of its ruinous houses are in a faire way of being repaired , and in hopes to arrive to a greater largeness then formerly it was , here being several fair and well built houses : and the inhabitants live in great pleasure , where they have their havana , in which the better sort recreate themselves every evening in their coaches , or an horse-back , as the gentry do here in hide park . passage seated on the mouth of the river , six miles distant from st. jago , and as many from port-royal , where there are about 20 houses , built for the conveniency of going to port-royal ; and here is a fort raised by the english , the better to secure the same . in the time of the spaniards , here were several other townes which are now of no account ; of which said townes , these three following were of most nore , viz. sevilla feared on the north part of the island , once beautified with a collegiate-church , whose chief bore the title of abbot : amongst whom was peter martyr , who described the history of the west-indies by decates . mellila seated in the north east , where columbus mended his ships at his return from veragua , where he was neer ship-wrackt . orista reguards the south-sea , in which are many rocks , and amongst their banks , some isles , as servavilla , quitosvena , and serrana , where augustin pedro serrana lost his vessel , and saved onely himself , and here in a solitary and lone condition passed away 3 yeares ; at the end of which time he had the company of a marriner for 4 years more , that was likewise there ship-wrackt , and also alone saved himself . and although there are for the present no more townes , yet the island is divided into 14 precincts , divisions , or parishes , which are set forth in the map ; many of which said precincts are well inhabited by the english , where they have very good plantations , especially all the southern part from point-morant in the east , almost to point-negrillo in the west , so far as the ridge or chain of mountaines that runneth in the midst of the isle ; nor are its northerns parts , ( especially near unto the sea ) without inhabitants and plantations , though not so thick as south-wardly about st. jago , but of late have much encreased . and for the better satisfying the reader , the parts throughout the island where the english have made their settlements , are marked and distinguished in the map by cyphers . i cannot certainely affirm the number of the english in this isle , but according to the last survey taken and returned into england some yeares since , by sr. thomas modiford , late governour , each precinct , or parish contained as followeth : a general account of the precincts , or parishes , families , and inhabitants in jamaica , taken by order of sir thomas modiford , then governour as aforesaid . parishes . families . inhabitants . port-royal 500 3500 st. katherines 658 6270 st. johns 083 996 st. andrews 194 1552 st. davids 080 960 st. thomas 059 590 clarindon 143 1430   1714 15298 note , that the four parishes on the north-side of the isle , to witt , st. george's , st. maries , st. annes , and st. james , as also the leeward most parish called st. elizabeth , together with these two not named , both adjoyning on st. elizabeths ; the one eastwards , and the other northwards , was not as then so particularly surveyed , by reason of their distance , and new settlements , nevertheless they were found according to calculation , to amount to about 2000 inhabitants . but all these parts , as also those seven aforenamed are now exceedingly encreased , being supposed to be encreased to double , if not treble the number . and the great encouragement of gaining riches , with a pleasant life , doth invite every year abundance of people to inhabite here , quitting their concerns at barbadoes , and other our american plantations ; so that in a short time without doubt it will become the most potent and richest plantation in the west-indies . and besides the aforesaid number of inhabitants in the said 14 precincts or parishes , there are reckoned to belong to the island ; of privateers , hunters , sloop and boatmen ( which ply about the isle ) at the least 3000 lusty and stout fighting men , whose courage hath been sufficiently evidenced in their late exploit , and attempt made against the spaniards at panama . their lawes their lawes are assimulated ( as near as may be ) to those of england , having their several courts ▪ magistrates , and officers , for the executing of justice on criminal offenders , and the hearing and determination of causes or controversies betwixt party , and party . having thus made a short desscription of the island , as to its scituation , fertility , commodities , harbours , towns , and precincts , with an estimate of the number of its inhabitants : in the next place , i shall give you the state of the isle , when the spaniards were possessors thereof ; and wind up my discourse with some seasonable considerations relating to the english affairs in america , with reasons to justifie the first design in taking it , and why his majesty should keep and support it . and of these in order . the state of the spaniards in this island , the spaniards first setled on the north-west part of the isle , under the conduct of columbus , and built the town of mellila , but disliking the scituation , removed to oristana ; and finding that also to be ill seated , and unhealthful , again removed , and setled at st. jago , or st. jago de la vega , where , with the assistance of the indians , they built a fair town or city , which i have already treated of . and in this town inhabited all the spaniards that were in the isle at the landing of the english , keeping their slaves at their several small plantations , or stanchas , who failed not to bring them store of fruits & provisions , which they luxuriously spent in their houses , never intending any thing but to live at ease and plenty : for on this large and fertile island , there was no manufacture or commodity made , except a little sugar , tabacco , and cocao , and those few ships that came hither , traded generally for hydes , tallow , jamaica pepper , and cocao , but not to any considerable account . and the number of inhabitants did not exceed 3000 , of which , half ( if not more ) were slaves . and the reason why it was so thinly peopled , was , because the spaniards generally desire to be in nova hispana , or hispaniola ; but chiefly , because this isle was held ▪ in proprietership , by the heirs of the duke of veragua-columbus , who received the revenues , and placed governours , as absolute lord of it . and at the first , it was planted by a kind of portugals , the society of whom , the spaniards abhors . upon the approach of the english-army after their landing , the inhabitants of st. jago deserted the town , and betook themselves to the mountains , pretending a treaty with the english , untill such time as they had secured their women and goods , and then did they make several attempts , and upon surprisals , murthered many of the english ; but the spaniards soon growing weary of that wild and mountainous course of life , perceiving small hopes of expelling the english , divers of the grandees got into cuba , who by the vice-roy of alexico's order , were commanded back , with a promise of a speedy and considerable supply of men ; upon which they returned , somwhat encouraged , and dispersed themselves by families , that they might the better get provisions , and avoid the being discovered by the english ; but this necessitous and unusual course of life , killed many of them , and discouraged the rest ; for that in all this time there came to their succour , but too souldiers , and those refused to joyn with them , as being so few and sickly ; so that they marched back to the north of the island , and at a place called st. chereras , did fortify themselves , every day expecting a new body of men to joyn with them : but the english discovering their quarters , marched against them . some few months after , about 30 small companies of the spanish forces arrives , and immediately very strongly fortify rio nova , having ordnance , and great store of ammunition , yet were they speedily and succesfully defeated by the valour of the english under the conduct of leiutenant general edw. d'oyley . and this grand disaster , with many petty ill successes caused the spaniards to dispair of regaining the island , and to ship off most of their plat●● and women ; and the negroes finding the greatest part of their masters to be dead , killed the governour , and declined all obedience to the spaniards , appointing a black for their governour . and such was the necessity of the spaniards , that instead of giving them fitting correction , they were constrained to court them for their assistance ; but all their policy would not prevail upon them , for soon after did they submitt to the english goverment , and made discoveries of the spaniards and negroes that would not come in with them , and did further assist the english in the taking of them , in which they have been exceeding succesful . in the year following , the spaniards quite deserted the island , except it were about 30 or 40 of their slaves , who betook themselves to the mountaines , but being afraid of a discovery , and to be pursued to death for some murthers they had committed , built themselves conoas , and in them fled to cuba , and never since hath any considerable attempt been made upon them . the english being thus become masters of the island , formed themselves into a body , or colony : then did they they begin to settle themselves in plantations , whilst others betook themselves to the sea as freebooters or privateers , the better to secure themselves against the spaniards , and force them to a peace by their frequent annoying them , in seizing such their ships which they could meet with , which proved very succesful unto them . and this caused the isle to be much talked of , and had in esteem by the english , who sent them supplies of men , provisions , and necessaryes . and thus by little and little it became to be so potent as now it is . governours since the english were masters of the island . this island ( since the english have been masters of it ) hath had four governours . the first , leiutenant general edward d'oyley , who before his majesties happy restauration , was commander in cheif of all the english army by land and sea in america . the second , the right honourable thomas lord winsor , who is now lord leiutenant of the county of worcester . the third , sr. thomas modyford baronet . and the fourth , and present , sr. thomas lynch knight . some considerations relating to the english affaires in america , with reasons to justify the first designe into the indies . spaniards would never contract a peace with the english in america . they have alwayes taken our merchants ships sayling on these coasts , or forced them into their harbours by distress of weather . in the reign of our late king ( when we had peace with them throughout europe ) they sacked st. christophers , mevis , providence , s ta . cruz , and tortugas , murthering and carrying away most of the inhabitants into slavery ; for which they never made any repairation . the indians , who are the natural proprietors of america , do abominate and hate the spaniards for their cruelty and avarice ; and upon every occasion will shew their willingness to give themselves and their countreys , freely into the power and protection of the english . the pretented first discovery cannot give them a legal power over the genuine right of the natives , nor were they the first discoverers of all those countreys that they pretend unto . the popes donation is of little validity , for he hath given them the crown of england , which of the two he might more legally do , then the indies ; for that the english have been subject to his power , the indians never . possession is not of force to create ( thought it confirms ) a right , nor can it so alter the property , as to make usurpation ( for some time to continue ) as a legal , and just pretence of dominion . it is against the fundamental lawes of spain to make a peace , and allow of a trade into the indies ; now there being no medium , war must needs be justifyable where a peace is not allowable . their barbarous cruelty in compelling our merchants , and others which they have took prisoners , to turn their religion , and to work at their forts and mines at mexico , and elsewhere , from whence they can never return , murthering divers , when upon a treaty , and after promise of fair quarter , and not exchanging or ransoming any , although the english have freely given them some hundreds of prisoners , doth sufficiently justify any attempt or mischief we can do against them , either in seizing on their ships , or the landing on their countreys , and the sacking , burning , or taking their towns and countreys , and the dispossessing them thereof . some considerations why his majesty should keep , preserve , and support this island . jamaica is large , and capacious , whose extent i have already noted ; so that it is capable of receiving very great numbers of people . it is seated in the heart of the spaniards american territories ; so that the spanish shipps coming into the west-indies , and sayling from port to port , either make this isle , or may be immediately met by the ships which ply on this coast , which renders it to be of great importance to us , as well as to the spaniards : for all the plate fleet which comes from carthagena , steer directly from st. domingo in hispaniola , and from thence must pass by one of the ends of this isle to recover havana , which is the common rendevouze of the armado , before it returns home through the gulph of florida . nor is there any other way whereby to miss this isle , because they cannot in a reasonable time turn it up to the windward of hispaniola , which , though with great difficulty , it might be done , yet by this means they would loose the security of the said united fleet , which meet at havana , from all parts of the bay of mexica , nombre de dios , and elsewhere , and so accompany each other home . jamaica is found to precede all the english plantations in america , in the very commodities that are proper to their several colonies , and produceth also of its own cocao , hydes , tortoise-shells , wood for dyers , gums , druggs , and other commodities already treated of ; and for fruits , fowl , and fish , infinite store , many of which are unknown unto them . likewise , such abundance of horses , and cowes , that none other of the english blantations can equalize them . and as this island is found thus advantageous in the furnishing us with such good commodities , so is it no less profitable in the taking off our manufactures , and commodities , as well of the product of this kingdom , as those from forreign parts . that is to say , all sorts of stuffs , fabricks of silks , linnen both fine and course , hatts , gloves , thread , tape , pinns , needles , stockings , shoos ; all sorts of apparel ; wine , brandy , strong-beer ; all sorts of utensils of iron , and other mettals for carpenters , joyners , smiths , coopers , mill-wrights , and other the like tradesmen , that are found useful for the planters service , also , iron , brass , copper , steel , lead and tinn unwrought ; all sorts of armes and ammunition : also , servants , and negro-slaves : and in a word , all commodities that are necessary , and usefull either for the back or belly , are here vendible . and is observed , that the better the commodities are ( especially apparrel and ornaments for the back ) the sooner and better are they vended . 4 it appears to be a place of no small concernment , for it hath not only subsisted at the beginning , but bettered its condition , being setled by an army ( the worst kind of people to plant ) that have had such grand discouragements from england , as want of pay , provisions , and recruits of men ; yet amongst themselves talked of all encouragements to plant , the establishment of justice and government , besides , the frequent attempts of the spanish forces ; and if it thus thrived under these , and such like considerable obstructions , it is more then propable , it will in a short time become a great and profitable colony both to the king and kingdome ; for when well planted , it may bring into his majesty some hundred thousand pownds per annum . barbadoes ( which is so little compared to this ) yeilding about 10000 l. per annum , and employing about 150 or 200 sayl of ships yearly . this island being so large and so fertile , it is capable of the receiving those great numbers of people , that are forced to desert the caribbee isles : their plantations being worn out , and their woods wasted ; as likewise those multitudes of vagrants and beggars that are so great a charge and shame to the kingdom , if transported thither , ( would by their labours ) live both honestly , and plentifully ; here being observed to be no beggars , nor such loose vagabond people . this island being well setled , will be capable of it self to carry on a war against the spaniards in the west-indies ( as occasion requireth ) because of the conveniences of its ports , and its strength of inhabitants and shipping , having already about 20 or 30 sayl of privateers ; and will in a short time be so numerous and potent , that they will become so obnoxious to the spaniards , that probably they will rather admit of a trade into his ports ( which would prove a grand advantage both to them , and this kingdom ) than suffer so disadvantageous a war. and having thus forced a trade , would gain the acquaintance of the natives , and learn their customes , and method of trade , being much inclined to love the english rather than the spaniards . jamaica seems to be approved above any of the other plantations , in regard so many from all the english collonyes have transported themselves and their estates to it , who like it so well , that they have no cause or desire to remove . there is now a considerable progress made in the setling of this isle , there being upon it many plantations of cocao , sugar , indico , cotton , and provisions ; and inhabited with many thousand of of people . the planters ( for the generality ) now living in great delight , and enjoy all things necessary for food and rayment in a liberal measure ; and were it well inhabited , it would very much consume the english manufactures , and encourage navigation and merchandize . it cannot be imputed a disadvantage , that jamaica lyeth so far off , for thereby are more ships employed ; and by consequence , more saylors , shipwrights , rope-makers , and many other tradesmen maintained , whose dependance is thereon . furthermore , if it lay not so far , we could not expect such commodities as it produceth , being appropriate to the clyme ; neither is it a small advantage to have such commodities within his majesties dominions ( though at a distance ) that are both valued and needed by his subjects and neighbours , especially the cocao . and lastly , to conclude , the english have one more considerable advantage by this isle , and that is , the coast of virginia , being subject to gusts of winde , the ships loaden with goods and passengers , have been often forced forth to sea , and so disabled , that they could not ply to any of the outward caribbee islands , but have been constrained to bear up , and put into the spanish leeward ports ; and likewise , some of our merchants have been forced out of the caribbee isles by hurricane's ( which are there common ) and so disabled , that they could not keep sea , but ( as all vessels thus distressed ) have put into some of the spanish leeward ports , where they have alwayes , been made prizes . now , jamaica being so far leeward , is a convenient harbour for all vessels thus distressed ; and did some few years since save three virginia ships full of passengers and goods , and formerly others ; as also some driven by hurricanes from the windward islands : all which , without the conveniency , and assistance of this isle , had perished . map of barbados a description of the island of barbadoes . barbadoes the most considerable colony the english hath amongst that frye of isles called the caribbee isles , or the antilles . it s scituation . it is seated in the north latitude of 13 degrees , and 20 min. and although but of a small circuit , ( being accounted not above 8 leagues in length , and 5 in breadth where broadest , being of an oval form ) yet is it a potent colony , being able as occasion requireth , to arm 10000 fighting men , which , with the strength that nature hath bestowed on it , it is able to bid defiance to the stoutest foe , having been several times ( but in vain ) assaulted by the spaniards . its rivers . this isle is not over-plentifully watered with rivers , or fresh springs , there being but one that may appropriate to it self that name , or rather a lake , which runneth not far into the land ; yet notwithstanding , the inhabitants are not destitute thereof , for the countrey lying low , and for the most part even , there are several pools or ponds ; besides , most houses have wells or cisterns which are always supplyed with rain-water . here is also a river , which the inhabitants call the tuigh-river , from the top of whose waters is gathered an oyl , which serveth them to burn in lamps . it s fertility . this isle is exceeding fertile , bearing crops all the year long , and its trees being always cloathed in their summer livery , and the fields and woods in their verdure , renders it very delightful to the inhabitants . but the two principal seasons of the year for planting , is in may , and november , but the sugar-canes are planted all the year round , the making of which , is not only very chargeable , but also as dangerous , and subject to casualties , either in the boyling-house , with the coppers and furnaces ; in the filling-room , in the still-house , or in the cureing-house . its commodities . the commodities that this isle produceth , are sugars , ( which though not so white as those of brazile , yet better when refined , being of a fairer grain ) indico , cotten , wool , ginger , logwood , fustick , and lignum-vitae . and these commodities , especially sugar , indico , cotton , and ginger , are here in such great abundance , that about 200 sayl of ships and vessels , both great and small , have yearly their loading ; which after imported in the several ports of england , and ireland , is again in great quantities exported to forreign parts , to our great enrichment ; and the rather , for that they are not permitted to trade with any other nation but the english , and such of his majesties subjects in new-england , virginia , and bermudoes : and in exchange of those commodities , they take such as are necessary for the use of man , as well for the back and belly , as for their houses , and plantations ; with many of which , they are supplyed from new-england , virginia , and the bermudoes ; together with servants , and slaves , as i have noted at the latter end of the description of jamaica , about page 73. together with several sorts of commodities and provisions , which jamaica hath no occasion of , as horses , camels , assinegroes , cattel ; also salted flesh and fish of several sorts ; butter and cheese ; but by reason of the great heat of the weather , it will soon stink , and become unfit to eat ; so that instead of butter , they make great use of oyl for their sauces . the dayes and nights are almost thorowout the year , of an equal length , the sun rising and setting at 6. except about october , and then there is some small difference . the temperature of air. this isle is very hott , especially for 8 months , yet not so , but that travel , and labour is sufferable ; but were it not for the cool breezes of winde which riseth with the sun , and bloweth fresher as the sun mounteth up , it would be unsufferable . and these breezes always blow from north-east , and by east , unless it be in the time of the turnado , and then for a few hours it chopps into the south , but returns to the same point again . and it is observed , that although the people do so much sweat , yet they have not that faintness as with us , in the months of july and august ; neither are they so thirsty , without occasioned by excess of labour , or drinking of strong liquors , which the people are here too much addicted unto , to their great hurt , which if moderately taken , would be as great a preservative to comfort their inward parts , which are left cold , and faint , through their sweating . besides , our bodies being accustomed to colder climates , our spirits are not so vigorous without them in a moderate manner . the air , though hot , is very moist , which causeth all iron-tools , as knives , swords , locks , keys , &c. to rust , so that without constant usage , they will soon become eaten up with rust . and this great heat and moisture , doth cause the plants and trees to grow so large , and high . their fruits . here are abundance of fruits of several sorts , as dates , orenges of two sorts , the one sweet , and the other sharp , pomgranates , citrons , limes , lemons , macows , grapes , juneper-apples , papayers , momins , monbains , acajous , icacos , cherries , raysins , indian figgs , cocos , plantins , bonanoes , guavers , prickle-apples , prickle-pears , custard-apples , millons , both land and water , and pine-apples , the rarest fruit in the indies . their fish . here are great store of fish in the sea , as snappers , crabs , lobsters , terbums , macquerels , mullots , cavallos , parrat-fish , cony-fish , and green turtles , which of all others are the most delicious , with several other sorts appropriated to this and the rest of the caribbee isles . but the rivulets , or ponds , have few or no fish in them . their beasts . here are no beasts or cattel but what are tame , and brought them ; as camels , horses , assinegroes , oxen , bulls , cowes , sheep , and goats , and hoggs , which are here in great plenty in every plantation , it being their common food , whose flesh is esteemed very good and delicious ; but as for beef , and mutton , it is very dear , as having but a small stock , but might be soon encreased , would they spare ground enough for pasturage for them from their other occasions . their herbs and roots . here groweth divers sorts of english hearbs , and roots , as rosemary , lavender , lavender-cotton , mar●erom , winter-savory , time , parsley , tansey , sage , purcelane , &c. and for roots , cabages , colworths , collyflowers , turnips , potatoes , onyons , garlick , radishes , lettice , taragon , marigolds , &c. their birds and fowles . here are several sorts of fowles , as turkeys , hens , muscovy-ducks , pigeons , turtle-doves , &c. and for small birds , great variety ; as thrushes , black-birds , sparrows , &c. their insects and animals . here are several animals , and insects , as snakes a yard and a half long , scorpions as big as rats , but no wayes hurtful to man or beast ; lizzards , which are exceeding harmless , much frequenting the houses , and loving the company of men ; musketoes , cockroches , and merriwings , which are very troublesome in the night in stinging ; also , here are land-crabs in great abundance , which are found good to eat . and here is a small fly which they call cayouyou , whose wings in the night , as it flyeth , casts forth a great lustre , and the indians do commonly catch them , and tye them to their hands or feet , and make use of them instead of a candle , which is forbidden them . their trees . here are great variety of trees . fit for several uses , as the locust , mastick , red-wood , the prickled-yellow-wood , the ironwood-tree , and the cedar tree , which are fit for building . also , the cassia , fistula , coloquintida , tamarine , cassavie , of which is made their bread ; the poyson-tree , and the phisick-nut , these have a physical , and some a poysonous vertue in them . also , here are these trees following , the calibash , the shell of whose fruit , serveth to carry liquid things in , being of the nature of goards ; the mangrass-tree , which is of an exceeding greatness ; the roucou , of whose bark is made ropes , as also flax , which being spun , is employed to several uses ; the lignum-vitae , the palmeto , which is very large , and beautiful to behold ; with several others . several caves . in this island are divers caves , some of which are very deep , and large enough to hold 500 men ; and these caves are often the sanctuaries of such negro-slaves that run away , in which they oft-times lie a good while ere found out , seldome stirring in the day-time , although they are such unwholesome places , by reason of the great damps that are found in them . and it is supposed , that these caves were the habitations of the natives . it s division and towns. this island is severed into eleven precincts , or parishes , in which are 14 churches and chappels , and here are many places which may not unaptly be called townes , as being composed of a long and spacious street , which are beautified with fair houses ; and indeed the whole isle for these many years , is so taken up with planters ( there being no wast ground to be found ) that it is thorowout beset with houses , at no great distance from one another . it s chief townes . 1. st. michaels formerly called the bridg-town , or indian-bridg , scituate at the bottome of carlisle-bay in the leeward , or southern part of the isle , which bay is very capacious , deep , and secure for ships , being large enough to entertain 500 vessels at one time , the town is long , containing several streets , and graced with abundance of well-built houses . it is very populous , being the residence of the governour , or his deputy , the place of judicature , and the scale of trade , where most of the merchants , and facttors in the isle have their storehouses for the negotiation of their affairs ; and from these storehouses or shops , the inhabitants are supplyed with such commodities as they have occasion of , in exchange of theirs , which are the product of of the isle . the town is ill seated , the ground being lower than the banks of the sea , by which means the spring tides doth flow over , and there remaining , doth make a kind of of a moorish bogg , which doth occasion it to be more unhealthful than the other parts of the isle . this town for its defence , and security of the ships , hath two strong forts opposite to each other , with a platform in the midst , which also commands the road , all which are well fortifyed with great guns , &c. the principal of these forts is called charles fort , being seated on nedhams point . 2. little bristol , formerly sprights bay , scituate about four leagues leeward from st. michaels , hath a commodious road for ships , is a place well frequented , and traded unto , and is strongly defended by two powerful forts . 3. st. james , formerly called the hall , seated not far from bristol , hath the accommodation of a good road for ships , and is a place of a considerable trade , for its defence , besides a large platform , hath fortified breast-works ; and in this town is kept for the precinct , the monthly courts . 4. charles-town , seated windeward of st. michaels , about two leagues : and on oyster-bay , it is secured by two strong forts , the one to the windward , and the other to the leeward , of the town and road , with a platform in the midst . this town hath the accomodation of weekly markets , and here is kept the monthly courts for the precinct . the other parishes are of less note . other places on the sea-coast . other places of name along the sea-coast of this isle , begining easterly , and so encompassing the isle , are as followeth : fowl-bay , austins-bay , maxwells-bay , where there is a small isle , blackrock , the hole , spikes-bay , balises-bay , long-bay , clarks-bay , and constance-bay . the inhabitants . the inhabitants of this isle may be ranged under 3 heads or sorts , to witt , masters , ( which are english , scotch , and irish , with some few dutch , french , and jews ) christian servants , and negro-slaves . and these three sorts are exceeding numerous ; for , according to a calculation not long since made , the masters , and servants , did amount to about 50000 , and the negroes to about double the number . the masters , for the most part , live at the height of pleasure the servants , at the expiration of 5 years , become freemen of the island , and employ their times according to their abilities , and capacities ; either to get a small plantation , or to work at day-labour in other plantations , or else to exercise their trades , if so capacitated . the negro-slaves are never out of their bondage , and the children they get , are likewise perpetual slaves . they have but mean allowance of dyet , cloaths , and lodging ; and although held to such hard labour , and so ill treated , yet are they well contented with their conditions ; and if their master is but any thing kind , they think nothing too much to be done for them ; and therefore 't is great pity to wrong such poor creatures . the chiefest stock of a planter , consists in his servants and slaves , but especially the slaves , who are more numerous . and these they buy on shipboard , as men buy horses in a fayr , and according as they are handsome , lusty , well-shapen , and young , either the men or women , they give more or less ; the general rates for the christian-servants being about 10 l. but if one that hath a good trade , as a carpenter , joyner , smith , or the like , then far more : likewise , a female that is young and handsome , is highe● valued . the general rate for the better sort of negro-men , is 20 l. or 25 sl . sterling ; and for women , about 15 l. for the encrease of stock of negroes , they generally take as many men as women . the maintenance of the servants and slaves . the maintenance of the servants , and negro-slaves , as to their dyet , apparrel , and lodging , is very inconsiderable . for their food , they are contented from weeks-end , to weeks-end , with potatoes , loblolly , made of beaten maize mixt with water ; cassader-bread common in all the indies , bonavist , and such like food that the plantation affordeth ; as for meat , they are seldome troubled with it , except at christmas , easter , and whitsontide , and they have hoggs-flesh , according to the custome of the island ; but of late , the servants are allowed weekly , a small quantity of swines-flesh , or salted flesh , or fish ; and when any of the cattle dye of any distemper , or by accident , it is given to the negroes , who feed like princes on it . their drinks are mobbie , made of potatoes soaked in water ; perino , made of casavie-root and water ; crippo , kill-devil , punch , made of water and sugar ; plantin-drink , made of plantins and water ; beveridge , made of spring-water , sugar , and the juyce of orenges ; and wine of pines , which is only made of the juyce of the fruit , which is exceeding good and delicious ; but this sort , as also the beveridge , and punch , the servants are not much troubled with . but as for the master-planters , merchants , factors , and strangers , their faire is far otherwise , having their curious-made dishes , as custards , cheese-cakes , tansies ; also , sturgeon , anchoves , caviare , botardo , neates-tongues , besides poultrey , fish , fowl , mutton , beef , kid , porke , beans , pease , several roots , and other good dishes . and , besides the several sorts of liquors already named , wines , strong waters , brandy , and english-beer ; so that they find no want , and do not consider the condition of those poor wretches , their servants and slaves , who are constrained to so hard a labour . the apparrel they allow their servants yearly , for the men , are 6 pair of drawers , 12 pair of shoos , 3 monmouth-caps , 6 shirts ; and for the women , 4 smocks , 3 petticoats , 4 coifes , and 12 paire of shoos , besides , a rug-gown to each , to keep them warm , in the night , and to put on them when they come sweating from their labour . to the negro-men , they allow but 3 pair of canvas-drawers , and to the women , but three petticoats . but for themselves ( especially the better sort ) they are exceeding profuse and costly . the lodging of these poor wretches is worst of all , for having laboured all the day in so hot a countrey , without any nourishing dyet , at night they must be contented to lye hard , on nothing but a board , without any coverled , in their hutts , or rather hogsties ; but christian servants are something better treated , being allowed hamocks . every sunday , ( which is the only day of rest , and should be set apart for the service of god ) they employ either in the getting of the bark of trees , and making of ropes with it , which they truck away for shirts , drawers , and the like ; or else spend the day in recreation , as dancing , and wrestling , which they much delight in , though they are no great proficients in either ; for in their dancing , they use antick actions , their hands having more of motion than their feet ; and their head , than either ; nor do the men and women dance together , but apart ; the musique to which they dance , being a sort of kettle-drums , one bigger than another , which makes a strange and various noise , but whither harmonious , i leave to the judgment of the reader . it is thought by many , that the christians should be in danger of being murthered by the negro-slaves , who so much over-top them in number , and the rather , for that they are so cruelly used , and for that reason , many are fearful to venture to dwell here . but this objection may be thus answered ; that first , they are such as were brought from several parts of africa , and do not understand one anothers language ; and then they are stir'd up with an inb-read hatred against one another , it being the custome in those parts , for several petty kings to go to wars against one another ; and the prisoners that are taken of each side , they sell unto us , and other european nations that come to traffique with them ; also , they are not permitted to touch , nay , hardly to see a gun , or any other weapon ; and being kept in such a slavery , they are fearful of begining such an insurrection , it being present death for any that shall in the least be found to act , or contrive such a thing . the management of a plantation , ought to be the masters care , yet few of them ( except those of the meaner degree ) are without their overseers , who takes off that trouble from them , whose office is to call them to work by the ring of a bell , at 6 a clock in the morning , to appoint them their sevesal works , to give them due correction upon any misdemeanour , or idleness ; he likewise dismisses them at 11 a clock , to go to their dinner , and calls them again by one a clock by the said bell , and dischargeth them at 6 at night . what i have said in this treatise of barbadoes concerning their servants , and slaves , may be said in that of jamaica ; for the servants , and slaves , are their greatest stock ; those they buy , the servants for a tearm of years , the negroes for ever ; their apparrel which they allow to either being much the same , but their dyet better ; and for their labour , it may be said to be much the same , the island producing the same commodities . the island of barbados very strong . this island is very strong , as well by nature as art , being sheltered with rocks , and shoals ; and where nature hath not thus defended it , it is fortified by trenches and rampiers , with pallisadoes , curtains , and counter-scarfes ; besides , round about the isle , reguarding the sea , is standing wood : here are also , for its further defence , 3 forts , one for a magazine for the ammunition , and powder to lye in , and the other two for places of retreats , as occasion serveth . they have also for their further security , a standing militia , consisting of two regiments of horse , and five of foot , which are stout , and well-disciplined men , and alwayes to be ready on beat of drum. the government of this isle . this isle is governed by lawes assimulated to those of england , for all matters either civil , ecclesiastick , criminal , maritine , or martial ; yet not without some few lawes appropriate to themselves , which are not repugnant to the lawes of england . for the execution of these lawes , they have their courts of judicature . the law is administred by the governour , or his deputy , and ten of his council . the isle is divided into four circuites , in each of which , there is an inferiour court for civil causes , from which , appeals may be made to the supream court. here are also justices of the peace , constables , church-wardens , and tything-men . and for the administration of justice , here are yearly 5 sessions . at the governours pleasure , he calleth an assembly for the making of new lawes , ( so , as not contrary to those of england ) and for the abolishing of old ; which said assembly is much in the nature of our parliament , and doth consist of the governour as supream , his ten council as so many peers , and two burgesses , chosen by the commonalty out of each of the parishes . the present governour is the right hon. william willoughby , baron willoughby of parham . as concerning the nature of the sugar-canes , how to plant them , their growth , cutting , grinding , boyling ; the conveyance of the skimmings into the cisterns , how to distill it for spirits ; how long it stayes in the cureing-house , before it be good muscovado-sugar ; together with the making it into whites , is not my business in this small treatise , to give the reader instructions therein , referring to mr. richard ligons book of the description of this isle . a description of the island of st. christophers . st . christophers , so called from christopher columbus , the first discoverers thereof , scituate in the latitude of 17 degrees , and 25 min. in circuite , about 75 miles : the land lieth high and mountainous in the midst , from which springeth several rivers , which oft-times , by reason of the raines that falleth down the mountaines , are overflown to the detriment of the inhabitants . the soyl , commodities , &c. the soyl is light and sandy , and very apt to produce several sorts of fruits , provisions , and commodities ; as sugar , tobacco , cotton , ginger , &c. this isle , by reason of its several great and steepy mountains , between which , are springs of hot , and sulphurous water , with horrid precipices , and thick woods , renders it very impassable through the midst : and the steepy ascents of the mountains , are divided into several stages , or stories , where are spacious wayes . on the sea-side there is a salt-pit called gul-desac , and not far from the said salt-pit , there is a small istmus of land , which reacheth within a mile and a half of the island of nievis , or mevis . this island is a place exceeding delightful , and of a most delectable prospect to the eye of the beholder ; for if the eye be directed downwards , from the top , it hath a prospect of curious gardens , which gently descend to the sea-side ; and in reguard of the continual ascent of the isle , the lower stage or story , doth not debar the eye of the pleasant prospect of that which lyeth at a remoter distance , which is terminated by those high mountains : and that which maketh the prospect the more delectable in the several plantations ( which are bounded with rows of trees alwayes in their verdure ) are the fair houses covered with glazed slate . the division of the isle , and how possessed . the whole isle is divided into four quarters or cantons , two of which , are possessed by the english , and two by the french ; which parts are not so well watered , as those of the english , but are better for tillage , and not so hilly . the english are more populous then the french , and have two fortified places , one commanding the great haven , and the other a descent not far from pointe de sable . the french have four strong forts , of which one hath regular works like a cittadel , that of most note commands the haven , and is called basse-terre . both the english , and the french , keep constant guard at their forts , placed at the entrance of the paths which leads to the several wards , for the better security of each other . here are five churches in those parts belonging to the english , viz. one at sandy-point , one at palme-tree , another near the great road , and two at the inlet of cayoune , with many fair structures . the french , besides their several habitations , dispersed up and down in their quarters , have at basse-terre ( near the haven where ships lye at anchor ) a town of a good bigness , whose houses are well built , of brick , freestone , and timber ; where the merchants have their store-houses , and is well inhabited by tradesmen , and are well served with such commodities , both for the back , and belly , together with utensils for their houses , and plantations , as they have occasion of , in exchange of such commodities which are the product of the island . here is a fair , and large church , as also a publique-hall , for the administration of justice : here is also a very fair hospital , built by the general , for such people that cannot get cure at their houses ; where they are well maintained and attended by doctors , and physitians , for the recovery of their healths . here is also a stately castle , being the residence of the governour , most pleasantly seated , at the foot of a high mountain , not far from the sea , having spacious courts , delightful walks , and gardens , and enjoyeth a curious prospect . a description of the island of nievis , or mevis . the island of nievis , or mevis , lyeth not far from st. christophers , as i have before noted , and in the latitude of seventeen degrees , and nineteen minutes . it is but small , being not above eighteen miles in circuite . there is but one mountain in the isle , and that is seated in the midst , which is of a great height , but of an easy access , and cloathed with trees from its somett to the bottom ; and about this mountain , are the plantations which reach to the sea-shore . springs of water . here are divers springs of fresh-water , and one spring of a hott and mineral water ; not far from whose spring-head are baths made , which are much frequented for the curing of several distempers of the body of man. it is indifferent fertile , and hath store of deer , and other game for hunting . the isle is inhabited by about three or four thousand , who live well , and drive a trade for such things as they have occasion for , by exchanging such commodities as the isle produceth ; as , sugar , cotton , ginger , tobacco , &c. it is a well-governed colony , where justice is duly administred , and all vices severely punished . for the worship of god , here are three churches ; and for its further defence , and safety , it hath a fort , whereon are mounted several peeces , for the security of the ships in the road , or harbour , called bath-bay , as also the the publique store-house . this isle , as the rest of the caribbee's , are troubled with muscheto's , chigos , murigoins , and other stinging flyes , which do much annoy the inhabitants . a description of the island of antego . the island of antego , is seated in the latitude of 16 degrees and 11 min. it is in length , about six , or seven leagues , and about the same breadth in many places . it is of a difficult access , and very dangerous for shipping , by reason of the rocks which encompass it . it hath some few springs of fresh-water , besides which , the inhabitants , which are about 8 or 900. have made several cisterns , and ponds , for the preserving of rain-water . the isle doth abound in fish , amongst which , is the sword-fish which of all others , would be the chief in the sea. here are great plenty of most sorts of wild fowl , and not wanting in venison , and tame cattle . the commodities that it affordeth , are sugar , indico , ginger , tobacco , &c. the lord propriator of this isle is , the rt. hon. will. l d. willowby of parham , who is governour of the island of barbadoes , and some other isles . a description of the island of st. vincent . the island of st. vincent , lyeth in the latitude of sixteen degrees . it is about 20 miles in length , and fifteen in breadth , of a fertile soyl , yielding abundance of sugar-canes ; which grow naturally without planting . it is well watered with rivers , and affordeth many safe roads , and convenient bayes , for shipping . the english have here some settlement , but are not very powerful . a description of the island of dominica . this isle is seated in the latitude of fifteen degrees and a half . it is about 12 leagues in length , and 8 in breadth . on the west side of the isle , there is a convenient harbour for ships . it is very montainous , yet not without many fertile valleys , producing several commodities , but chiefly tobacco , which is planted by the english ; but the natives which are canibals , and very barbarous , doth much hinder the comming of the english to settle here . a description of the island of montserrat . montserrat , an island of a small extent , not exceeding ten miles in length , and of a less breadth . it is seated in the latitude of 17 degree : it is much inclined to mountains , which are well cloathed with caedar , and other trees and the valleys , and plains ar● very fertile . this isle is most inhabited by the irish , who have here a church for divine worship . a description of the island of angvilla . this isle is seated in the latitude of eighteen degrees , and one and twenty minutes . it extendeth it self in length , about ten leagues , and in breadth about three . the inhabitants are english , which are computed to amoun● unto two or three hundred , who are but poor , the isle being said not to be worth the keeping . a description of the island of barbada . barbada , or barboude , scituate in the latitude of of seventeen degrees and a half . it is an isle of no great extent , not exceeding fifteen miles in length , nor is it of any considerable account to the english , who are the possessors of it : yet is it found to be of a fertile soyl , and to be well stored with cattle , sheep , &c. and may produce several good commodities , were it well managed , to the advantage of the inhabitants . a description of the isles of bermvdes , or , the summer-isles . east of virginia , and carolina , which is a part of florida , lyeth the isles of bermudes ; so called , from john bermudes a spaniard , by whom they were first discovered . they are also called the summer-isles , from the shipwrack that one george summers ( an english-man ) there suffered . these isles lye distant from england , about 15 or 1600 leagues , from madera , 1000 , or 1200 ; from hispaniola , 400 ; and from carolina , which is the neerest part of land , about 300 leagues . their extent . of these isles , the greatest called st. georges , is 5 or 6 leagues long , and almost thorowout , not above a quarter , a third , or half a league broad , the others are much less . their form , &c. all these isles together , form a body like a cressent , and inclose very good ports , the chief among which , are those of the great-sound , herringtons inlet , south-hampton , and pagets ; which , with their forts of dover , and warwick , take their names from the several noble men that were concerned as undertakers . the fertility , commodities , fruits , &c. the earth is exceeding fertile , yeilding two crops yearly ; their maize they gather in july , and december . they have excellent fruits , as , oranges , dates , mulberries both white and red ; where breed abundance of silk-worms which spin silk . their chief commodities are , ooranges , couchaneil , and tobacco , with some pearl , and ambergreece , and with these they drive some small trade . they have plenty of tortoises , which is their ordinary food , whose flesh is very delicious . their hoggs , which the spaniards formerly carried thither , are greatly encreased . they have many fowles , and birds , amongst which , a great many cranes , with a sea-fowl that breeds in holes like rabbets . they have no fresh-water for their occasions , but that of wells , and pits , which ebbs and flowes with the sea , there being neither fountain nor stream in these isles . no venemous beast . in these isles are no venemous beast , their spiders are not poysonous , but are of sundry and various colours ; and in the hot weather , they make their webs so strong , that oft-times the small birds are entangled and catched in them . caedar trees . here are caedar trees , which differs from all others in several respects , but the wood is very sweet . the air and healthfulness . the skie is almost always serene , and when darkned with clouds , it commonly thunders , and lightneth : and the air is very temperate , and so exceeding healthful , that it is rare to hear that any one dyeth of any distemper , but only old age ; insomuch that many have removed from england hither , only for the enjoyment of a long , and healthful life ▪ and those that have made any long continuance here , are fearful o● removing out of so pure an air. the inhabitants . the english first setled themselves on these isles about the year 1612. and have now established a powerful colony , there being at present , about four or five thousand inhabitants , who have strongly fortified the approaches , which with the rocks in the sea , renders them impregnable . map of carolina a description of carolina . carolina , a new established colony , of the english , being that part of florida adjoyning to virginia , which makes its northern bounds in the latitude of 36 degrees ; and extendeth it self to the latitude of 29 , which makes its extream southern bounds ; on the east it is washed with the atlantick ocean , and on the west , it hath that large tract of land which runneth into the pacifique ocean . it s temperature , and healthfulness . it is a countrey blest with a temperate , and wholesome air , the heat in summer , nor the cold in winter , ( which is not so much as to check the growth of plants , trees , &c. the several fruits , and plants , having their distinct seasons , being no wayes offensive to the inhabitants . neither is the air thus temperate , and agreeable , to the natives only , but it is as favourable to the english : and being thus healthful , hath invited several persons from the bermudes to settle here ; who dwelling in so pure an air , durst not venture in any other countrey . nor do those from the bermudes only remove hither , upon the assurance of a happy life , joyned with the gaining of fair estates , but also , many english from most of the american plantations , it being generally esteemed one of the best colonies that ever the english were masters of ; for here is health , pleasure , and profit to be found , which cannot be met with in so large a measure , in any countrey of the indies . their fruits , hearbs , &c. the soyl is rich , and fertile , and produceth excellent fruits ; as apricocks , peaches , grapes , ( of which the english have made good wine ) olives , walnuts , apples , pears , plumbs , cherries , figgs , mulberries , strawberries , water-mellons , marachocks , quinces , and other fruits known to us in europe , which for goodness are no wayes inferiour to them ; and in the southern part , oranges , limes , pomgranates , and pome-citrons . and indeed , the earth is very apt to produce , and bring to maturity , corn , all sorts of garden-herbs , and roots , &c. its commodities . the commodities which this countrey doth , and may produce , are wines , oyls , silk , ( mulberry-trees growing in great abundance in the woods ) cotton , indico , ginger , tobacco , &c. and it is believed , that here may be made of the three first commodities , viz. wines , oyl , and silk , such great abundance , to theirs , and this kingdoms enrichment , that besides what we shall use our selves , we may have wherewith to furnish forrain parts . their trees . besides the mulberry-trees , here are those of caedar , oak , both white and red , poplar , bay , ash , and pine ; with several others whose names are yet unknown . their rivers , fish , and fowl. the countrey is very well watered with rivers , there being between cape-carteret , and port-rasal , which is not above 60 miles , 5 or 6 great navigable rivers , which discharge themselves into the sea , besides several others of less remark . and these rivers are plentifully stored with excellent fish of sundry sorts , which being the same as are found in virginia , which comes next to be treated of , i shall omit the nameing of them here . here are also great plenty of wild-fowl , as geese , cranes , swans , herons , curlews , heath-cocks , oxeys , brants , dotterels , widgeons , teals , and duck , and mallard in an undestroyable quantity . provisions in the woods . the woods are well stored with large turkeys , phesants , partridges , turtle-doves , wood-pidgeons , with great variety and plenty of small birds . also in the woods , are great plenty of deer , with abundance of hares , coneys , &c. here are divers delightful , and spacious savanas . the natives of carolina . the natives of carolina , according to the observation of mr. john ledener ( who made three several journeys from virginia , to carolina , about the year 1670. on purpose for a discovery of those parts , and the better understanding the nature and disposition of the inhabitants ) are said by him , to be a people of a ready witt , and though illiterate , of a good understanding . for the account of time , ( he saith , ) they make use of hieroglyphicks , and emblems of things ; likewise they instruct their children in such things as relates to their families and countrey , which is so preserved from generation , to generation ; where a battle hath been fought , or upon the settlement of a colony , they raise a small pyramid of stone , which doth consist of the number slain , or setled at such a colony . for religious rites , either devotion , sacrifice , or burial , they make a round circle of short strawes , or reeds , and according to the placing of the said strawes , or reeds , it is known for what it was made ; and to meddle with such circles , is esteemed no better than sacriledge . he saith , they worship one god ; as creator of all things , to whom their high-priest offers sacrifice , but believes he hath somthing else to do , than to reguard humane affairs , but doth commit the government thereof to lesser deities ; that is , to good and evil spirits , to whom their inferiour priests makes their devotion , and sacrifice . he saith , they beleive the transmigration of the soul , and when any one dyeth , they interr with the corps , provisions , and housholdstuff for the elizium or next world , which they fancy to be beyond the mountains , and indian ocean . he further saith , that from four women , they believe all mankind sprung , and do therefore divide themselves into as many tribes ; and in their marriages , they are very superstitious . he saith , they are generally well-proportionate ; they are great favourers of the english , living together in love and friendship , and upon all occasions , ready to contribute their assistance unto them . they are generally of a good , and honest meaning , no wayes addicted to vice , or to exextravagancies , contending themselves with a mean dyet and apparrel for their present subsistance , not taking much care for the time to come . he further saith , that they are much addicted to mirth , and dancing ; they are also much prone to honour , and valour , which they place above all other vertues , which doth occasion them to be so continually engaged against one another in wars : and that side which fortune crowneth with victory , triumphal jollaties are performed by them . the countrey ( he saith ) is divided into several petty kingdoms , and the people in the one , keep no good correspondence with those that border upon them , and on the least occasion , wage war one against another . in this countrey of carolina ( he saith ) that there are several indian towns which are generally the habitation of the king , that commands the territory . the proprietors of carolina . this province or countrey of carolina , was first possessed by the english , about the year 1660 , and became a proprietorship ; which his present majesty k. charles the second , granted by patent to the right noble , george duke of albemarle , earl of torrington , baron moncke of potheridge , peachampe and teys , knight of the noble order of the garter , captain general of his majesties land-forces , and one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. the right honourable , edward earl of clarendon , viscount cornbury , and baron hide of hendon , &c. the right honourable , william earl of craven , viscount craven of uffington , baron craven of hamsted-marshal , lord lieutenant of the county of middlesex , and borouh of southwark , and one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. the right honourable john lord berkley , baron berkley of stratton , lord lievtenant of ireland for his majesty , &c. the right honourable , anthony lord ashley , baron ashley of winbourn st. giles , chancellour of the exchequor , under-treasurer of england , one of the lords commissioners of the treasury , and one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. the honourable sr. george carteret of hawnes in bedfordshire baronet , vice-chamberlain of his majesties houshold , and one of his majesties most honourable privy council , &c. sr. william berkley of in the county of knight and baronet , and to sr. john colleton of london , knight and baronet ; and to their heirs and successors . and the said lords proprietors , having by their patent , power to establish a government , and make lawes for the better regulation thereof , and the inviting of inhabitants , have formed a model , ( which by the general consent of all the proprietors ) was drawn up by the right honourable the lord ashley , a person of great worth , and prudence ; whose knowledg in matters of state , and the settlement of a government , is sufficiently praise worthy by all perso●● ▪ which said model is so well fr●med for the good and welfare 〈◊〉 the inhabitants , that it is estee●ed by all judicious persons withou● compare ; but the said model , b●ing too long to be set down in th●● small treatise , i must be constra●ned to omit it . the settlements of the english . here are at present two considerable settlements of the english , for so short a time , the one at albemarle-river in the north , and the other about the midst of the countrey on ashley river , which is likely to be the scale of trade for the whole countrey , as being scituate very commodious for shipping , and in a healthful place . map of new england, virginia, maryland and newfoundland a description of virginia . its bounds . virginia particularly now so called , hath for its southern limits , carolina ; for its eastern , the atlantick ocean ; for its northern , mariland ; and for its western , that vast tract of land which runneth into the south-sea . it s name . this countrey was said to b● first discovered by sr. franc●● drake ( as indeed all this tract o● sea-coast ) and was so named by sir. walter rawleigh , ( a great promoter of this discovery , ) in honou● of queen elizabeth , who the● reigned . the settlement of the english . much time was spent in the discovery of this countrey , with vast expences in the setting forth of ships and not without the great loss o● many a poor wretches life , besore it could be brought to perfection ; but at length , through the industry of † captain john smith , and other worthy persons , who took great pains for the advancement of these discoveries , fortune began to smile ●n her , and about the reign of king james , a patent was grant●d to certain persons as a corpora●ion , and called the company of adventurers of virginia . afterwards other patents were granted to them for larger extents of land excluded in the former ; ●ut the said corporation committing of several , and frequent misdemeanours , and miscarriages , the said patent about the year 1623 was made nul ; since which it hath been free for all his majesties subjects , to trade into these parts . it s air and temperature . this countrey is blest with a sweet aud wholesome air , and the clime of late very agreeable to the english , since the clearing o● woods ; so that now few dyeth o● the countreys disease , called th● seasoning . the soyl. it is every where interlaced with delectable hills , and rich valleys and of a soyl so fertile , that an acre of ground commonly yieldeth 200 bushels of corn , and is very apt to produce what is put therein , as english grains , roots , seeds , plants , fruits , &c. besides those appropriated to the countrey , and other adjacent parts of america . their fruits . here are excellent fruits in great abundance , which may be compared with those of italy or spain , as apricocks , peaches , mellons , apples , pears , plumbs , cherries , grapes , figgs , pomgranates , quinces , maracocks , puchamines , chesnuts , walnuts , olives , straberries , rasberries , goosberries , and mulberries in great abundance . of their apples they make syder ; of their pears , perry ; and of their grapes , wine . their roots and herbs . they have several sorts of roots , as potatoes , carrets , turnips , artichoaks , onyons , cabbages , collyflowers , sparagus , &c. and most sort of garden-herbs , known to us in great plenty . their fowles , and birds . here is great plenty of fowle , as wild turkeys , which usually weigh 6 stone ; partridges , swans , geese , ducks , teal , widgeons , dotterels , heathcocks , oxeyes , brants , pidgeons , cranes , herons , eagles , and several sorts of hawkes . and for small birds ▪ innumerable quantities of sundry sorts , as blackbirds , thrushes , red-birds ; and above all , the mockbirds , which counterfeiteth the notes of all birds . their wilde beasts , and tame cattle . they have great store of wilde beasts , as lyons , bears , leopards , tygers , wolves , and dogs like wolves , but brake not ; buffeloes , elks , whose flesh is as good as beef ; rosconnes , utchunquois , deer , hares , bevers , ottors , foxes , martins , poulcats , wesells , musk-rats , flying squirils , &c. and for tame cattle , cowes , sheep , goats , hoggs , and horses in great plenty . their fish . here is great plenty of excellent fish as well in the sea , and bay of chesopeack , as in the rivers , viz. cods , thornback , sturgeon , grampuses , porpuses , drums , cat-fish , basses , sheepsheads ( which makes broath like that of mutton ) cony-fish , rock-fish , creey-fish , white salmons , mullets , soles , plaice , mackrel , trouts , perches , conger-eels , herrings , crabs , oysters , shrimps , cockles , muscles , &c. commodities . commodities which this countrey doth , or may produce , are hemp , flax , hops , rape-seed , anniceseed , wood , madder , pot-ashes ▪ honey , wax , silk , ( if they would make it , mulberry-trees here growing in such great plenty ) saxafras , sarsaparilla , several swee● gums , and balsomes of sovereign vertues , several sorts of plants ▪ woods , &c. used by dyers , here are veins of alomes , iron , and copper , sundry sorts of rich furrs , elk-skins ( which maketh excellen● buffe ) and other hides ; pitch , tarr , rozen , turpentine , butter , cheese , and salted flesh and fish , which find vent at the barbadoes , and other caribbe isles ; but above all these , their chief commodity is tobacco , which they are sure to find vent for , and is the standard by which all other commodities are prized ; but it were well for the inhabitants if they would imploy their time , about the making of silk , or some other commodities , which in a short time would be found more advantageous unto them , & then their tobacco would not be so great a drug as of late it is , insomuch that the merchant oft-times had rather lose it , then to pay the charges and duties of freight , custome , excise , &c. here groweth a kind of flax , called silk-grass , of which the indians make thred , and strings , and is good to make linnen-cloth , and shifts , and would make excellent strong cables . their trade . here all trades-men , especially handicrafts finds good encouragement ; and for those commodities aforesaid , the english ( who have the sole trade ) bring them all sorts of apparel , all manner of utinsills , belonging to household-stuf , or necessary in their plantations , or otherwise ; also wine , brandy , and other strong drinks ; likewise all silks , stuf and cloth , both linnen and wollen , which they convert to several uses according to their fancyes , being now supplyed by taylors . their trees . here groweth sundry sorts of trees , of the red and white oak black walnut , cedar , pine cyprus , chesnut , poppler , ash , elm , &c. many of which are very good for the building of ships , and other uses . the rivers . this country is well watered with several great , and strong rivers which lose themselves in the gulph or bay of chesopeak , which gives entrance for shipping in this country , as also to mary-land next adjoyning ; which said bay is very large , capacious , and comodious for shipping , being said to run up into the countrey northwards near 75 leagues ; its breadth in many places , being 5 , 6 , or 7 leagues , and sometimes more , and 6 or 7 fathom deep , and its opening to the south between cape-henry , which begineth virginia , and cape-charles on the other side opposite , being about 10 , or 12 leagues wide . the principal of these rivers begining at cape-henry , are pawhatan , now called james-river , being very large & commodious for ships , and found navigable about 50 leagues . pamaunke , now york-river , also large and navigable , about 20 leagues . rapahanock or toppahanock , likewise a good river and navigable , about 40. leagues , which is the last river of virginia northwardly , that falls into the bay of chesopeack . their townes . upon , or near , these rivers for the conveniency of shipping , the english are seated , which at present do amount unto the number of about 30 , or 40000 , and have some townes , the chief amongst which , is james-town , or rather james city , commodiously seated james-river ; the town is beautified with many fair and well built brick houses , and as it is the chief town of the countrey ; here is kept the courts of judicature and offices of publique concern ; not far from which , at green-spring , resideth the governour sir william berkley . next to james-town may be reckoned that of elizabeth , seated at the mouth of the said river , a well built town . also dales-gift , wicocomoco , bermuda , and others . the english government . this countrey is governed by laws agreeable with those of england , for the deciding of all causes both civil and criminal ; which said laws are thus made by the governour , appointed by his majesty , with the consent of the general assembly , which doth consist of his council , and the burgesses chosen by the free-holders . and for the better government , the countrey , which is possessed by the english , is divided into several counties , in each of which are sheriffs , justices of the peace , and other officers , which are from time to time appoynted by the governour ; the names of the counties are those of carotuck , charles , glocester , hartford , henrico , james , new-kent , lancastar , middlesex , nansemund , lower-norfolk , northampton , northumberland , rappahanock , surrey , warwick , westmorland , isle of wight , and york , and in each of these counties , are held petty courts , every month from which there may be appeales to the quarter-court held at james-town . the natives or indians . virginia was , and yet is the habitation of divers sorts of indians , which have no dependance upon each other , being of particular tribes , and having their peculiar king to govern them ; every indian-town , or rather poor village , being the habitation of a king ; and these people do rather live at enmity , than amity together . and as to their dispositions , manners , religions , &c. there is found a difference , but most of all in their languages ; so that those people may not improperly be called so many several nations . they are generally a sort of people well proportionate , stout , of a swarthy complexion , their hair black , and flaggy , which they wear long ; they are of a ready wit , very subtile , and treacherous , not much addicted to labour , being too great lovers of their ease ; they are much given to hunting , and going to wars with each other , their weapons being the bow and arrows , at which they are very expert , being good marks-men ; but of late they have got the use of guns , and other weapons , through the folly of the english in shewing them . they are very loving and obedient to their kings ; in matters of religion , they observe strange ceremonies , and their priests ( which are esteemed conjurers ) makes sacrifices for them . they believe the transmigration of the soul , and have strange fancies about the creation of they world , they believe there is a god , but think he hath something else to do then to concern himself with things below , as too inferiour for him , and do therefore not worship him ; but the divel they worship out of a fear , least he should destroy them , as having the power of them . their apparel is but mean , only contenting themselves with something to cover their nakedness ; and for the better defending themselves from the weather , they anoynt their bodyes with certain oyles mixt with beares grease . their houses are no better then our english hogsties , and are made of boughs , and covered with bark of trees ; and in the midst thereof , is placed their chimney , or fire-place . their dyet in meaness , is answerable to their houses , not endeavouring to please their pallets with curious sauces , or pompering their bodies with provokative meates . a description of maryland . it s scituation and bounds . the province of maryland lying between the degrees of 37 , and 50 minutes , or thereabouts , and 40 degrees of northern latitude . it hath for its bounds on the south , virginia , ( from which it is parted by the river patowmeck , whose southerly bank divides the province from virginia ; ) on the east , the atlantick ocean , and delaware-bay ; on the north , new-england , and new-york , formerly part of new-england , lying on the east side of delaware-bay ; and on the west , the true meridian of the first fountain of the river of patowmeck . the bay of chesopeack giving entrance to ships into virginia , and maryland , passeth through the heart of this province , and is found navigable near 200 miles ; into which falls the rivers of patowmeck , patuxent , ann-arundel , ( alas severn ) and sasquesahanough , lying on the west side of the bay ; and to the east of the said bay , those of choptanke , nantecoke , pocomoke , and several other rivers and rivulets , to the great improvement of the soyl , and beauty of this province . the countrey of late , since the felling of the woods , and the peoples accustoming themselves to english dyet , is very healthful and and agreeable to the constitution of the english , few now dying at their first coming , of the countreys disease , or seasoning . and as to the temperature of air , the heats in summer , receive such seasonable allayes from gentle breezes , and fresh showres of rain ; and the cold in winter , is of so little durance , that the inhabitants cannot be said to suffer by either . the soyl , &c. the countrey is generally plain and even , yet rising in some places into small and pleasant hills , which heighten the beauty of the adjacent valleys . the soyl is rich and fertil , naturally producing all such commodities as are in the precedent discourse set down as peculiar to its neighbouring colony , virginia ; as all sorts of beasts and fowle both tame and wild ; fish , fruits , plants , roots , herbs , gums , trees , balsomes , &c. as likewise all commodities produced by industry , are here found in as great plenty and perfection : but the general trade of maryland depends chiefly upon tobacco , which being esteemed better for a forreign market than that of virginia , finds great vent abroad , and the planters at home ; in exchange thereof , are furnished by the merchant with all necessaries , for himself , his house , family , and plantation . their is a competent stock of ready mony in this province both of english , forreign , and his lordshipps own coyne , yet their chief way of commerce is by way of barter , or exchange of commodities , which may be judged to be no wayes inconsiderable , since 100 sail of ships from england , and the english plantations , have of late yeares been known to trade thither in one year . the natives . the natives , as to their complexion , stature , customes , dispositions , laws , religions , apparel , dyet , houses , &c. are much the same as those of virginia , already treated of ; being likewise many different tribes , or sorts of people , and each govern'd by their particular king. the government , &c. of this countrey . this province of maryland , his majesty king charles the first in anno 1632 , granted by patent to the right honourable caecilius calvert , lord baltemore , and to his heires and assignes ; and by that patent created him , and them , the true and absolute lords and propriators of the same , ( saving the allegiance and soveraigne dominion due to his majesty , his heirs , and successours ; ) thereby likewise granting to them all royal jurisdictions , and prerogatives both millitary and civil ; as power of enacting laws , martial laws , making of war , and peace , pardoning of offences , conferring of honours , coyning of money , &c. and in acknowledgement thereof , yeilding and and paying yearly to his majesty , his heires and successors , two indian arrows at windsor castle in the county of berks , on easter tuesday ; together with the fifth part of all the gold and silver oare that shall be found there . for the better inviting of people to settle here , his lordship , by advice of the general assembly of that province , hath long since established a model of good and wholsome laws for the ease and benefit of the inhabitants , with tolleration of religion , to all sorts that profess the faith of christ : which hath been a principal motive to many to settle under that government , rather then in another where liberty of conscience was denyed them . it s division into countyes . this province where it is peopled with english , is severed into 10 counties ; to wit , 5 eastwards of chesopeak bay , as cecil , dorchester , kent , sommerset , and talbot ; and 5 westwards of the said bay , as ann-arundel , baltemore , calvert , charles and st. maries . and in every one of these countyes , there is held an inferiour court every two months for small matters , from which there lyeth appeales to the provincial court , held at st. maryes . here are likewise certain magistrates appoynted by his lordship in each county , as sheriffs , justices of the peace , &c. their townes . the inhabitants ( being in number at present about 16000 ) have begun the building of several townes , which in few yeares 't is hoped may come to some perfection ; as calverton , herrington , and harvy-town , all commodiously seated for the benefit of trade , and conveniency of shipping , but the principal town is st. maryes , seated on st. georges river , being beautified with divers well-built houses , and is the cheif place or scale of trade for the province , where the governour his lordships son and heir , mr. charles calvert hath his house , and where the general assembly , and provincial courts are held , and publique offices kept ; but at present the said governour doth reside at mattapany , about 8 miles distant where he hath a fair and pleasant house . and for the better assisting the said governour , in matters that concerns the government of the province , he hath his council , &c. a description of new-york . adjoyning to mary-land , northwards , is a colony called new-york , from his royal highness the duke of york , the proprietor thereof by grant from his majesty , and is that part of new-england which the dutch formerly seized , and called the new netherlands . it s fertility , &c. it is a countrey , of a rich and fertile soyl , well watered with rivers , as is mary-land already spoken of , and is found to produce the same beasts , birds , fish , fruits , commodities , trees , &c. and in as great plenty . it s town . here is one very considerable town , first built by the dutch , and called new-amsterdam , which name is now changed to new-york : it is well seated both for trade , security , and pleasure , in a small isle called mahatan , reguarding the sea , made so by hudsons-river , which severeth it from long-island , which said river is very commodious for shipping , and is about two leagues broad . the town is large , containing about five hundred well-built houses ; and for civil government , it hath a mayor , alderman , a sheriff , and justices of the peace for their magistrates . for the further security of this town , here is raised a fort called james-fort , which is very strong , and well defended and maintained with men , and ammunition . the town is inhabited by the english , and dutch , and hath a considerable trade with the indians , for the skins of elks , deer , bears , &c. also for those of bever , otter , and other furrs ; and doth likewise enjoy a good trade with the english . the natives . this countrey is also possessed with sundry sorts of people , not much unlike the indians of virginia , being well proportioned , stout , swarthy , black haired , very expert in their bow , and arrows , which are their chief weapons of war. they are courteous to the english , of a ready witt , and very apt to receive instructions from them ; upon the least offence , the man turneth away his wife , and marrieth again , and the children begotten by her , she taketh with her , the man not regarding them . fornication is here permitted . they observe several ceremonies in their religious rites , and are said to worship the devil , whom they greatly fear . their priests are no better than sorcerers , who strangly bewitch these silly creatures . when any woman findeth her self quick with child , she keepeth her self chast , or untouched by man until her delivery , the like she observeth in the time of her giving suck . a strange custom which our european dames would not well like of ! they are very obedient and loving to their kings : they believe the transmigration of the soul ; and concerning the creation of the world , have a strange fantastical opinions . they are much addicted to dancing , sports , and recreations , observing festival times . their habit is but mean , as the rest of the indians , yet do they paint and besmear their faces with several colours by way of ornament . there dyet and habitations are also as mean. they are much addicted to go to wars against one another , and do seldome give quarter to any but the women and children , whom they preserve , and make use of for the encreasing their strength . a description of new-england . it s situation . new england is seated north of maryland , which according to the report of capt. smith , hath 70 miles of sea coast , where are found divers good havens , some of which are capable to harbour 500 saile of shipps from the fury the of sea , and winds , by reason of the interposition of several isles ( to the number of about 200 ) which lie about this coast . and although this countrey is seated in the midst of the temperate zone , yet is the clime more uncertain , as to heat and cold , then those european kingdomes , which lie parallel with it ; and as to virginia , this may be compared as scotland is to england . the aire . the aire is here found very healthful , and very agreeable to the english , which makes them possess many potent colonyes . its inhabitants . this countrey is possessed by divers sorts of people , who are governed by their particular kings , and do much differ in customes , and manners , from one another , as those indians inhabiting in mary-land , virginia , and other parts of america . and do live generally at variance with each other . they have their several townes and settlements , and their riches doth consist in their furs , and skins , which they sell to the english . when first inhabited by the english . this countrey became first to be a colony of the english about the year 1605 , being granted by patent from king james , to certain proprietors under the name of the plymouth company ; but divers years were spun out , with great expences , and not without sundry casualties befalling on the adventurers , before it became any thing considerable , and in a setled condition . their rivers , and fish . this country is well watered with rivers , the chief amongst which , are agamentico , conectecut , kinebequy , merrimeck , mishuin , mistick , neraganset , pascataway , pemnaquid , tachobacco , &c. and in these rivers , together with the sea , are taken excellent fish , as cod , thornback , sturgeon , porpuses , haddock , salmons , herrings , mackeril , oysters , lobsters , crab-fish , tortoise , cocles , muscles , clams , smelts , eels , lamprons , alewives , basses , hollibuts , sharks , seales , grampus , and whales . their fowles , and birds . here are great variety of fowls , as phesants , partridges , heath-cocks , turkeys , geess , ducks , hernes , cranes , cormorants , swans , widgins , sheldrakes , snipes , doppers , blackbirds , the humbird , loon , &c. their beasts , both tame and wild. their wild beasts of chief note , are lyons , beares , foxes , rackoons , mooses , musquashs , otters , bevers , deer , hares , coneys , &c. and for tame beasts , cowes , sheep , goates , swine , and horses . amongst the hurtful things in this countrey , the rattle-snake is most dangerous . here are also several sorts of stinging flyes ; which are found very troublesome to the inhabitants . their trees , and fruits . here are sundry sorts of trees , as the oak , cyprus , pine , chesnut , caedar , walnut , firr , ash , asp , elm , alder , maple , birch , sasafras , sumach , several fruit-trees , as apples , pears , plumbs , with several others that are growing in virginia , and mary-land , which i have already took notice of . their commodities , and trade . this countrey affordeth several sorts of rich furrs , flax , linnen , amber , iron , pitch , tarr , cables , masts , and timber to build ships , also several sorts of grain , &c. the inhabitants drive a considerable trade to barbadoes , and other our american plantations , in supplying them with flower , bisket , salt , flesh , and fish , &c. and in return bring sugars , and other commodities , as well for their own use , as to sell again . they also drive a considerable trade with england for wearing apparrel , stuffs , silks , cloth , several utensils for their houses , iron , brass , and such like things that are useful to man and not found amongst them . as to the coyns , weights , and measures of new-england , and the rest of the american plantations belonging to his majesty , they are the same with those of london , but as to coyns , they are not much made use of in trade , their way being bartering of one commodity for another ; but at jamaica they have plenty of spanish coins , and at barbadoes those of england . the english now inhabiting in new-england , are very numerous , and powerful , having a great many towns , many of which are considerable . the english government . the inhabitants are governed by laws of their own making , and have their several courts , and places of judicature , and assemble together , at their set times , and places , as well for the making of new lawes , abolishing of old , hearing , and determining of causes ; as for the election of a governour , deputy-governour , assistants , burgesses , and other magistrates , ( every town having two burgesses ) each county annually electing such like officers , for the looking after the like affairs in the said colony . and in matters that concern religion , and church-government , they are very strict and make a great shew , being much of the stamp of the ridgid presbyterians . the towns. here are several towns , as boston , the metropolis of new-england , commodiously seated for traffique on the sea-shore ; it is at present a very large and spacious town , or rather city , composed of several well-ordered streets , and graced with fair and beautiful houses , which are well inhabited by merchants , and trades-men , who drive a considerable trade for such commodities as the countrey afforeth to barbadoes , and the other caribbee isles , as also to england , and ireland ; taking in exchange such commodities as each place affordeth , or are found useful to them . it is a place of a good strength , having two or three hills adjoyning , on which are raised fortifications , with great peices mounted thereon , which are well guarded . charles-town , seated on and between the rivers charles and mistick ; it is beautified with a large and well-built church , and near the river side is the market-place , from which runneth two streets , in which are divers good houses . dorchester scituate near the sea , where there falleth in two rivulets . an indifferent town . cambridg , formerly new-town seated on the river merrimeck : this town consisteth of several streets , and is beautified with two colledges , and divers fair , and well built houses . st. georges-fort , seated on the mouth of the river sagadebock . new-plimouth , seated on that large bay of potuxed . reading , commodiously seated about a great pond , and well-watered , and inhabited . in this town are two mills , one for corn , and the other for timber . salem , pleasantly seated betwixt two rivers . other towns placed alphabetically . berwick , braintree , bristol , concord , dartmouth , dedham , dover , exeter , falmouth , glocester , greens-harbour , hampton , hartford , haverhil , hingham , hull , ipswich , lin , maulden , new-bury , new-havon , northam , norwich , oxford , rowley , roxbury , salisbury , sandwich , southampton , spring-field , sudbury , taunton , water-town , wenham , weymouth , woburne , and yarmouth . most of these towns beareth the names from those in england , and many of them are of good account , being commodiously seated , either on the sea-shore , or on navigable rivers , and are well inhabited . and most of those towns are known to the indians by other names . a description of new-fovnd-land . newfoundland is an island in extent equal to england , from whence it is distant little above 600 leagues , lying near half way between ireland , and virginia . it is scituated betwixt the degrees of 46 , and 53 of northern latitudes , and it is only severed from the continent of america , by an arm of the sea , like that which separates england from france . its bays , rivers , fish , fowl , beasts , &c. it is famous for many spacious and excellent bayes , and harbours , and within the land for the variety of fresh springs , whose waters are exceeding delicious . it is enriched by nature , with plenty of fish , land , and water-fowl , and sufficiently stockt with deer , hares , otters , foxes , squirils , and other beasts which yield good furrs : and though not over-run generally with woods , it doth afford ( besides store of fewel ) abundance of stately trees , fit for timber , masts , planks , and sundry other uses . the soile and climate . the soile in most places is reputed fertile ; the climate wholsome , though the rigour of the winter season , and the excess of heats in summer , doth detract something from its due praise . how inhabited . the north and west part of this countrey the native-indians inhabit , though but few in number , and those a more rude and savage sort of people then those of new-england and other places in the adjacent contenent , already taken notice of . new-found-land first discovered by the english . the island , of new-found land was first discovered by the english , who are the true propriators thereof , excluding all forreigne right , and justifying the same to belong to the crown of england only , whose interest hath been there continued by several , under the reigns of divers kings & queens . in the year 1623 , sir george calvert knight , then principal secretary of state and afterwards ld. baltemore , obtained a patent of part of new-found-land ; which was erected into a province , and called avalon ; where he caused a plantation to be setled , and a stately house and fort to be built at ferryland , and afterwards transported himself and family thither , and continuing the plantation by his deputy , till by descent ( after his lordships decease ) it came to his son and heir the right honorable caecilius , now lord baltemore , who by deputies from time to time , was no less careful to preserve his interest there , which ( though during the late troubles in england , it was by sir david kirkes means , for some years discontinued , he was soon reinvested in the same by his majesties most happy restauration . there is no part of new-found-land generally more happy for multiplicity of excellent bayes , and harbours , then this province , and where vast quantities of fish are yearly caught by the english , especially at ferryland , and the bay of bulls . but the whole coast of the island , affords infinite plenty of codd , and poor-john , which is the chief commodity of the isle , which is grown to a setled trade , for these many years , to the enrichment of all those that trade thither . a great bank of land. east of newfoundland , over against cape-ray , at the distance of about 70 miles , lyeth a great bank of land , of about 300 miles in length , and not above seventy-five in breadth , where broadest . it lyes under the sea many fathoms deep , so the ships of a considerable burthen may ride over it : and about this banck lyes dispersed several small isles , called by st. sebastion cabot ( the first discoverer ) los baccaloos , or the isles of cod-fish , from the prodigious quantities of cod-fish there found , which were said to obstruct ●he passage of his vessels . the trade to this island . the french , dutch , biscaners , and other nations that yearely trade hither amounting to between 3 or 400 vessels , are assured to find sufficient freight of cod and poor john , which they find good vent for in the streights , spaine , france and other countreys to their great profit and encouragement . and were the english diligent to inspect the advantage that might accrue to this nation , by settling plantations on the island , and raising fortifications , for the security of the place ; we might give law to all forreigners that come to fish there , and in few years engross the whole fishery to our selves : the greatest ballance perchance of forraigne trade . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28392-e830 it s scituation . it s form extent . it s soyl , and fertility . savanas , formerly fields of indian maiz. the air & temperature huricanes not in this isle . the winter known only by rain and thunder dayes , & nights almost equal . sugars . cocao . indico cotton . tobacco . hydes tortoise shells . curious woods . copper . silver . ambergreece . salt. saltpeter . ginger . cod-peper . piemente . druggs . gumms . cochaneil . of servants . horses . cowes . asnegroes . mules . sheep : goats . hoggs . excellent fish in great plenty . tortoise . great variety of tame & wild fowl. excellent fruits . herbs & roots . jamaica very healthful . diseases strangers are most subject unto . manchonele . snakes , guianas . alligators . muskettoes . merry-wings . port-royal . port-morant . old harbour . point-negrill . port-antonio . other good bayes & harbors . st. jago . sevilla . mellila . orista . 14 precincts or parishes in the isle . sre the mapp . the names of the precincts or parishes in the isle . their lawes . the spaniards first settlement . the spaniards inclined to idleness . 1. consideration . 2. consid . 3. consid . 4. consid . 5. consid . 6. consid . 7. consid . 8. consid . 9. consid . 1. consid . 2. consid . 4. consid . commodities imported , and its trade 4 consid 5. consid . 6. consid . 7. consid . 8. consid . 9. consid . 10. consideration . notes for div a28392-e13620 it s scituation . rivers . it s fertility . commodities . dayes & nights almost equal . temperature of air. the air moist . their fruits . their fish . their beasts . herbs , & roots . birds and fowles . animals , and insects . trees . several caves . it s division , and townes . st. michaels . litle bristol . charles-town . other places on the sea-coast . the inhabitants negro-slaves . their food . their drink . their apparel . their lodging . the management of a plantation . the island very strong the government of the island . the isle divided into four circuits . the present governour . see mr. ligons book of barbadoes page 87. notes for div a28392-e19740 it s scituation , &c. it s soyl , and commodities the isle very delightful , and of a pleasing prospect . the isle possessed by the english , & french their churches . a town possessed by the french notes for div a28392-e21060 it s scituation . extent . a spring of mineral water , and baths . their churches , &c. notes for div a28392-e21550 it s scituation . extent . the number of inhabitants . fish . fowl , & cattle . commodities . notes for div a28392-e21970 it s scituation . extent , and fertility . notes for div a28392-e22160 it s scituation , extent . notes for div a28392-e22380 it s extent , scituation . fertility , &c. notes for div a28392-e22580 it s scituation , extent , &c. notes for div a28392-e22710 it s scituation , fertility , &c. notes for div a28392-e22840 their scituation , and name . st. georges isle . several good ports : it s fertility . their fruits . their commodities . hoggs . fowles . defective in fresh-water . their spiders . these isles exceeding healthful the inhabitants and strength of the isle . notes for div a28392-e24140 its bounds , and scituation . this country very healthful . their fruits ▪ commodities . trees . rivers . their fowles . the disposition , &c. of the natives . it s division into kingdomes . the proprieters of carolina . notes for div a28392-e26900 its bounds . it s name and why so called . † capt. smith , a great promoter of the english setling at virginia . virginia nowvery healthful . the soyl very rich. excellent fruits . plenty of roots , & herbs . abundance of fowle . virginia well stored with beasts , & tame cattle . variety of fish , the product of the country their trade . several good woods . it s chief rivers . james town . elizabeth town . dales gift . virginia under a good goverment . the counties . their apparel their houses . their dyet . notes for div a28392-e30290 chesopeak bay. its rivers . the country very healthful for the beasts , fowl , fish , fruits , &c. see in the description of virginia . their coyns , & way of trade . maryland well governed . the names of the countries s. maries town . notes for div a28392-e32170 this country very fertile . new york the disposition of the natives . their habit & dyet , &c. notes for div a28392-e33200 it s scituation . the ayr. the disposition of the natives much like those of virginia . excellent fish . hurtfull things . fruits . commodities & trade . the government of the inhabitants of new-england . boston . charles town . dorchester . cambridg st. georges fort. reading . salem . notes for div a28392-e35690 it s scituation . its bayes and rivers . it s fish , fowles , beasts , trees . its inhabitants . the english the true proprieto●s of newf●und-land the ld. baltemore the proprietor of avalon in new-found-land . a great bank of land. a great trade here driven . sir francis drake reuiued calling vpon this dull or effeminate age, to folowe his noble steps for golde & siluer, by this memorable relation, of the rare occurrances (neuer yet declared to the world) in a third voyage, made by him into the west-indies, in the yeares 72. & 73. when nombre de dios was by him and 52. others only in his company, surprised. faithfully taken out of the reporte of m· christofer ceely, ellis hixon, and others, who were in the same voyage with him. by philip nichols, preacher. reviewed also by sr. francis drake himselfe before his death, & much holpen and enlarged, by diuers notes, with his owne hand here and there inserted. set forth by sr francis drake baronet (his nephew) now liuing. nichols, philip. 1626 approx. 179 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 52 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08210 stc 18544 estc s110153 99845759 99845759 10680 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08210) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 10680) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 967:20) sir francis drake reuiued calling vpon this dull or effeminate age, to folowe his noble steps for golde & siluer, by this memorable relation, of the rare occurrances (neuer yet declared to the world) in a third voyage, made by him into the west-indies, in the yeares 72. & 73. when nombre de dios was by him and 52. others only in his company, surprised. faithfully taken out of the reporte of m· christofer ceely, ellis hixon, and others, who were in the same voyage with him. by philip nichols, preacher. reviewed also by sr. francis drake himselfe before his death, & much holpen and enlarged, by diuers notes, with his owne hand here and there inserted. set forth by sr francis drake baronet (his nephew) now liuing. nichols, philip. drake, francis, sir, d. 1637. [8], 94, [2] p. printed by e[dward] a[llde] for nicholas bourne dwelling at the south entrance of the royall exchange, london : 1626. with a title-page engraving. printer's name from stc. with a final errata leaf. variant: with an added dedication to elizabeth of bohemia. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng drake, francis, -sir, 1540?-1596. west indies -discovery and exploration -early works to 1800. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir francis drake reuiued : calling vpon this dull or effeminate age , to folowe his noble steps for golde & siluer , by this memorable relation , of the rare occurrances ( neuer yet declared to the world ) in a third voyage , made by him into the west-indies , in the yeares 72. & 73. when nombre de dios was by him and 52. others only in his company , surprised . faithfully taken out of the reporte of m. christofer ceely , ellis hixon , and others , who were in the same voyage with him . by philip nichols , preacher . reviewed also by s r. francis drake himselfe before his death , & much holpen and enlarged , by diuers notes , with his owne hand here and there inserted . set forth by s r francis drake baronet ( his nephew ) now liuing . london printed by e. a. for nicholas bourne dwelling at the south entrance of the royall exchange . 1626. to the high and mighty , charles the first , of great britaine , france and ireland king , all the blessinges of this , and a better life . most gracious soueraigne , that this briefe treatise is yours , both by right & by succession , will appeere by the authors & actors ensuinge dedication : to prayse either the m istris or the seruant , might iustly incurre the censure of quis eos vnquam sanus vituperauit , eithers worth hauing sufficiētly blazed their fame . this present looseth nothing , by glancing on former actions and the obseruation of passed aduentures , may probably aduantage future imployments . caesar wrote his owne commentaries ; and this dooer was partly the inditor : neither is there wanting liuing testimony to confirme its truth . for his sake then , cherish what 's good , & i shall willingly entertaine check for what 's amisse . your fauourable acceptance , may incourage my collecting of more neglected noates : how-euer though vertue ( as lands ) be not inheritable , yet hath he left of his name , one that resolues and therein joyes to approoue him-selfe your most humble and loyall subject , francis drake . the dedicatory epistle , intended to q. elizabeth written by s ir . francis drake , deceased . to the queenes most excellent maiestie , my most dread soueraigne . madam , seeing diuers haue diuersly reported , and written , of these voyages and actions which j haue attempted and made , euery one endeuoring to bring to light , whatsoeuer inklings or coniectures they haue had ; whereby many vntruthes haue bene published , and the certaine truth concealed : as i haue thought it necessary my selfe , as in a card t● pricke the principall points of the counsailes taken , attempts made , & successe had , during the whole course of my imployment in these seruices against the spaniard , not as setting sayle , for maintainnig my reputatiō in mens iudgement , but onely as sitting at helme if occation shall be , for conducting the like actions hereafter : so j haue accounted it my duty , to present this discourse to your ma tie . as of right , either for it selfe , being the first fruits of your seruants pen , or for the matter , being seruice done to your ma ti . by your poore vassall against your great enemy , at such times , in such places , and after such sorte , as may seeme strange to those , that are not acquainted with the whole cariage thereof : but will be a pleasing remembrance to your highnesse , who take th'aparent height of th' almighties fauour towards you , by these euents , as truest instruments , humbly submitting my selfe to your gracious censure , both in writing & presenting : that posterity be not depriued of such help , as may happily be gayned hereby , and our present age ( at least ) may be satisfied , in the rightfulnes of these actions , which hitherto haue beene silenced , and your seruants labour not seeme altogether lost , not onely in trauell by sea and land , but also in writing the reporte thereof , a worke to him no lesse troublesome , yet made pleasant and sweet , in that it hath beene , is and shall be , for your ma ●ies content ; to whome j haue deuoted my selfe , liue or dye . francis drake . ian. 1. 1592. to the covrteovs reader . honest reader , without apologie i desire thee in this insuing discourse ; to obserue with me the power and iustice of the lord of hostes , who could enable so meane a person , to right himselfe vpon so mighty a prince , together with the goodnesse and prouidence of god very obseruable , in that it pleased him to raise this man , not onely from a low condition , but euen from the state of persecution : his father suffered in it , being forced to fly from his house ( neere south tauistocke in deuon ) into kent , and there to inhabit in the hull of a shippe , wherein many of his younger sonnes were borne : hee had twelue in all , and as it pleased god to giue most of them a being vpon the water , so the greatest part of them dyed at sea : the youngest , who though hee were as farre as any , yet dyed at home , whose posterity inherits that , which by himselfe , and this noble gentleman the eldest brother , was hardly yet worthily gotten . i could more largely acquaint thee , that this voyage was his third he made into the west-indies , after that his excellent seruice both by sea and land in ireland , vnder walter earle of essex ; his next about the world : another wherein hee tooke saint iago , carthagena , saint domingo , saint augustino , his doings at cadiz , besides the first carricke taught by him to sayle into england , his stirrings in eigty seauen , his remarquable actions in eighty eight , his endeauours in the portingall imployment , his last enterprise determined by death , and his filling plimouth with a plentifull streame of fresh water ; but i passe by all these , i had rather thou shouldest enquire of others , then to seeme my selfe a vaine-glorious man. i intende not his praise , i striue onely to set out the prayse of his and our good god , that guided him in his truth , and protected him in his courses : my ends are to stirre thee vp to the worship of god , and seruice of our king and countrey by his example : if any thing bee worth thy consideration , conclude with me , that the lord onely can doe great things . francis drake . sir francis drake revived : calling vpon this dull or effeminate age , to follow his noble steps for gold and siluer . as there is a generall vengeance , which secretly pursueth the doers of wrong , and suffereth them not to prosper , albeit no man of purpose empeach them : so is there a particular indignation , engraffed in the bosome of all that are wronged , which ceaseth not seeking by all meanes possible to redresse or remedy the wrong receiued . in somuch as those great and mighty men , in whome their prosperous estate hath bred such an ouer-weening of themselues , that they doe not only wrong their inferiors , but despise them being injured ; seeme to take a very vnfit course for their owne safety , and farre vnfitter for their rest . for as esope teacheth , euen the fly hath her spleene , & the emmet is not with on ther choller , and both together many times finde meanes whereby though the eagle lay her egges in iupiters lappe , yet by one way or other , shee escapeth not requitall of her wrong done the emmet . among the manifold examples hereof , which former ages haue committed to memory , or our time yeelded to sight : i suppose , there hath not beene any , more notable then this in hand : either in respect of the greatnesse of the person , by whom the first injury was offered ; or the meannesse of him , who righteth himself : the one being ( in his owne conceit ) the mightiest monarch of all the world : the other an english captaine , a meane subiect of her maiesties . who ( besides the wrongs receiued at rio de hacha with captaine iohn louell in the yeares 65. and 66. ) hauing beene greiuosly indamaged at saint iohn de vllua in the bay of mexico , with captaine iohn hawkins , in the yeares 67. and 68. not onely in the losse of his goods of some value , but also of his kinsmen & friends , and that by the falshood of don martin henriquez then the viceroy of mexico , and finding that no recompence could bee recouered out of spaine , by any of his owne meanes , or by her maiesties letters : hee vsed such helpes as hee might , by two seuerall voiages into the west indies : the first with two ships , the one called the dragon , the other the swan , in the yeare 70. the other in the swan alone in the yeare 71. to gaine such intelligences , as might further him , to get some amends for his losse . and hauing , in those two voyages , gotten such certaine notice of the persons & places aimed at , as he thought requisite , and therevppon with good deliberation resolued on a third voyage ( the description whereof we haue now in hand ) hee accordingly prepared his shippes and company , and then taking the first opportunity of a good winde , had such successe in his proceedings , as now followes farther to be declared . on whitsunday eeue being the 24. of may in the yeare 1572. captaine drake in the pascha of plimouth of 70. tonnes his admirall , with the swanne of the same port of 25. tonnes his vice-admirall , in which his brother iohn drake was captaine ( hauing in both of them of men and boyes seauenty three , all voluntarily assembled , of which the eldest was fifty , all the rest vnder thirty : so deuided that there were forty seauen in the one ship , and twenty six in the other : both richly furnished , with victualles and apparell for a whole yeare : and no lesse heedfully prouided of all manner of munition , artillery , artificers , stuffe and tooles , that were requisite for such a man of warre in such an attempt , but especially hauing three dainty pinnases , made in plimouth , taken a sunder all in peeces and stowed aboard , to be set vp as occasion serued : ) set sayle from out of the sound of plimouth , with intent to land at nombre da dios. the winde continued prosperous and fauorable at northeast , and gaue as a very good passage , without any alteration or change : so that albeit we had sight of porto sa to , one of the maderas , and of the canaries also within twelue dayes of our setting forth : yet we neuer strooke sayle , nor came to anchor , nor made any stay for any cause , neither there nor elsewhere , vntill 25. dayes after ; when we had sight of the iland of guadalupe , one of the ilands of the west indies , goodly high land . the next morning we entred between dominica & guadalupe , where we descryed two canoas , comming from a rocky iland , three leagues off dominica , which vsually repayre thither to fish , by reason of the great plenry thereof , which is there continually to be found . wee landed on the south side of it , remaining there three dayes to refresh our men , and water our ships , out of one of those goodly riuers , which fall downe off the mountaine . there we sawe certaine poore cottages , built with palmito boughs and branches , but no inhabitants at that time ciuill nor sauage ; the cottages it may be , ( for we could know no certaine cause of the solitarinesse we found there ) seruing , not for continuall inhabitation , but only for their vses that came to that place at certaine seasons to fish . the third day after about , three in the after-noone , wee set sayle from thence , towards the continent of terra firma . and the fift day after , wee had sight of the high land of santa martha , but came not neere the shoare by ten leagues . but thence directed our course , for a place called by vs port phesant , for that our captaine had so named it in his former voyage , by reason of the great store of those goodly fowles , which he and his company did then daily kill , and feed on , in that place . in this course , notwithstanding wee had two dayes calme , yet within six dayes after we arriued at our port phesant , which is a fine round bay , of very safe harbor for all winds , lying betweene two high points , not past halfe a cables length ouer at the mouth , but within , eight or tenne cables length euery way , hauing ten or twelue faddome water more or lesse , full of good fish , the soyle also very fruitfull ; which may appeare by this , that our captaine hauing beene in this place , within a yeare and fewe dayes before , and hauing ridde the place with many alleys and paths made , yet now all was so ouer-grown againe , as that we doubted at first , whither this were the same place or no. at our entrance into this bay , our captaine hauing giuen order to his brother what to doe , if any occasion should happen in his absence , was on his way , with intent to haue gone aland , with some fewe only in his company , because he knew , there dwelt no spaniards within thirty fiue leagues of that place . tolou being the neerest to the eastwards , and nombre de dios to the westwards , where any of that nation dwelt . but as we were rowing a shoare , we saw a smoake in the woods , euen neere the place , which our captaine had aforetime frequented : therefore thinking it fit to take more strength with vs , he caused his other boat also to be mand , with certaine muskets , and other weapons , suspecting some enemy had beene a shoare . when we landed , we found by euident markes , that there had beene lately there , a certaine english man of plimouth , called iohn garret , who had beene conducted thither by certaine english mariners , which had beene there with our captaine in some of his former voyages . he had now left a plate of lead , nailed fast to a mighty great tree ( greater then any foure men , joyning hands , could fathome about ; on which were engrauen these words , directed to our captaine . captaine drake , if you fortune to come to this port , make hast away : for the spaniards , which you had with you here the last yeare , haue bewrayed this place , and taken away all that you left here . i depart from hence , this present 7. of iuly , 1572. your very louing friend iohn garret . the smoake which wee sawe , was occationed by a fire , which the said garret and his company , had made before their departure , in a very great tree ( not farre from this which had the lead nayled on it ) which had continued burning at least fiue dayes before our arriuall . this aduertisement notwithstanding , our captaine meant not to depart , before he had built his pinnases , which were yet aboard in peices , for which purpose hee knew this port , a most conuenient place . and therfore assoone as we had moared our ships , our captaine commanded his pinnases to be brought ashore , for the carpenters to set vp , himselfe employing all his other company in fortifying a place , which he had chosen out , as a most fit plot , of three quarters of an acre of ground , to make some strength or safety for the present , as sufficiently as the meanes he had would afford , which was performed , by felling of great trees , and bowsing and haling them together with great pulleis and halsers , vntill they were inclosed to the water , and then letting others fall vpon them , vntill they had raised with trees and boughes thirty foot in height round about , leauing onely one gate to issue at , neere the waters side , which euery night ( that wee might sleepe in more safety and security ) was shut vp , with a great tree drawne athwart it . the whole plott was built in a pentagonall forme , to wit , of fiue equall sides and angles , of which angles two were toward the sea , and that side between them was left open , for the easie launching of our pinnases : the other foure equall sides were wholely ( excepting the gate before mentioned ) firmely closed vp . without , insteed of a trench , the ground was ridd for fifty foote space , round about . the rest was very thick with trees , of which many were of those kindes , which are neuer without greene leaues , till they are dead at the roote ( excepting onely one kinde of tree amongst them , much like to our ash , which when the sunne commeth right ouer them , causing great raines , suddenly casteth all their leaues , viz. within three dayes , and yet within six dayes after becomes all greene againe . the leaues of the other trees doe also in part fall away , but so as the teees continue still greene notwithstanding ) being of a maruelous height , and supported as it were with fiue or six naturall buttresses growing out of their bodies , so farre , that three men may so be hidden in each of them , that they which shall stand in the very next buttresse shall not be able to see them . one of them specially was marked to haue had seauen of those staies or buttresses , for the supporting of his greatnes and height , which being measured with a line close by the barke and neere to the ground , as it was indented or extant , was found to be aboue thirty nine yards about . the wood of those trees , is as heauy or heauier then brafill or lingnum vitae , and is in colour white . the next day after wee had arriued , there came also into that bay , an english bark of the i le of wight , of sir edwaad horseys , wherein iames rause was captaine and iohn ouery master , with thirty men ; of which , some had beene with our captaine in the same place the yeere before . they brought in with them a spanish caruell of siuell ( which hee had taken the day before , athwart of that place , being a caruell of aduiso bound for nombre de dios ) and also one sallop with oares , which he had taken at cape blanck . this captaine rause vnderstanding our captains purpose , was desirous to ioyne in consort with him , and was receiued vpon conditions agreed on betwene them . within seauen dayes after his comming , hauing set vp our pinnaces , and dispatched all our busines , in prouiding all things necessary , out of our ships into our pinnaces : wee departed from that harbrough , setting sayle in the morning towards nombre de dios , continuing our course till wee came to the iles of pinos : where being within three dayes arriued , wee found two fregates of nombre de dios , lading planck and timber from thence . the negroes which were in those fregates , gaue vs some particuler vnderstanding of the present state of the towne : and besides , tolde vs that they had heard a report , that certaine souldiers , should come thither shortly , and were daily looked for , from the gouernor of panama and the countrey thereabout , to defend the towne against the symerons ( a black people , which about 80. yeares past , fledd from the spaniards their masters , by reason of their cruelty , and are since growne to a nation , vnder two kings of their owne : the one inhabiteth to the west , th' other to the east of the way from nombre de dios to panama ) which had neere surprised it about six weekes before . our captaine willing to vse those negroes well ( not hurting himselfe ) set them ashore vpon the maine , that they might perhaps ioyne themselues to their contrymen the symerons , and gaine their liberty if they would , or if they would not , yet by reason of the length and troublesomenes of the way by land to nombre de dios , hee might preuent any notice of his comming , which they should be able to giue . for hee was loath to put the towne to too much charge ( which hee knew they would willingly bestowe ) in prouiding before hand , for his entertainment , and therefore hee hastned his going thither , with as much speed and secrecy as posibly hee could . to this end , disposing of all his companies , according as they inclined most , hee left the three ships and the caruell with captaine rause , and chose into his foure pinnaces ( captaine rauses shallop made the fourth ) besides fifty three of our men , twenty more of captaine rauses company , with which hee seemed competently furnished , to atcheiue what hee intended : especially hauing proportioned , according to his owne purpose , and our mens disposition , their seuerall armes ▪ viz six targets , six firepikes , twelue pikes , twenty foure muskets and calliuers , sixteene bowes , and six partizans , two drums , and two trompets . thus hauing parted from our company : wee arriued at the iland of catinaas , being twenty fiue leagues distant ; about fiue dayes after , there wee landed all in the morning betimes : and our captaine trained his men , deliuering them their seuerall weapons and armes , which hitherto hee had kept very faire and safe in good caske : and exhorting them after his manner , hee declared the greatnes of the hope of good things that was there : the weaknes of the towne being vnwalled , and the hope hee had of preuailing to recompence his wrongs , especially now that hee should come with such a crew , who were like minded with himselfe ; and at such a time , as hee should bee vtterly vndiscouered . therefore euen that afternoone , hee causeth vs to set saile for nombre de dios , so that before sunne set wee were as farre as rio francisco : thence hee led vs hard aboard the shore ( that wee might not bee descried of the watch house ) vntill that being come within two leagues of the point of the bay , hee caused vs to strike a hull , and cast our grappers , riding so vntill it was darke night . then wee waighed againe and set sayle , rowing hard aboard the shore , with asmuch silence as wee could , till wee recouered the point of the harbor vnder the high land : there wee stayed all silent , purposing to attempt the towne in the dawning of the day , after that wee had reposed our selues for a while . but our captaine with some others of his best men , finding that our people were talking of the greatnes of the towne , and what their strength might bee , especially by the report of the negroes that wee tooke at the i le of pinos : thought it best to put these conceits out of their heads , and therefore to take the opportunity of the rising of the moone that night , persuading them that it was the day dawning . by this occasion we were at the towne , a large hower sooner then first was purposed . for wee arriued there by three of the clock after midnight : at what time it fortuned that a ship of spaine , of sixtie tunnes , laden with canary wines and other commodities , which had but lately come into the bay , and had not yet furld her sprit-saile , espying our foure pinnaces , being an extraordinary number , and those rowing with many oares , sent away her gundeloe towards the towne , to giue warning : but our captaine perceiuing it , cut betwixt her and the towne , forcing her to goe to th' other side of the bay : whereby wee landed without impeachment , although wee found one gunner vpon the platforme , in the very place where wee landed , being a sandy pray and no key at all , not past twenty yards from the houses . there wee found six great peeces of brasse ordinance , mounted vpon their cariages , some demy , some whole culuering : wee presently dismounted them , the gunner fled , the towne tooke alarme ( being very ready thereto , by reason of their often disquieting , by their neere neighbours the symerons ) as wee perceiued , not onely by the noyse and cries of the people , but by the bell ringing out , and drums running vp and downe the towne . our captaine according to the directions which hee had giuen ouer night , to such as hee had made choice of for the purpose , left twelue to keepe the pinnases , that wee might be sure of a safe retreat , if the worst befell . and hauing made sure worke of the platforme before hee would enter the towne , hee thought best , first to view the mount , on the east side of the towne , where hee was informed , by sundry intelligences the yeare before , they had an intent to plant ordinance , which might scoure round about the towne . therefore leauing one halfe of his company , to make a stand at the foote of the mount , hee marched vp presently vnto the top of it , with all speed to try the truth of the report for the more safety . there wee found no peice of ordinance , but onely a very fit place prepared for such vse , and therefore wee left it without any of our men , and with all celerity returned downe the mount , then our captaine appointed his brother , with iohn oxnam and sixteene other of his men , to goe about , behinde the kings treasure-house , and enter neere the easter end of the market-place : himselfe with the rest , would passe vp the broad street , into the market place , with sound of drum and trompet . the firepikes diuided halfe to the one , and halfe to th' other company , serued no lesse for fright to the enemy , then light of our men , who by this meanes might discerne euery place very well , as if it were neere day , whereas the inhabitants stood amazed at so strange a fight , maruelling what the matter might bee , and imagining , by reason of our drums and trompets sounding in so sundry places , that wee had beene a farre greater number then wee were . yet by meanes of the soldiers , which were in the towne , and by reason of the time which wee spent in marching vp and downe the mount , the soldiers and the inhabitants had put themselues in armes , and brought their companies in some order , at the south east end of the market place , neere the gouernors house , and not farre from the gate of the towne , which is only one , leading towards panama , hauing ( as it seemes ) gathered themselues thither , either that in the gouernors sight they might shew their valor , if it might preuaile , or else that by the gate , they might best take their vale , and escape rediest . and to make a shew of farre greater numbers of shot , or else of a custome they had , by the like device to terrify the symerons , they had hung lines with matches lighted , ouerthwart the wester-end of the market-place , betwene the church and the crosse , as though there had beene in a readines some company of shott , whereas indeed there was not past two or three that taught these lines to dance , till they themselues ranne away , assoone as they perceiued they were discouered . but the souldiers and such as were joyned with them , presented vs with a jolly hotte volue of shot , beating full vpon the egresse of that streete , in which we marched , and leuelling very lowe , so as their bullers oft times grazed on the sand . we stood not to answer them in like tearmes ; but hauing discharged our first volly of shot , and feathered them with our arrowes ( which our captaine had caused to be made of purpose in england , not great sheafe arrowes , but fine rouing shafts ; very carefully reserued for the seruice ) wee came to the push of pike , so that our fire-pikes being well armed and made of purpose , did vs very great seruice . for our men with their pikes and short weapons , in short time tooke such order among these gallants , some vsing the but-end of their peeces in stead of other weapons , that partly by reason of our arrowes , which did vs there notable seruice , partly by occasion of this strange and suddaine closing with them , in this manner vnlooked for , and the rather for that at the very instant , our captaines brother , with the other company , with their fire-pikes , entred the market place by th'easter street : they casting downe their weapons , fled all out of the towne by the gate aforesaid , which had beene built for a barre to keepe out of the towne the symerons , who had often assailed it , but now serued for a gap for the spaniards to fly at . in following and returning , diuers of our men were hurt , with the weapons which the enemy had let fall as he fled : somewhat , for that wee marched with such speed , but more for that they lay so thicke and crosse on the other . being returned , we made our stand neere the midst of the market place , where a tree groweth hard by the crosse ; whence our captaine sent of our men to stay the ringing of the alarme bell , which had continued all this while : but the church being very strongly built and fast shut , they could not without firing ( which our captaine forbad ) get into the steeple where the bell hung . in the meane time , our captaine hauing taken two or three spaniards in their flight , commanded them to shew him the gouernours house , where hee vnderstood was the ordinary place of vnlading the moyles , of all the treasure which came from panamah by the kings appointment : although the siluer only was kept there : the gold , pearle and jewels ( being there once entred by the kings officer ) was caried from thence to the kings treasure-house not farre off , being a house very strongly built of lime and stone , for the safe keeping thereof . at our comming to the gouernours house , wee found the great dore ( where the moyles doe vsually vnlade ) euen then opened a candle , lighted vpon the top of the staires ; and a faire gennet ready sadled , either for the gouernour himselfe , or some other of his household to carry it after him . by meanes of this light , we saw a huge heape of siluer , in that nether roome : being a pile of barres of siluer , of ( as neareas we could guesse ) seauenty foote in length , of ten foot in breadth , & twelue foote in height , piled vp against the wall , each barre was betweene thirty fiue and forty pound in weight . at sight hereof our captaine commanded straightly that none of vs should touch a barre of siluer , but stand vpon our weapons , because the towne was full of people , and there was in the kings treasure-house neere the waters side , more gold and jewels then all our foure pinnases could carry , which wee would presently set some in hand to breake open , notwithstanding the spaniards reports of the strength of it . wee were no sooner returned to our strength , but there was a report brought by some of our men , that our pinnases were in danger to be taken , and that if we our selues got not aboard before day , we should be opprest with multitude both of souldiers and townes-people . this report had his ground from one diego a negro , who in the time of the first conflict , came and called to our pinnaces , to knowe whether they were captaine drakes ? & vpon answer receiued , continued intreating to be taken aboard ( though he had first three or foure shot made at him ) vntill at length they fetcht him , and learned by him , that not past eight dayes before our arriuall the king had sent thether some hundred and fifty souldiers to guard the towne against the symerons , and the towne at this time was full of people besides : which , all the rather beleeued , because it agreed with the report of the negroes , which wee tooke before at the i le of pinos : and therefore our captaine sent his brother and iohn oxnam to vnderstand the truth thereof . they found our men , which we left in our pinnaces , much frighted , by reason that they sawe great troops and companies running vp and downe , with matches light , some with other weapons ; crying que gente ? que gente ? which hauing not beene at the first conflict , but comming from the vtter ends of the towne ( being at least as bigge as plimouth ) came many times neere vs , and vnderstanding that we were english , discharged their peeces and ran away . presently after this , a mighty shower of raine , with a terrible storme of thunder and lightning , fell , which powred downe so vehemently ( as it vsually doth in those countries ) that before we could recouer the shelter of a certaine shade or pent-house , at the wester end of the kings treasure-house ( which seemeth to haue beene built there of purpose to auoid sunne and raine ) some of our bow-strings were wet , and some of our match and powder hurt : which while we were carefull of , to refurnish and supply ; diuers of our men , harping on the reports lately brought vs , were muttering of the forces of the towne , which our captaine perceiuing , told them , that he had brought them to the mouth of the treasure of the world , if they would want it , they might henceforth blame no body but themselues . and therefore as soone as the storme beganne to aswage of his furye ( which was a long halfe houre ) willing to giue his men no longer leasure to demurre of those doubts , nor yet allow the enemy farther respit to gather themselues together : he stept foreward , commanding his brother , with iohn oxnam and the company appointed them , to breake the kings treasure-house ; the rest to follow him , to keepe the strength of the market place , till they had dispatched the businesse for which they came . but as he stept forward , his strength and sight and speech failed him , and he began to faint for want of blood , which as then wee perceiued , had , in great quantity , issued vpon the sand , out of a wound receiued in his legge in the first encounter , whereby though he felt some paine , yet ( for that hee perceiued diuers of the company , hauing already gotten many good things , to be very ready to take all occasions , of winding themselues , out of that conceited danger ) would he not haue it knowne to any , till this his fainting , against his will , bewrayed it ; the blood hauing first filled the very prints which our foote-steps made , to the great dismay of all our company , who thought it not credible , that one man should be able to spare so much blood and liue . and therefore euen they , which were willingest to haue aduentured most , for so faire a booty , would in no case hazard their captaines life ; but ( hauing giuen him somewhat to drinke wherewith he recouered himselfe , and hauing bound his scarfe about his legge , for the stopping of the blood ) entreated him to bee content to goe with them aboord , there to haue his wound searched and drest , and then to returne a shoare againe if he thought good . this when they could not perswade him vnto ( as who knew it vtterly time ) impossible , at least very vnlikely , that euer they should ( for that ) returne againe , to recouer the state in which they now were : and was of opinion , that it were more honorable for himselfe , to jeopard his life for so great a benefit , then to leaue off so high an enterprise vnperformed : ) they joyned altogether , and with force mingled with faire intreaty , they bare him aboard his pinnace , and so abandoned a most rich spoile for the present , only to preserue their captaines life , as being resolued of him , that while they enjoyed his presence , and had him to command them , they might recouer wealth sufficient ; but if once they lost him , they should hardly bee able to recouer home , no not with that which they had gotten already . thus wee embarqued by breake of the day , hauing besides our captaine , many of our men wounded , though none slaine but one trumpetter : whereupon though our chyrurgeons were busily employed , in prouiding remedies and salues for their wounds : yet the maine care was respected by all the rest ; so that before we departed out of the harbour for the more comfort of our company , wee tooke the aforesaid ship of wines without great resistance . but before we had her free off the hauen , they of the towne had made meanes to bring one of their culuerins , which we had dismounted , so as they made a shot at vs , but hindred vs not from carrying forth the prize to the i le bastimientos , or the i le of victualles ; which is an iland that lyeth without the bay to the westwards , about a league off the towne , where we stayed the two next dayes , to cure our wounded men , and refresh our selues , in the goodly gardens which we there found , abounding with great store of all dainty rootes and fruites , besides great plenty of poultry and other fowles , no lesse strange then delicate . shortly , vpon our first arriuall in this iland , the gouernour and the rest of his assistants in the towne ( as wee afterwards vnderstood ) sent vnto our captaine a proper gentleman of meane stature , good complexion , and faire spoken , a principall souldier of the late sent garrison , to view in what state wee were . at his comming hee protested he came to vs of meere good will , for that wee had attempted , so great and incredible a matter with so few men : and that at the first they feared that wee had beene french , at whose hands they knew they should finde no mercy : but after they perceiued by our arrowes , that we were englishmen , their feare were the lesse , for that they knew , that though we tooke the treasure of the place , yet we would not vse cruelty towards their persons . but albeit this his affection gaue him cause enough , to come aboard such , whose vertues so he honoured , yet the gouernour also had not only consented to his comming , but directly sent him , vpon occasion that diuers of the towne affirmed ( said hee ) that they knew our captaine , who the last two yeares had beene often on their coast , and had alwayes vsed their persons very well . and therefore desired to knowe , first , whether our captaine were the same captaine drake or no ? and next , because many of their men were wounded with our arrowes , whether they were poysoned or no ? and how their wounds might best be cured ? lastly what victualles wee wanted , or other necessaries ? of which the gouereour promised by him to supply and furnish vs , as largely as hee durst . our captaine although he thought this souldier but a spye : yet vsed him very curteously , and answered him to his gouernours demands . that he was the same drake whome they meant : it was neuer his manner to poyson his arrowes : they might cure their wounded by ordinary chirurgery : as for wants hee knewe the iland of bastimientos had sufficient , and could furnish him if hee listed : but hee wanted nothing but some of that speciall commodity , which that countrey yeelded , to content himselfe and his company . and therefore hee aduised the gouernour to hold open his eyes , for before he departed , if god lent him life and leaue , he meant to reape some of their haruest , which they get out of the earth , and send into spaine to trouble all the earth . to this answere vnlooked for , this gentleman replyed : if he might without offence moue such a question , what should then be the cause , of our departing from that towne at this time , where was aboue three hundred and sixty tunne of siluer ready for the fleete , & much more golde in value , resting in yron chests in the kings treasure-house ? but when our captaine had shewed him the true cause of his vnwilling retreat aboord ; he acknowledged , that we had no lesse reason in departing , then courage in attempting : and no doubt did easily see , that it was not for the towne to seeke reuenge of vs , by manning forth such fregates or other vessels , as they had : but better to content themselues and prouide for their owne defence . thus with great fauour and courteous entertainement , besides such gifts from our captaine as most contented him : after dinner hee was in such sort dismissed , to make report of that he had seene , that he protested , he was neuer so much honored of any in his life . after his departure , the negroe forementioned , being examined more fully , confirmed this report of the gold and siluer , with many other intelligences of importance , especially how wee might haue gold and siluer enough if we would , by meanes of the symerons , whome though hee had betrayed diuers times ( being vsed thereto by his masters ) so that he knew they would kill him , if they gat him : yet if our captaine would vndertake his protection , hee durst aduenture his life , because hee knewe our captaines name was most pretious and highly honored of them . this report ministred occasion to further consultation : for which , because this place seemed not the safest ; as being neither the healthiest nor quietest . the next day in the morning wee all set our course for the i le of pinnos or port plenty , where wee had left our ships , continuing all that day , and the next , till towards night before wee recouered it . wee were the longer in this course , for that our captaine sent away his brother and ellis hixon to the westward , to search the riuer of chagro , where himselfe had beene the yeare before , and yet was carefull to gaine more notice of : it being a riuer which trendeth to the southward , within six leagues of panamah , where is a litle towne called venta cruz , whence all the treasure , that was vsually brought thither from panams by moyles , was imbarqued in fregates , downe that riuer into the north sea , and so to nombre de dios. it ebbeth and floweth not farre into the land , and therefore it asketh three dayes rowing with a fine pinnace to passe from the mouth to venta cruz , but one day and a night seruerh to returne downe the riuer . at our returne to our ships , in our consultation , captaine rause forecasting diuers doubts , of our safe continuance vpon that coast , being now discouered , was willing to depart : and our captaine no lesse willing to dismisse him : and therefore assoone as our pinnaces returned from chagro , with such aduertisements as they were sent for , about eight dayes before : captaine rause tooke his leaue , leaving vs in the i le aforesaid , where wee had remained fiue or six dayes . in which meane tyme , hauing put all things in a readines , our captaine resolued , with his two ships and three pinnaces to goe to carthagene , whither in sayling we spent some 6. dayes , by reason of the calmes which came often vpon vs : but all this time wee attempted nothing that wee might haue done by the way , neither at tolou , nor otherwhere , because wee would not bee discouered . wee came to anchor with our two ships in the evening in seauen fadome water , betweene the ilands of charesha and saint barnards : our captaine led the three pinnaces , about the iland , into the harbor of carthagene ; where at the very entry , hee found a fregate at anchor , aboard which was onely one old man ; who being demanded , where the rest of his company was ? answered , that they were gone ashoare in their gundeloe that euening , to fight about a mistresse : and voluntarily related to our captaine that two houres before night , there past by them a pinnace , with sayle and oares , as fast as euer they could row , calling to him , whether there had not beene any english or frenchmen there lately ? and vppon answere that there had beene none : they bid them looke to themselues : that within an houre , that this pinnace was come to the vtterside of carthagene , there were many great peeces shot off , whereupon one going to top , to descry what might bee the cause ? espied , ouer the land , diuers fregates and small shipping , bringing themselues within the castle . this report our captaine credited , the rather , for that himselfe had heard the report of the ordinance , at sea , and perceiued sufficiently , that hee was now descried : notwithstanding , in farther examination , of this old mariner , hauing vnderstood , that there was , within the next point , a great ship of siuell , which had here discharged her loading , and rid now with her yards a crosse , being bound the next morning for saint domingo : our captaine tooke this old man into his pinnace to verifie that which hee had informed , and rowed towards this ship , which as wee came neere it , hayled vs , asking whence our shallops were ? wee answered , from nombre de dios : straight way they raild and reuiled : wee gaue no heed to their words , but euery pinnace , according to our captaines order : one on the starboord bough , the other on the starboord quarter , and the captaine in the midship on the larboord side , forthwith boarded her , though wee had some difficulty to enter , by reason of her height , being of two hundred forty tunne . but assoone as wee entred vpon the decks , we threwe downe the grates and spardecks , to preuent the spaniards from annoying vs with their close fights : who then perceiuing that wee were possessed of their ship , stowed themselues all in hold with their weapons , except two or three yonkers , which were found afore the beetes : when hauing light out of our pinnaces , wee found no danger of the enemy remaining , wee cut their cables at halfe , and with our three pinnaces , towed her without the iland , into the sound right afore the towne , without danger of their great shott . meane while , the towne hauing intelligence hereof , by their watch , tooke th' alarme , rong out their bells , shott off about thirty peeces of great ordinance , put all their men in a readines horse and foote , came downe to the very point of the wood , and discharged their caliuers , to impeach vs if they might , in going forth . the next morning our ships tooke two fregats , in which were two , who called themselues the kings scriuanos , the one of carthagene , th' other of veragua , with seauen mariners and two negroes : who had beene at nombre de dios and were now bound for cathagene , with double letters of aduise , to certifie them that captaine drake had beene at nombre de dios , had taken it , and had it not beene that hee was hurt with some blessed shott , by all likelihood hee had sackt it : hee was yet still vpon the coast : they should therefore carefully prepare for him . after that our captaine had brought all his fleet together : at the scriuanos entreaties , hee was content to doe them all fauor , in setting them and all their companies a shore ; and so bare thence with the ilands of saint barnards , about three leagues off the towne : where wee found great store of fish for our refreshing . here our captaine considering that hee was now discouered , vpon 2. of the cheefest places of all the coast , and yet not meaning to leaue it , till hee had found the simerons , and made his voiage , as hee had conceiued , which would require some length of time & sure manning of his pinnaces , hee determined with himselfe , to burne one of his ships , and make of the other a storehouse , that his pinnaces ( which could not otherwise ) might be throughly mand , and so he might be able to abide any time . but knowing the affection of his company , how loath they were to leaue either of their ships , being both so good saylers and so well furnished , hee purposed in himselfe by some pollicy , to make them most willing to effect that hee intended . and therefore sent for one thomas moone ( who was carpenter in the swanne ) and taking him into his cabbin , chargeth him to conceale for a time , a peice of seruice , which hee must in any case consent to doe aboord his owne ship : that was , in the middle of the second watch , to goe downe secretly into the well of the ship , and with a great spike-gimlet , to boare three hoales , as neere the keele as hee could , and lay something against it , that the force of the water entring , might make no great noise , nor be discouered by boyling vp : thomas moone at the hearing hereof being vtterly dismaied , desired to knowe what cause there might bee , to moue him to sincke so good a bark , of his owne , new , and strong , and that by his meanes , who had beene in two so rich and gainefull voyages in her with himselfe heretofore : if his brother , the master , and the rest of the company should knowe of such his fact , hee thought verily they would kill him . but when our captaine had imparted to him his causes , and had perswaded him with promise that it should not bee knowne , till all of them should bee glad of it : hee vndertooke it , and did it accordingly . the next morning our captaine tooke his pinnace very early , purposing to goe a fishing ( for that there is very great store on all the coast ) and falling aboord the swanne , calleth for his brother to goe with him , who rising suddenly , answereth that hee would follow presently , or if it would please him to stay a very little , hee would attend him . our captaine perceiuing the feate wrought , would not hasten him , but in rowing away , demanded of them , why their bark was so deepe ? as making no great account of it : but by occasion of this demand , his brother sent one downe to the steward , to know whether there were any water in the ship ? or what other cause might bee ? the steward hastily stepping downe at his vsuall skuttle , was wett vp to the waste , and shifting with more hast to come vp againe as if the water had followed him , cryed out that the ship was full of water . there was no need to hasten the company , some to the pumpe , others to search for the leake , which the captaine of the bark seeing they did on all hands very willingly , hee followed his brother , and certified him of the strange chance befalne them that night ; that whereas they had not pumpt twise in six weekes before , now they had six foote water in hold : therefore hee desireth leaue from attending him in fishing , to intend the search and remedy of the leake : and when our captaine with his company profered to goe to helpe them , hee answered , they had men enough aboord , and prayed him to continue his fishing , that they might haue some part of it for their dinner . thus returning , hee found his company had taken great paine , but had freeed the water very little : yet such was their loue to the barke ( as our captaine well knew ) that they ceased not , but to the vtmost of their strength , laboured all that they might till three in the afternoone : by which time , the company perceiuing , that though they had beene relieued by our captaine himselfe and many of his company , yet they were not able to free aboue a foote and a halfe of water , and could haue no likelihood of finding the leake , had now a lesse liking of her then before , and greater content to hear of some means fot remedy : wherevpon our captaine consulting with them what they thought best to bee done : found that they had more desire to haue all as he thought fitt , then iudgement to conceiue any meanes of remedy . and therefore hee propounded , that himselfe would goe in the pinnace , till hee could prouide him some hansome fregate , and that his brother should bee captaine in the admirall , and the master should also bee there placed with him , insteed of this : which seeing they could not saue , hee would haue fired , that th' enemy might neuer recouer her : but first all the pinnaces should bee brought aboord her , that euery one might take out of her whatsoeuer they lackt or liked . this , though the company at the first marueiled at , yet presently it was put in execution and performed that night : our captaine had his desire , and men enough for his pinnaces . the next morning , wee resolued to seeke out some fitt place , in the sound of darienne , where wee might safely leaue our shipp at anchor , not discouerable by the enemy , who thereby might imagine vs quite departed from the coast , and wee the meane time better follow our purposes with our pinnaces ; of which our captaine would himselfe take two to rio grande , and the third leaue with his brother to seeke the symerons . vpon this resolution , wee set saile presently for the said sound : which within fiue dayes wee recouered , absteining of purpose , from all such occasion , as might hinder our determination , or bewray our being vpon the coast . assoone as we arriued , where our captaine intended , and had chosen a fit and conuenient road ( out of all trade ) for our purpose ; wee reposed our selues there , for some fifteene dayes , keeping our selues close , that the brute of our being vpon the coast might cease . but in the meane time wee were not idle : for besides such ordinary workes , as our captaine euery month did vsually enure vs to , about the trimming and fitting of his pinnaces , for their better sayling and rowing : hee caused vs to ridd a large plot of ground , both of trees and brakes and to build vs houses , sufficient for all ourlodging , and one especially for all our publique meetings ; wherein the negroe which fled to vs before did vs great seruice , as being well acquainted with the country , and their meanes of building . our archers made themselues butts to shoot at , because wee had many that delighted in that exercise , and wanted not a fletcher to keepe our bowes and arrowes in order . the rest of the company , euery one as hee liked best , made his disport at boules , quoits , keiles , &c. for our captaine allowed one halfe of their company to passe their time thus , euery other day interchangeably , the other halfe being enioyned to the necessary workes , about our ship and pinnaces , and the prouiding of fresh victuall , fish , foule , hogs , deere , conies , &c. whereof there is great plenty . here our smithes set vp their forge , as they vsed , being furnished out of england , which anuill , iron , coales , and all manner of necessaries , which stood vs in great steed . at the end of these fifteene dayes , our captaine leauing his ship in his brothers charge , to keepe all things in order ; himselfe tooke with him , according to his former determination , two pinnaces for rio grand , and passing by carthagene , but out of sight , when wee were within two leagues of the riuer , wee landed to the westwards on the maine , where we sawe great store of cattle . there wee found some indians , who asking vs in freindly sort , in broken spanish , what wee would haue , and vnderstanding that wee desired fresh victuals in traffick ; they tooke such cattle for vs , as wee needed , with ease and so readily , as if they had a speciall commandment ouer them , whereas they would not abide vs to come neere them : and this also they did willingly , because our captaine ( according to his custome ) contented them for their paines , with such things as they account greatly of , in such sort that they promised , we should haue there of them at any time , what we would . the same day wee departed thence to rio grand , where wee entred about three of the clocke in the after-noone . there are two entrings into this riuer , of which we entred the westermost called boca chica . the freshet of this riuer is so great , that we being halfe a league from the mouth of it , filled fresh water for our beuerage . from three a clocke till darke night wee rowed vp the streame , but the current was so strong downewards , that we got but two leagues all that time . we moared our pinnaces to a tree that night : for that presently with the closing of the euening , there fell a monstrous shower of raine , with such strange and terrible claps of thunder , and flashes of lightning , as made vs , not a little to meruell at , although our captaine had beene acquainted with such like in that countrey , and told vs that they continue , seldome longer then three quarters of an houre . this storme was no sooner ceast , but it became very calme , and therewith there came such an innumerable multitude , of a kind of flies of that countrey called muskitos ( like our gnats ) which bite so spitefully , that we could not rest all that night , nor find meanes to defend our selues from them , by reason of the heate of the countrey : the best remedy wee then found against them , was the juyce of lemmons . at the breake of day we departed , rowing in the eddy , and haling vp by the trees where the eddy failed , with great labor , by spels , without ceasing , each company their halfe houre glasse : without meeting any , till about three a clocke afternoone , by which time we could get but fiue leagues a head . then we espied a canow with two indians fishing in the riuer : but we spake not to them , least so wee might be descried : nor they to vs , as taking vs to be spaniards . but within an houre after wee espyed certaine houses , on the other side of the riuer , whose channell is twenty fiue fathome deepe , and his bredth so great , that a man can scantly be discerned from side to side . yet a spaniard which kept those houses , had espied our pinnaces , and thinking wee had beene his countrey-men , made a smoake , for a signall to turne that way , as being desirous to speake with vs. after that , we espying this smoak , had made with it , and were halfe the riuer ouer , he wheaued vs with his hat , and his long hanging sleeues to come ashoare : but as we drew neerer vnto him , and he discerned that we were not those he looked for , he tooke his heeles , and fled from his houses , which we found to be , fiue in number , all full of white ruske , dryed bacon , that country cheese ( like holland cheese in fashion , but farre more delicate in taste , of which they send into spayne as speciall presents ) many sortes of sweet meats , and conserues ; with great store of sugar : being prouided to serue the fleet returning to spayne . with this store of victuals we loaded our pinnaces , and by the shutting in of the day we were ready to depart ; for that we hastned the rather , by reason of an intelligence giuen vs by certaine indian women which we found in those houses : that the fregates ( these are ordinarily thirty , or vpwards , which vsually transport the marchandize sent out of spayne to carthagene , from thence to these houses , and so in great canoas vp hence into nuevo reyno , for which , the riuer running many hundreth leagues within the land serueth very fitly , and returne in exchange , the golde and treasure , siluer , victuals and commodities , which that kingdome yeildeth aboundantly : ) were not yet returned from carthagene , since the first alarum they tooke of our being there . as wee vvere going aboord our pinnaces from these store-houses , the indians of a great towne called villa del rey ▪ some 2. miles distant from the waters side where wee landed , were brought downe by the spaniards into the bushes , and shot their arrowes ; but wee rowed downe the streame , with the current ( for that the winde was against vs ) onely one league , and because it was night , anchored till the morning , when wee rowed downe to the mouth of the riuer , where wee vnladed all our prouisions , and clensed our pinnaces , according to our captaines custome , and tooke it in againe , and the same day went to the westward . in this returne , wee descried a ship , a bark , and a fregate , of which the ship and fregate went for carthagene , but the bark was bound to the northwards , with the winde easterly , so that wee imagined she had some gold or treasure going for spaine : therefore wee gaue her chase , but taking her , and finding nothing of importance in her , vnderstanding that she was bound for sugar and hides , wee let her goe , and hauing a good gale of winde , continued our former course to our ship and company . in the way between carthagene and tolou , we tooke fiue or six fregates , which were laden from tolou , with liue hogs , hens and maiz , which wee call guynie wheate : of these hauing gotten what intelligence they could giue , of their preparations for vs , and diuers opinions of vs , wee dismissed all the men , only staying two fregates with vs , because they were so well stored with good victuals . within three dayes after wee arriued at the place which our captaine chose at first to leaue his ship in , which was called by our company p●r● plenty , by reason we brought in thither continually all manner store of good victuals , which we tooke going that way by sea , for the victualling of carthagene and nombre de dios , as also the fleetes going and comming out of spaine : so that if wee had beene two thousand , yea three thousand persons , wee might with our pinnaces easily haue prouided them sufficient victuall of wine , meale , ruske , cassauy , ( a kinde of bread made of a roote called yucca , whose juyce is poyson , but the substance good and wholesome ) dryed beefe , dryed fish , liue sheepe , liue hogs , aboundance of hens , besides the infinite store of dainty fresh fish very easily to be taken euery day . insomuch that wee were forced to build foure seuerall magazines or store-houses , some tenne , some 20. leagues a sunder , some in ilands , some in the maine , prouiding our selues in diuers places , that though the enemy should with force surprize any one , yet wee might be sufficiently furnished , till wee had made our voyage as we did hope . in building of these , our negroes helpe was very much , as hauing a speciall skill , in the speedy erection of such houses . this our store was such , as thereby wee releeued , not onely our selues and the symerons , while they were with vs , but also two french ships in extreame want . for in our absence captaine iohn drake hauing one of our pinnaces as was appojnted , went in with the maine , and as he rowed a loofe the shoare ▪ where hee was directed by diego the negroe aforesaid , which willingly came vnto vs at nombre de dios , hee espyed certaine of the symerons , with whome he delt so effectually , that in conclusion he left two of our men with their leader , and brought aboard two of theirs : agreeing that they should meete him againe the next day , at a riuer midway betweene the cabezas and our shippes , which they named rio diego . these two being very sensible men , chosen out by their commander , did with all reuerence and respect , declare vnto our captaine , that their nation conceiued great joy of his arriuall , because they knew him to be an enemy to the spaniards , not only by his late being in nombre de dios , but also by his former voyages , and therefore were ready to assist and fauour his enterprises against his and their enemies to the vttermost : and to that end their captaine and company , did stay at this present neere the mouth of rio diego , to attend what answere and order should be giuen them : that they would haue marched by land , euen to this place , but that the way is very long , and more troublesome , by reason of many steepe mountaines , deepe riuers and thicke brakes : desiring therefore , that it might please our captaine to take some order , as hee thought best , with all conuenient speed in this behalfe . our captaine considering the speech of these persons , and waighing it with his former intelligences had , not only by negroes but spaniards also , whereof hee was alwayes very carefull : as also conferring it with his brothers informations of the great kindenesse , that they shewed him being lately with them : after he had heard the opinions of those of best seruice with him , what were fittest to be done presently : resolued hmselfe with his brother , and the two symerons , in his two pinnaces to goe toward this riuer , as he did the fame euening ; giuing order , that the shippe and the rest of his fleet , should the next morning follow him , because there was a place of as great safety and sufficiency , which his brother had found out neere the riuer . the safety of it consisted , not only , in that which is common all along that coast from tolou to nombre de dios , being aboue sixty leagues , that it is a most goodly and plentifull countrey , and yet inhabited not with one spaniard , or any for the spaniards : but especially in that it lieth among a great many of goodly ilands full of trees , where , though there be channels , yet there are such rockes and shoales , that no man can enter by night , vvithout great danger , nor by day vvithout discouery , vvhereas our ship might lye hidden vvithin the trees . the next day vve arriued at this riuer appointed , vvhere vve found the symerons according to promise : the rest of their number , vvere a mile vp , in a vvood by the riuers side . there , after vve had giuen them entertainement , and receiued good testimonyes of their joy and good vvill tovvards vs , vve tooke tvvo more of them into our pinnaces , leauing our two men vvith the rest of theirs , to march by land , to another riuer called rio guana , vvith intent there to meete vvith another company of symerons , vvhich vvere novv in the mountaines . so vve departed that day ftom rio diego , vvith our pinnaces tovvards our shippe , as maruelling that shee follovved vs not as vvas appointed . but tvvo dayes after , vvee found her in the place vvhere vve left her , but in farre other state , being much spoiled and in great danger , by reason of a tempest she had in our absence . as soone as vve could trimme our shippe , being some tvvo dayes , our captaine sent avvay one of his pinnaces , tovvards the bottome of the bay , amongst the shoales and sandy ilands , to sound out the channell ) for the bringing in of our shippe neerer the maine . the next day vvee follovved , and vvere ( vvith vvary pilatage , directed safely into the best channell , vvith much adoe to recouer the roade , among so many flats and shoales . it vvas neere about fiue leagues from the catiuaas , betvvixt an iland and the maine , vvhere vve moared our shippe . the iland vvas not aboue foure cables length from the maine , being in quantity some three acres of ground , flat and very full of trees and bushes . wee vvere forced to spend the best part of three dayes , after our departure from our port plenty , before we were quiet in this new-found road , which wee had but newly entred , when our two men and the former troupe of simerons , with twelue other whom they had met in the mountaines , came in sight ouer against our shippe , on the maine : whence wee fet them all aboard , to their great comfort and our content : they rejoycing that they should haue some fit opportunity , to wreake their wrongs on the spaniards : wee hoping that now our voyage should be bettered . at our first meeting when our captaine had moued them , to shew him the meanes which they had to furnish him with gold and siluer : they ansvvered plainely , that had they knowne gold had bin his desire , they could haue satisfied him with store , which for the present they could not doe , because the riuers , in which they had suncke great store , which they had taken from the spaniards , rather to despite them then for loue of gold , were now so high , that they could not get it out of such depthes for him , and because the spaniards in these rainy months doe not vse to cary their treasure by land . this answere although it were somewhat vnlooked for , yet nothing discontented vs , but rather perswaded vs farther of their honest and faithfull meaning towards vs. therefore our captaine to entertaine these fiue months , commanded all our ordinance and artillery a shoare , with all our other prouisions : sending his pinnaces to the maine , to bring ouer great trees , to make a fort vpon the same iland , for the planting of all our ordinance therein , and for our safeguard , if the enemy in all this time should chance to come . our symerons cut downe palmi●o boughes and branches , and with wonderfull speed raised vp two large houses for all our company . our fort was then made ( by reason of the place ) triangle wise with maine timber & earth , of which the trench yeelded vs good store , so that we made it thirteen foote in height . but after wee had continued vpon this iland fourteene dayes , our captaine hauing determined , with three pinnaces to goe for carthagene , left his brother iohn drake , to gouerne these who remained behinde with the symerons , to finish the fort which hee had begunne : for which hee appointed him to fetch boords and plancks , as many as his pinnace would cary , from the prize which wee tooke at rio grand , and left all the catiuaas , where shee draue a shore and wracked , in our absence : but now shee might serue very commodiously , to supply our vses , in making platformes for our ordinance . thus our captaine and his brother tooke their leaue , the one to the eastward , and the other to the catiuaas . that night wee came to an i le , which hee called spurkite iland , because wee found there great store of such a kinde a bird in shape , but very delicate , of which wee killed and roasted many ; staying there till the next day midnoone , when wee departed thence : and about foure a clock recouered a big iland in our way , where wee stayed all night , by reason that there was great store of fish , and especially of a great kind of shellfish of a foote long : we called them whelkes . the next morning wee were cleere of these ilands and shoales , and haled off into the sea. about foure dayes after , neere the ilands of saint barnards , wee chased two fregats a shore : and recouering one of the ilands , made our aboad there some two dayes to wash our pinnaces and take of the fish . thence wee went towards tolou , and that day landed neere the towne in a garden , where wee found certaine indians , who deliuered vs their bowes and arrowes , and gathered for vs such fruit as the garden did yeeld , being many sorts of dainty fruits and rootes , still contenting them for that wee receiued : our captaines principall intent in taking this and other places by the way , not being for any other cause , but onely to learne true intelligences , of the state of the country and of the fleetes . hence wee departed presently , and rowed towards charesha the iland of carthagene , and entred in at bocha chica , and hauing the winde large , wee sayled in towards the citty , and let fall our grappers betwixt the iland and the maine , right ouer against the goodly garden iland . in which our captaine would not suffer vs to land , notwithstanding our importunate desire , because hee knewe , it might be dangerous : for that they are wont to send soldiers thither , when they know any men of warre vppon the coast : which wee found accordingly : for within three houres after , passing by the point of the iland , wee had a volly of a hundred shot from them , and yet there was but one of our men hurt . this euening wee departed to sea : and the day following , being some two leagues off the harbor , wee tooke a bark , and found that the captaine and his wife with the better sort of the passengers , had forsaken her , and were gone a shore in their gundeloe : by occasion whereof wee boorded without resistance , though they were very well prouided , with swords and targets and some small shott , besides foure iron bases . shee was about fifty tunne , hauing ten mariners , fiue or six negroes , great store of sope and sweet meats , bound from saint domingo to carthagene . this captaine left behinde him a silke ancient with his armes , as might be thought , in hasty departing . the next day wee sent all the company a shore to seeke their masters , sauing a young negrito of three or foure yeares old , which wee brought away , but kept the bark , and in her , bore into the mouth of carthagene harbor where we anchored . that afternoone , certaine horsmen came downe to the point by the wood side , and with the scriuano forementioned , came towards our bark with a flag of truce , desiring of our captaine safe conduct for his comming and going : the which being granted , hee came aboord vs , giuing our captaine great thankes for his manifould fauors , &c. promising that night before day breake , to bring asmuch victuall as they would desire , what shift so euer hee made , or what danger soeuer hee incurd of law and punishment . but this fell out to be nothing but a deuice of the gouernor forced vpon the scriuano , to delay time , till they might prouid ethemselues of sufficient strength to entrappe vs : for which this fellow by his smooth speech , was thought a fitt meane . so by sunne rising , when wee perceiued his words but words , wee put to sea to the westward of the iland , some three leagues off , where wee lay at hull the rest of all that day and night . the next day in the afternoone , there came out of carthagene , two fregats bound for saint domingo , the one of fifty , th' other of twelue tonne , hauing nothing in them but ballast : wee tooke them , within a league of the towne , and came to anchor with them , within saker short of the east bulwark : there were in those fregats some twelue or thirteene common mariners , which intreated to bee set a shoare : to them our captaine gaue the great fregates gundelow , and dismissed them . the next morning when they came downe to the wester point with a flagge of truce , our captaine mand one of his pinnaces and rowed a shoare : when wee were within a cables length of the shoare , the spaniards fled , hiding themselues in the woods , as being afraid of our ordinance ; but indeed to drawe vs on to land confidently , and to presume of our strength . our captaine commanding the grapnell to bee cast out of the sterne , veered the pinnace a shore , and assoone as shee touched the sand , hee alone leapt ashore in their sight , to declare that hee durst set his foote a land , but stayed not among them : to let them knowe , that though hee had not sufficient forces to conquere them , yet hee had sufficent iudgement to take heed of them . and therefore perceiuing their intent , assoone as our captaine was aboord , we haled off vppon our grapner and rid a while . they presently came forth vpon the sand , and sent a youth , as with a message from the gouernor , to know what our intent was , to stay thus vpon the coast ? our captaine answered hee ment to traffique with them : for hee had tinne , pewter , cloth and other marchandize that they needed . the youth swam back againe with this answere ; and was presently returned , with another message : that , the king had forbidden to traffique with any forraine nation for any commodities , except powder and shotte , of which if hee had any store , they would bee his marchants ; hee answered , that he was come from his country , to exchange his commodities for gold and siluer , and is not purposed to returne without his errand . they are like ( in his opinion ) to haue little rest , if that by faire meanes they would not traffique with him . he gaue this messenger a faire shirt for a reward , and so returned him : who rolled his shirt about his head and swamme very spedily . we heard no answere all that day , and therefore toward night wee went aboord our fregats and reposed our selues , setting and keeping very orderly all that night our watch , with great and small shott . the next morning the winde which had beene westerly in the euening , altered to the eastward . about the dawning of the day , wee espied two sayles turning towards vs , where vpon our captaine waighed with his pinnaces , leauing the two fregats vnmand . but when wee were come somewhat nigh them , the winde calmed , and wee were faine to rowe towards them , till that approaching very nigh wee sawe many heads peering ouer boord . for , as wee perceiued , these two fregates were mand and set forth out of carthagene , to fight with vs , and at least to empeach or busy vs , whilst by some meanes or other they might recouer the fregates from vs : but our captaine preuented both their drifts . for commanding iohn oxnam to stay with the one pinnace , to entertaine these two men of warre , himselfe in the other made such speed , that hee gate to his fregates which hee had left at anchor , and caused the spaniards ( who in the meane time had gotten aboord in a small canow thinking to haue towed them within the danger of their shott ) to make greater hast thence , then they did thither . for hee found that in shifting thence , some of them were faine to swim a land ( the canow not being able to receiue them ) and had left their apparell , some their rapiers and targets , some their flaskes and calliuers behinde them , although they were towing away of one of them : therefore considering that wee could not man them , wee sunck the one , and burnt the other , giuing them to vnderstand by this , that wee perceiued their secret practises . this being done , he returned to iohn oxnam , who all this while lay by the men of warre without proffering of fight . and assoone as our captaine was come vp to these fregates , the wind blew much from the sea , so that , wee being betwixt the shoare and them , were in a manner forced to beare roome into the harbor before them , to the great ioy of the spaniards who beheld it , in supposing , that wee would still haue fled before them . but assoone as wee were in the harbor , and felt smooth water , our pinnaces ( as we were assured of ) getting the winde , wee fought with them vpon th' aduantage , so that after a fewe shott exchanged , and a storme rising , they were contented to presse no neerer . therefore as they lett fall their anchors , wee presently let drop our grapners in the wind of them , which the spanish soldiers seeing , considering the disaduantage of the winde , the likelihood of the storme to continue , and small hope of doing any good , they were glad to retire themselues to the towne . but by reason of the foule and tempestuous weather , wee rode there foure dayes , feeling great cold , by reason wee had such sore raines with westerly winde , and so little succor in our pinnaces . the fift day after , there came in a fregate from the sea , which seeing vs make towards her , ranne herselfe a shore , vnhanging her rudder and taking away her sayles , that shee might not easily bee carried avvay . but when we were come vp to her , we perceiued about a hundred horse and foote , with their furniture , came downe to the point of the maine , where wee interchanged some shott with them . one of our great short past so neere a braue caualiere of theirs , that thereby they were occasioned to aduise themselues , and retreat into the woods , where they might sufficiently defend and rescue the fregate from vs , and annoy vs also , if wee stayed long about her . therefore we concluded to goe to sea againe , putting forth through boca chica , with intent to take downe our masts , vpon hope of faire wether , and to ride vnder the rocks called las serenas , which are two leagues off at sea , as wee had vsually done aforetime , so that they could not deserne vs from the rocks . but there the sea was so mightily growne , that wee were forced to take the harbor againe : where wee remained sixe dayes , notwithstanding the spaniards greeued greatly at our aboade there so long , put an other deuice in practise to indanger vs. for they sent forth a great shallop , a fine gundeloe , and a great canow , with certaine spanyards with shott , and many indians with poisoned arrowes , as it seemed , with intent to begin some fight , and then to fly . for assoone as wee rowed towards them and enterchanged shotte , they presently retired and went a shoare into the woods , where an ambush of some sixty shott were layde for vs : besides two pinnaces and a fregate warping towards vs , which were mand as the rest . they atttemed vs very boldly , being assisted by those others , which from out of the wood , had gotten aboord the gundelo and canow , and seeing vs bearing from them ( which wee did in respect of the ambuscado ) they incouraged themselues and assured their fellowes of the day . but our captaine weighing this their attempt , and being out of danger of their shott from the land , commanding his other pinnace to be brought a head of him , and to let fall their grapners each a head the other , enuironed both the pinnaces with bonnets , as for a close fight , and then wheaued them aboord him . they kept themselues vpon their oares at calliuer shott distance , spending powder apace , as wee did some two or three houres ; we had one of our men onely , wounded in that fight : what they had is vnknowe to vs , but wee sawe their pinnaces shotte through in diuers places , and the powder of one of them tooke on fire : vvhereupon vvee vvaighed , intending to beare roome , to ouer-run them : vvhich they perceiuing and thinking that vvee vvould haue boorded them , rovved avvay amaine to the defence vvhich they had in the vvood , the rather because they vvere disappointed of their helpe , that they expected from the fregate vvhich vvas vvarping tovvards vs , but by reason of the much vvinde that blevv , could not come to offend vs , or succour them . thus seeing that wee were still molested , and no hope remained of any purchase to bee had , in this place any longer , because vve vvere novv so notably made knovvne in those parts , and because our victuals grevvv scant , as soone as the vveather vvexed somevvhat better ( the wind continuing alvvayes westerly , so that vve could not returne to our shippes ) our captaine thought best to goe to the eastvvard , tovvards rio grand , alongst the coast , vvhere vvee had beene before , and found great store of victuals . but when after two dayes sayling , we were arriued at the villages of store , where before wee had furnished our selues with aboundance of hens , sheepe , calues , hogges , &c. now wee found bare nothing , not so much as any people left , for that they by the spaniards commandment were fled to the mountaines , and had driuen away all their cattle , that wee might not be releeued by them . herewith being very sorry because much of our victuall in our pinnaces was spoild , by the foule weather at sea , and raines in harbour : a fregate being descryed at sea reuiued vs , and put vs in some hope for the time , that in her we should finde sufficient ; and thereupon it may easily be guessed , how much wee laboured to recouer her : but when we had boarded her , and vnderstood , that shee had neither meate nor money , but that she was bound for rio grand , to take in prouision vpon bils , our great hope conuerted into greefe . wee endured with our allowance seauen or eight dayes more , proceeding to the eastwards , and bearing roome for santa martha , vpon hope to finde some shipping in the roade , or limpets on the rockes , or succour against the storme in that good harbor . being arriued , and seeing no shipping , we anchored vnder the wester point , where is high land , and , as we thought , free safety from the towne , which is in the bottome of the bay , not intending to land there , because wee knew that it was fortified , and that they had intelligence of vs. but the spaniards knowing vs to be men of warre , and misliking that wee should shroud vnder their rockes , without their leaue , had conueyed some thirty or forty shot among the cliffes , which annoyed vs so spitefully and so vnreuengedly ( for that they lay hidden behind the rockes , but wee lay open to them ) that wee were soone weary of our harbour , and enforced , for all the storme without , and want within , to put to sea , which though these enemies of ours were well contented withall , yet for a farewell , as wee came open of the towne , they sent vs a culuerine shot , which made a neere escape , for it fell betweene our pinnaces , as wee were vpon conference of what was best to be done . the company aduised that if it pleased him , they might put themselues a land , some place to the east-ward to get victuals , and rather hope for curtesie of the countrey-people , then continue at sea , in so long cold , and great a storme in so leake a pinnace . but our captaine would in no wise like of that aduice , hee thought it better to beare vp towards rio de haca , or coricao , with hope there to haue plenty without great resistance , because hee knewe , either the ilands were not very populous , or else it were very likely that there would be found shippes of victuall in a readines . the company of the other pinnace answered , that , they would willingly follow him through the world , but in this they coulde not see how , either their pinnace should liue in that sea , without being eaten vp in that storme , or they themselues able to endure so long time , with so slender prouision as they had , viz. onely one gammon of bacon and thirty pound of bisket for eighteene men . our captaine replyed , that they were better prouided then himselfe was , who had but one gammon of bacon , and forty pound of bisket for his twenty foure men : and therefore hee doubted not but they would take such part as hee did , & willingly depend vpon gods almightie prouidence , which neuer faileth them that trust in him : with that he hoysed his fore-sayle , & set his course for coricao , which the rest perceiuing with sorrowfull hearts in respect of the weake pinnace , yet desirous to follow their captaine , consented to take the same course . we had not sayled past three leagues , but wee had espyed a sayle plying to the westward with her two coarses , to our great joy , who vowed together , that we would haue her , or else it should cost vs deare . bearing with her , we found her to be a spanish ship of aboue ninty tunne , which being wheaued a maine by vs , despised our summons , and shot off her ordinance at vs. the sea went very high , so that it was not for vs , to attempt to board her , and therefore wee made fit small sayle to attend vpon her , and keepe her company to her small content , till fairer weather might lay the sea. wee spent not past two houres in our attendance , till it pleased god , after a great shevvr to send vs a reasonable calme , so that we might vse our peeces and approach her at pleasure , in such sort that in short time we had taken her ; finding her laden with victuall well poudred and dryed , which at that present wee receiued as sent vs of gods great mercy . after all things vvere set in order , and that the winde increased tovvards night , vve plyed off and on , till day , at vvhat time our captaine sent in edward hixom , vvho had then charge of his pinnace , to search out some harbor along the coast : who hauing found out a little one , some tenne or twelue leagues to the east of santa martha , where in sounding he had good ground and sufficient water , presently returned , and our captaine brought in his new prize . then by promising liberty , and all their apparell to the spaniards which we had taken , if they would bring vs to water and fresh victuals , the rather by their meanes , wee obtained of the inhabitants indians , what they had which was plentifull . these indians were clothed , and gouerned by a spaniard which dwelt in the next tovvne , not past a league off : we stayed there all day , watering and wooding , and prouiding things necessary , by giuing content and satisfaction to the indians . but towards night our captaine called all of vs aboard , ( onely leauing the spaniards lately taken in the prize ashoare , according to our promise made them , to their great content , who acknowledged that our captaine did them a farre greater fauour , in setting them freely at liberty , then hee had done them displeasure in taking their ship ) and so set sayle . the sickenesse which had begunne to kindle amongst two or three dayes before , did this day shewe it selfe , in charles glub , one of our quarter-masters , a very tall man , and a right good mariner , taken away to the great greefe both of captaine and company . what the cause of this malady was , we knewe nor of certainety , we imputed it to the colde , which our men had taken , lying without succour in the pinnaces . but howsoeuer it was , thus it pleased god to visit vs , and yet in fauour to restore vnto health , all the rest of our company , that were touched with this disease , which were not a few . the next morning being faire weather , though the winde continued contrary , our captaine commanded the minion his lesser pinnace , to hasten away before him towards his shippes at fort diego within the cabeças to cary newes of his comming , and to put all things in a readinesse for our land journey , if they heare any thing of the fleets arriuall by the simerons , giuing the minion charge if they wanted wine , to take saint bernards in their way , and there take in some such portion as they thought good , of the wines which we had there hidden in the sand . we plyed to windwards , as neere as we could , so that within a seauen-night after the minion departed from vs , we came to saint barnards , where we stayed many houres , finding but twelue botijos of wine , of all the store wee left , which had escaped the curious search of the enemy ( who had beene there ) for that they were deepe in the ground . within foure or fiue dayes after , we came to our ship , where we found all other things in good order , but receiued very heauy newes of the death of iohn drake our captaines brother , and another young man called richard allen which were both slaine at one time , as they attempted the boarding of a fregate within two dayes after our departing from them . the manner of it ( as wee learned by examination of the company ) was this : when they saw this fregate at sea , ( as they were going towards their fort with planckes to make the platformes ) the company were very importunate on him , to giue chase and set vpon this fregate , which they deemed had beene a fit booty for them . but he told them , that they wanted weapons to assaile , they knew not how the fregate was prouided , they had their boat loaden with planckes , to finish that his brother had commanded . but when this would not satisfie them , but that still they vrged him with words and supposals : if you will needs said he aduenture , it shall neuer be said that i will be hindmost , neither shall you report to my brother , that you lost your voyage by any covvardise you found in me . thereupon euery man shifted as they might for the time : and heauing their planckes ouer board , tooke them such poore vveapons as they had : viz. a broken pointed rapier , one old visgee and a rusty caliuer : i●hn drake tooke the rapier , and made a gantlet of his pillovv , richard allen the visgee , both standing in the head of the pinnace , called the ei●n , robert tooke the caliuer and so boarded . but they found the fregate armed round about vvith a close fight of hides , full of pikes and caliuers , vvhich vvere discharged in their faces , and deadly vvounded those that vvere in the fore-shippe , iohn drake in the belly , and richard allen in the head . but notvvithstanding their vvounds , they vvith oares shifted off the pinnace , got cleare of the fregate , and vvith all hast recouered their shippe , vvhere vvithin an houre after this young man of great hope , ended his dayes , greatly lamented of all the company . thus hauing moared our shippes fast , our captaine resolued to keepe himselfe close , vvithout being descried , vntill he might heare of the comming of the spanish fleet , and therefore set no more to sea , but supplyed his vvants , both for his ovvne company and the symerons , out of his foresaid magazine , besides daily out of the vvoods , vvith vvilde hogges , pheasants and guanas , continuing in health ( god be praised ) all the meane time , vvhich vvas a month at least , till at length about the beginning of ianuary , halfe a score of our company fell dovvne sicke together , and the most of them dyed vvithin tvvo or three dayes : so long that vve had thirty at a time sicke of this calenture , vvhich attache our men , either by reason of the suddaine change from cold to heate , or by reason of brackish vvater vvhich had beene taken in by one pinnace , through the sloth of their men in the mouth of the riuer , not rovving further in vvhere the vvater vvas good . among the rest , ioseph drake another of his brethren dyed in our captaines armes , of the same disease : of vvhich , that the cause might bee the better discerned , and consequently remedyed , to the releefe of others , by our captaines appointment hee was ript open by the surgeon , who found , his liuer swolne , his heart as it were sodden , and his guts all faire . this was the first and last experiment that our captaine , made of anatomy in this voyage . the surgeon that cut him vp , ouer-liued him not past foure dayes , although hee were not toucht with that sickenesse , of which he had beene recouered aboue a month before : but onely of an ouerbold practise which he would needs make vpon himselfe , by receiuing an ouer-strong purgation of his owne deuice : after which taken , hee neuer spake , nor his boy recouered the health which hee lost by tasting it , till he saw england . the symerons , who , as is beforesaid , had beene entertained by our captaine in september last , and vsually repaired to our ship , during all the time of our absence , ranged the country vp and downe , betweene nombre de dios and vs , to learne what they might for vs : whereof they gaue our captaine aduertisement from time , to time , as now particularly , certaine of them let him vnderstand , that the fleete was certainely arriued at nombre de dios. therefore he sent the lyon , to the seamost iland of the catiu●as , to descry the truth of the report : by reason it must needs bee , that if the fleete were in nombre de dios , all the fregates of the countrey would repaire thitherwards with victuall . the lyon within few dayes descryed that shee was sent for , espying a fregate which shee presently boarded and tooke , laden with maiz , hens , and pompions from tolou , who assured vs of the whole truth , of the arriuall of the fleete : in this fregate were taken one woman and twelue men , of whome one was the scriuano of tolou . these wee vsed very courteously , keeping them dilligently guarded from the deadly hatred of the symerons , who sought daily by all meanes they could to get them of our captaine , that they might cut their throats , to reuenge their wrongs and injuries , which the spanish nation had done them : but our captaine perswaded them not to touch them , or them ill countenance , while they were in his charge : & tooke otder for their safety , not only in his presence , but also in his absence . for when he had prepared to take his journey for panama by land , he gaue edward hixom charge of his owne ship and company , & especially of those spaniards whome hee had put into the great prize , which was haled a shoare to the iland ( which we termed slaughter iland , because so many of our men dyed there ) and vsed as a store-house for our selues , and a prison for our enemies . all things thus ordered , our captaine conferring with his company and the chiefest of the symerons , what prouisions were to bee prepared for this great and long journey , what kinde of weapons , what store of victuals , and what manner of apparell : was especially aduised , to cary as great store of shooes as possibly hee might , by reason of so many riuers , with stones and grauell as they were to passe , which accordingly prouiding , prepared his company for that journey , entring it vpon shroue-tuesday . at what time there had dyed twenty eight of our men , and a fewe whole men were left aboard with edward hixom , to keepe the shippe and tend the sicke , and guard the prisoners . at his departure our captaine gaue this master straite charge , in any case not to trust any messenger , that should come in his name with any tokens , vnlesse hee brought his hand writing : which he knewe could not be counterfeited , by the symerons or spaniards . we were in all forty eight , of which eighteene onely were english , the rest were symerons , which besides their armes , bare euery one of them , a great quantity of victuall and prouision , supplying our want of cariages in so long a march , so that wee were not troubled with any thing but our furniture . and because they could not cary enough to suffice vs altogether , therefore , as they promised before , so by the way with their arrowes , they prouided for vs competent store from time to time . they haue euery one of them two sortes of arrowes , the one to defend himselfe and offend the enemy , the other to kill his victualls . these for fight are somewhat like the scotish arrowe ; onely somewhat longer , and headed with iron , wood or fishbones ▪ but the arrowes for prouision are of three sorts , the first serueth to kill any great beast neere hand , as ox , stagge , or wilde boare : this hath a head of iron of a pound and a halfe weight , shaped in forme like the head of a iauelin or boare-speare , as sharpe as any knife , making so large and deepe a wound , as can hardly bee beleiued of him that hath not seene it . the second serueth for lesser beasts , and hath a head of three quarters of a pound : this hee most vsually shooteth . the third serueth for all manner of birds : it hath a head of an ounce weight . and these heads though they bee of iron onely , yet are they so cunningly tempered , that they will continue a very good edge a long time : and though they bee turned sometimes yet they will neuer or seldome breake . the necessity in which they stand hereof continually , causeth them to haue iron in farre greater account then gold : & no man among them is of greater estimation , then he that can most perfectly giue this temper vnto it . euery day wee were marching by sun-rising : wee continued till ten in the forenoone : then resting ( euer neere some riuer ) till past twelue , wee marched till foure , and then by some riuers side , wee reposed our selues in such houses , as either wee found prepared heretofore by them , when they trauelled through these woods , or they daily built very readily for vs , in this manner . assoone as wee came to the place , where wee intended to lodge , the symerons , presently laying downe their burthens , fell to cutting of forkes or posts , and poles or rafters , and palmito boughes , or plantaine leaues : and with great speed set vp , to the number of sixe houses . for euery of which , they first fastned deepe into the ground , three or foure great postes with forkes : vpon them , they layde one transome , which was commonly about twentie foote , and made the sides , in the manner of the roofes of our country houses , thatching it close with those aforesaid leaues , which keepe out water long time : obseruing alwayes that in the lower ground , where greater heate was , they left some three or foure foote open vnthatcht belowe , & made the houses , or rather roofes , so many foote the higher . but in the hils , where the ayre was more peircing & the nights colder , they made our roomes alwaies lower , & thatched them close to the ground , leauing onely one dore to enter at , and a louer hole for a vent , in the midst of the roofe in euery of these , they made foure seuerall lodgings , and three fires , one in the midst , and one at each end of euery house : so that the roome was most temperately warme , and nothing annoyed with smoake , partly by reason of the nature of the wood , which they vse to burne , yeelding very litle smoake , partly by reason of their artificiall making of it : as firing the wood cutt in length like our billets , at the ends , and ioyning them together so close , that though no flame or fire did appeare , yet the heate continued without intermission . neere many of the riuers where wee stayd or lodgd , wee found sundry sorts of fruits , which wee might vse with great pleasure and safety temperately , mammeas , guayuas , palmitos , pinos , oranges , limes and diuers other ; from eating of which they disswaded vs in any case , vnlesse wee eate very few of them , and those first dry roasted , as plantans , potatos and such like . in iournying , as oft as by chance they found any wilde swine , of which those hills and valleys haue s●ore , they would ordinarily , sixe at a time , deliuer their burthens to the rest of their fellowes , and pursue , kill and bring away after vs , as much as they could carry , and time permitted . one day as wee trauelled , the symerons found an otter , and prepared it to bee drest : our captaine maruelling at it , pedro ( our cheefe symeron ) asked him , are you a man of warre , and in want , and yet doubt whether this bee meat , that hath bloud ? herewithall our captaine rebuked himselfe secretly , that hee had so slightly considered of it before . the third day of our iourney , they brought vs to a towne of their owne , seated neere a faire riuer , on the side of a hill , enuironed with a dike of eight foote broad , and a thicke mud wall of ten foote high , sufficient to stop a sudden surpriser . it had one long and broad street , lying east and west , and two other crosse streets of lesse bredth and length : there were in it some fiue or sixe and fifty households , which were kept so cleane and sweet , that not onely the houses , but the very streets were very pleasant to behold . in this towne wee sawe they liued very ciuilly and cleanely : for assoone as they came thither , they washed themselues in the riuer , and changed their apparell which was very fine and fitly made ( as also their wemen doe weare ) somewhat after the spanish fashion , though nothing so costly . this towne is distant thirtie fiue leagues from nombre de dios and fortie fiue from panama . it is plentifully stored with many sorts of beasts and foule , with plenty of maiz and sundry fruits . touching their affection in religion , they haue no kinde of preists , onely they held the crosse in great reputation : but at our captaines perswation , they were contented to leaue their crosses , an● to learne the lords prayer , and to bee instructed in some measure concerning gods true worship . they keep a continuall watch in foure parts , 3. miles off their towne , to preuent the mischeifes which the spaniards intend against them , by the conducting of some of their owne coates , which hauing beene taken by the spaniards haue beene enforced thereunto : wherein , as wee learned , sometimes the spaniards haue preuailed ouer them , specially when they liued lesse carefull ; but since they against the spaniards whome they kill like beasts , as often as they take them in the woods , hauing aforehand vnderstood of their comming . wee stayed with them that night , and the next day till noone : during which time they related vnto vs diuers very strange accidents , that had fallen out betweene them and the spaniards , namely one : a gallant gentleman entertained by the gouernors of the country , vndertooke the yeare last past , with a hundred and fiftie souldiers , to put this towne to the sword , men , women , and children . being conducted to it by one of them , that had beene taken prisoner , and wonne by great gifts : hee surprised it halfe an houre before day , by which occasion most of the men escaped , but many of their women and children were slaughtered , or taken : but the same morning by sun rising , after that their guide was slaine , in following another mans wife : and that the symerons had assembled themselues in their strength : they behaued themselues in such sort , and draue the spaniards to such extremity , that what with the disaduantage of the woods , hauing lost their guide and thereby their way , what with famine & want , there escaped not past thirty of them , to returne answere to those which sent them . their king dwelt in a city within sixteene leagues southeast of panama , which is able to make one thousand seauen hundred fighting men . they all intreated our captaine very earnestly , to make his aboade with them some two or three dayes , promising that by that time , they would double his strength if hee thought good . but hee thanking them for their offer , told them , that hee could stay no longer , it was more then time to prosecute his purposed voiage : as for strength , hee would wish no more then hee had , although hee might haue presently twenty times asmuch : which they tooke as proceeding not onely from kindnes , but also from magnanimity , and therefore , they marched forth that afternoone with great good will. this was the order of our march : foure of those symerons that best knew the wayes , went about a mile distance before vs , breaking boughes as they went , to be a direction to those that followed : but with great silence , which they required vs also to keepe . then twelue of them were as it were our vantgard , and other twelue our reereward : wee with their two captaines in the midst . all the way was through woods very coole and pleasant , by reason of those goodly and high trees , that growe there so thick , that it is cooler trauelling there vnder them in that hot region , then it is in the most parts of england in the sommer time . this gaue a speciall encouragement vnto vs all , that wee vnderstood there was a great tree about the midway , from which , wee might at once discerne the north sea from whence wee came , and the south sea whether we were going . the fourth day following wee came to the height of the desired hill , ( a very high hill , lying east and west , like ridge a betweene the two seas ) about ten of the clock : where the chiefest of these symerons tooke our captaine by the hand , and prayed him to follow him , if hee was desirous to see at once the two seas : which hee had so long longed for . here was that goodly and great high tree , in which they had cutt and made diuers steps , to ascend vp neere vnto the top , where they had also made a conuenient bower , wherein ten or twelue men might easily sitt : and from thence wee might without any difficulty plainely see , th'atlantick ocean whence now wee came , and the south atlantick so much desired : south and north of this tree , they had felld certaine trees , that the prospect might be the cleerer : and neere about the tree there were diuers strong houses , that had beene built long before , aswell by other symerons as by these : which vsually passe that way , as being , inhabited in diuers places in those waste countries . after our captaine had ascended to this bower , with the cheefe symeron , and hauing as it pleased god , at that time , by reason of the brize , a very faire day , had seene that sea , of which hee had heard such golden reports : hee besought almighty god of his goodnes , to giue him life and leaue to sayle once in an english ship in that sea : and then calling vp all the rest of our men , acquainted iohn oxnam especially with this his peticion and purpose , if it would please god to grant him that happines : who vnderstanding it , presently protested , that vnlesse our captaine did beate him from his company , hee would follow him by gods grace . thus all throughly satisfied with the sight of the seas , descended , and after our repast , continued our ordinary march , through woods , yet two dayes more as before : without any great variety . but then wee came to march in a champion country , where the grasse groweth , not onely in great length as the knotgrasse groweth in many places , but to such height , that th' inhabitants are faine to burne it thrise in the yeare , that it may bee able to feed their cattle , of which they haue thousands . for it is a kinde of grasse with a stalke , as big as a great wheaten reed , which hath a blade issuing from the top of it , on which , though the cattle feed , yet it groweth euery day higher , vntill the top be too high for an oxe to reach . then th' inhabitants are wont put fire to it , for the space of fiue or sixe miles together , which notwithstanding after it is thus burnt , within three dayes springeth vp fresh like greene corne. such is the great fruitfulnes of the soyle : by reason of the eeuennes of the day and night , and the rich dewes which fall euery morning . in these three last dayes march in the champion , as wee past ouer the hills , wee might see panama fiue or sixe times a day , and the last day wee sawe the ships riding in the roade . but after that we were come within a dayes journey of panama , our captaine vnderstanding by the symerons that the dames of panama are wont to send forth hunters , and fowlers , for taking of sundry dainty foule , which the land yeeldeth , by whom if wee marched not very heedfully , wee might be descried ; caused all his company to march out of all ordinary way , and that with as great heed , silence and secrecy , as possibly they might , to the groue , which was agreed on foure daies before , lying within a league of panama , where we might lye safely vndiscouered nere the high way , that leadeth from thence to nombre de dios. thence wee sent a chosen symeron , one that had serued a master in panamah before time , in such apparell as the negroes of panamah doe vse to weare , to bee our espyall , to goe into the towne , to learne the certaine night , and time of the night , when the carriers laded the treasure from the kings treasure-house to nombre de dios. for they are wont to take their journey from panama to venta cruz , which is sixe leagues , euer by night , because the countrey is all champion , and consequently by day very hot : but from venta cruz to nombre de dios , as oft as they trauell by land with their treasure , they trauell alwayes by day and not by night , because all that way is full of woods , and therefore very fresh and coole : vnlesse the symerons happily encounter them , and make them sweate with feare , as sometimes they haue done : whereupon they are glad to guard their recoes with souldiers as they passe that way . this last day our captaine did behold and view , the most of all that faire city , discerning the large streete which lyeth directly from the sea into the land , south and north. by three of the clocke we came to this groue , passing ( for the more secrecy ) alongst a certaine riuer , which at that time was almost dryed vp . hauing disposed of our selues in the groue , wee dispatched our spye an houre before night , so that by the closing in of the euening , he might be in the city , as he was : whence presently he returned vnto vs , that which very happily hee vnderstood by companions of his : that the treasurer of lima , intending to passe into spaine in the first aduiso , ( which was a shippe of three hundred and fifty tunne , a very good sayler ) was ready that night , to take his journey towards nombre de dios , with his daughter & family : hauing foureteene moyles in company , of which , eight were loden with gold , and one with jewels and farther , that there were two other recos , of fifty moyles in each , loaden with victualles for the most part , with some little quantity of siluer , to come forth that night after the other . there are twenty eight of these recas , the greatest of them is of seauenty moyles , the lesse of fifty , vnlesse some particular man hire for himselfe , tenne , twenty or thirty , as hee hath need . vpon this notice , wee forthwith marcht foure leagues ; till we came within two leagues of venta cruz , in which march two of our symerons which were sent before , by scent of his match , found and brought a spaniard , whome they had found a sleepe by the way , by scent of the said match , and drawing neere thereby , heard him taking his breath as hee slept ; and being but one , they fell vpon him , stopt his mouth from crying , put out his match , and bound him so , that they well neare strangled him by that time hee was brought vnto vs. by examining him , we found all that to be true , which our spye had reported to vs , and that he was a souldier entertained with others by the treasurer , for the guard and conduct of this treasure , from venta cruz to nombre de dios. this souldier hauing learned who our captaine was , tooke courage , and was bold to make two requests vnto him : the one , that hee would command his symerons which hated the spaniards ( especially the souldiers ) extreamely , to spare his life , which hee doubted not but they would doe at his charge : the other was , that seeing he was a souldier , and assured him , that they should haue that night , more gold , besides jewels , and pearles of great price , then all they could cary ( if not , then he was to be delt with hovv they vvould ) but if they all found it so , then it might please our captaine to giue vnto him , as much as might suffice for him and his mistresse to liue vpon , as hee had heard our captaine had done to diuers others : for which hee would make his name as famous , as any of them , which had receiued like fauour . being at the place appointed , our captaine with halfe of his men , lay on one side of the way , about fifty paces off in the long grasse : iohn oxnam with the captaine of the symerons , and the other halfe , lay on the other side of the way , at the like distance : but so farre behinde , that as occasion serued , the former company might take the formost moyles by the heads , and the other the hindmost , because the moyles tyed together , are alwaies driuen one after another ; and especially that if wee should haue need to vse our weapons that night , we might be sure not to endamage our fellowes . wee had not laine thus in ambush much aboue an houre , but wee heard the recos comming both from the city to venta cruz , and from venta cruz to the city , which hath a very common and great trade , when the fleetes are there : wee heard them , by reason they delight much to haue deepe sounding belles , which in a still night are heard very farre off . now though there vvere as great charge giuen as might be , that none of our men should show or stirre themselues : but let all that came from venta cruz to passe quietly : yea their recos also , because wee knewe that they brought nothing but marchandise from thence : yet one of our men called robert pike , hauing drunken too much aqua vitae without water , forgat himselfe , and entising a symeron forth with him , was gone hard to the way , with intent to haue shewne his forwardnesse on the foremost moyles . and when a caualier from venta cruz , well mounted , with his page running at his stirrop , past by , vnaduisedly he rose vp to see what he was : but the symeron of better discretion puld him downe , and lay vpon him , that he might not discouer them any more . yet by this the gentleman had taken notice by seeing one all in white : for that wee had all put our shirts ouer our other apparell , that wee might be sure to knowe our owne men in the pell mell in the night . by meanes of this sight , the caualier putting spurs to his horse , rode a false gallop , as desirous not onely himselfe to be free of this doubt ; which he imagined , but also to giue aduertisement to others that they might auoid it . our captaine who had heard and obserued ( by reason of the hardnesse of the ground and stilnesse of the night ) the change of this gentlemans trot to a gallop , suspected , that he was discouered , but could not imagine by whose fault , neither did the time giue him leasure to search . and therefore considering that it might be , by reason of the danger of the place , well knowne to ordinary trauellers : wee lay still in expectation of the treasurers comming , who was by this time within halfe a league , and had come forwardes to vs , but that this horseman meeting him , and ( as we afterwards learned by the other recoes ) making report to him , what hee had seene presently that night , what hee heard of captaine drake this long time , and what hee conjectured to be most likely : viz. that the said captaine drake , or some for him , disapointed of his expectation , of getting any great treasure , both at nombre de dios and other places , was by some meanes or other come by land , in couert through the woods vnto this place to speed of his purpose : and thereupon perswaded him to turne his reco out of the way , & let the other recoes , which were comming after to passe on . they were whole recoes , and loaden but with victuals for the most part , so that the losse of them were farre lesse if the worst befell , and yet they should serue to discouer them as well as the best . thus by the rechlesnesse of one of our company , and by the carefulnesse of this traueller , we were disappointed of a most rich booty , which is to be thought god would not should be taken , for that by all likelihood it was well gotten by that treasurer . the other two recoes were no sooner come vp to vs , but being stayed and seased on , one of the cheefe carriers a very sensible fellow , told our captaine by what meanes wee were discouered , and counselled vs to shift for our selues betimes , vnlesse vvee were able to encounter the whole force of the city and countrey which before day would be about vs. it pleased vs but little , that vvee were defeated of our golden recoe , and that in these we could finde not past some two horse-loade of siluer : but it greeued our captaine much more , that hee vvas discouered , and that by one of his owne men . but knowing it bootlesse to greeue at things past , and hauing learned by experience , that all safety in extremities consisteth in taking of time : after no long consultation with pedro , the cheefe of our symerons , vvho declared that there vvere but two vvayes for him : the one to trauell backe againe the same secret way they came , for foure leagues space into the woods : or else to march forward , by the high way to venta cruz , being two leagues , and make a way vvith his sword through the enemies . hee resolued , considering the long and weary marches that vvee had taken , and cheefely that last euening and day before : to take now the shortest and readiest vvay ; as choosing rather to encounter his enemies vvhile hee had strength remaining , then to bee encountred or chased vvhen vvee should be worne out vvith vvearinesse : principally novv hauing the moyles , to ease them that vvould , some part of the vvay . therefore commanding all to refresh themselues moderatly vvith such store of victuall , as vve had there in aboundance : hee signified his resolution and reason to them all : asking pedro by name , vvhether hee vvould giue his hand not to forsake him ( because hee knew that the rest of the symerons would also then stand fast and firme , so faithfull are they to their captaine . ) hee being very glad of his resolution , gaue our captaine his hand , and vowed that hee vvould rather dye at his foote , then leaue him to the enemies , if hee held this course . so hauing strengthned our selues for the time , vve tooke our journey towards venta cruz , vvith helpe of the moyles , till vvee came vvithin a mile of the towne , vvhere vvee turned away the recoes , charging the conducters of them , not to follow vs , vpon paine of their liues . there the vvay is cut through the woods , about tenne or twelue foote broade , so as two recoes may passe one by another . the fruitfulnesse of the soyle , causeth that vvith often shredding & ridding the vvay those woods grow as thicke as our hickest hedges in england that are oftnest cut . to the midst of this wood , a company of souldiers , vvhich continually lay in that towne , to defend it against the symerons vvere come forth , to stoppe vs if they might on the vvay , if not , to retrait to their strength , and there to expect vs. a conuent of fryers of vvhome one vvas become a leader , joyned vvith these souldiers , to take such paete as they did . our captaine vnderstanding by our two symerons , vvhich vvith great heedfulnesse and silence , marched novv , but about halfe a flight-shot before vs , that it was time for vs to arme & take vs to our weapons , for they knew the enemy vvas at hand , by smelling of their match and hearing of a noyse : had giuen vs charge , that no one of vs should make any shot , vntill the spaniards had first spent their volly vvhich he thought they vvould not doe before they had spoken , as indeed fell out : for as soone as vve vvere vvithin hearing , a spanish captaine cryed aloud , hóó , our captaine answered him likevvise , & being aemanded , que gente ? replyed englishmen . but vvhen the said commander charged him in the name of the king of spaine his master , that wee should yeeld our selues , promising in the word and faith of a gentleman souldier , that if we would so doe , he would vse vs with all curtesie ; our captaine drawing somwhat neere him said : that for the honour of the queene of england his mistresse , hee must haue passage that way : and therewithall discharged his pistoll towards him . vpon this , they presently shot off their whole volly , which , though it lightly wounded our captaine and diuers of our men , yet it caused death to one onely of our company called iohn harris , who was so poudered with haile-shot ( which they all vsed for the most part as it seemed , or else quartered , for that our men were hurt with that kinde ) that we could not recouer his life , though he continued all that day afterwards with vs. presently as our captaine perceiued their shott to come slacking , as the latter drops of a great shewre of raine , with his whistle he gaue vs his vsuall signall , to answere them with our shot and arrowes , and so march onwards vpon the enemy , with intent to come to handi-strokes , and to haue joyned with them : whom when hee found retired as to a place of some better strength , hee encreased his pace to preuent them if he might . which the symerons perceiuing , although by terror of the shot continuing , they were for the time stept a side : yet as soone as they discerned by hearing that we marched onward , they all rusht forwards one after another , trauersing the way , vvith their arrowes ready in their bowes , and their manner of countrey dance or leape , very lustily , singing yó pehó , yó pehó , and so got before vs , where they continued their leape and song , after the manner of their owne countrey warres , till they and wee ouer-tooke some of the enemy , who neere the townes end , had conueyed themselues within the woods , to haue taken their stand at vs , as before . but our symerons now throughly encouraged , when they sawe our resolution , brake in through the thickets , on both sides of them , forcing them to flye , fryers and all , although diuers of our men were wounded , and one symeron especially was runne through with one of their pikes , whose courage and minde serued him so well notwithstanding , that hee reuenged his owne death ere hee dyed , by killing him that had giuen him that deadly wound . wee , with all speed , following this chase , entred the towne of venta cruz , being of about forty or fifty houses , which had both a gouernour and other officers and some faire houses , with many store-houses large and strong for the wares , which were brought thither from nombre de dios , by the riuer of chagro , so to be transported by moyles to panama : besides the monasterie where wee found aboue a thousand bulles and pardons newly sent thither from rome . in those houses wee found three gentlewomen , which had lately beene deliuered of children there , though their dwelling were in nombre de dios , because it hath beene obserued of long time , as they reported to vs , that no spaniard or white woman could euer bee deliuered in nombre de dios with safety of their children , but that within two or three dayes they died ; notwithstanding that being borne and brought vp in this venta cruz or panama fiue or sixe yeares , and then brought to nombre de dios , if they escaped sicknes the first or second month , they commonly liued in it as healthily as in any other place : although no stranger ( as they say ) can endure there any long time , without great danger of death or extreame sicknes . though at our first comming into the towne with armes so suddenly , these gentlewomen were in great feare : yet because our captaine had giuen strait charge to all the symerons ( that while they were in his company , they should neuer hurt any woman , nor man that had not weapon in his hand to doe them hurt , which they ernestly promised , and no lesse faithfully performed ) they had no wrong offered them , nor any thing taken from them , to the worth of a garter : wherein , albeit they had indeed sufficient safety and security , by those of his company , which our captaine sent vnto them , of purpose to comfort them : yet they neuer ceased most earnestly intreating , that our captaine would vouchsafe to come to them himselfe for their more safety : which when hee did , in their presence reporting the charge hee had first giuen , & th' assurance of his men , they were comforted . while the guards which wee had ( not without great need ) sett , aswell on the bridge which wee were to passe ouer , as at the townes end where wee entred ( they haue no other entrance into the towne by land : but from the waters side there is one other , to carry vp and downe their marchandise from their fregates ) gained vs liberty and quiet to stay in this towne some houre and halfe : wee had not onely refreshed our selues , but our company and symerons had gotten some good pillage , which our captaine allowed and gaue them ( being not the thing he looked for ) so that it were not too combersome or heauy in respect of our trauell , or defence of our selues . a little before wee departed , some ten or tvvelue horsemen came from panama by all likelihood , supposinge that wee were gone out of this towne , for that all was so still and quiet , came to enter the towne confidently : but finding their entertainement such as it was , they that could , rode faster backe againe for feare , then they had ridden forwards for hope . thus wee hauing ended our busines in this towne , and the day beginning to spring , wee marched ouer the bridge , obseruing the same order that wee did before . there wee were all safe in our opinion , as if wee had beene enuironed with wall and trench : for that no spaniard without his extreame danger could follow vs. the rather now , for that our symerons were growne very valiant . but our captaine considering that hee had a long way to passe , and that hee had beene now well neere fortnight from his ship , where hee had left his company but weake by reason of their sicknes , hastned his jorneys asmuch as he might , refusing to visit the other symeron townes ( which they earnestly desired him ) and encouraging his owne company with such example and speech that the way seemed much shorter . for hee marched most cheerefully and assured vs , that hee doubted not but ere hee left that coast , wee should all bee bountifully payd and recompensed for all those paines taken : but by reason of this our captaines haste , and leauing of their townes , wee marched many dayes with hungry stomackes , much against the will of our symerons : who if wee would haue stayed any day from this continuall journeying , would haue killed for vs victuall sufficient . in our absence , the rest of the symerons had built a little towne within three leagues off the port where our ship lay . there our captaine was contented , vppon their great and earnest intreaties to make some stay , for that they alleaged , it was onely built for his sake . and indeed hee consented the rather , that the want of shooes might bee supplyed by meanes of the symerons , who were a great helpe vnto vs : all our men complayning of the tendernes of their feete , whom our captaine would himselfe in their complaint accompany somtimes without cause , but sometimes with cause indeed , which made the rest to beare the burthen the more easily . these symerons during all the time that wee were with them , did vs continually very good seruice , and in particular in this journey , being vnto vs insteed of intelligencers , to aduertise vs ; of guides in our way to direct vs ; of purueiors to prouide victualls for vs ; of housewrights to build our lodgings ; and had indeed able and strong bodies carying all our necessaries , yea many times when some of our company fainted with sicknes or wearines , two symerons would carry him with ease betwene them two miles together , and at other times when need was they would shew themselues no lesse valiant then industrious and of good iudgement . from this towne , at our first entrance in the euen on saturday , our captaine dispatched a symeron with a token and certaine order to the master , who had this three weekes , kept good watch against the enemy , and shifted in the woods for fresh victuall , for the releefe and recouery of our men left aboord . assoone as this messenger was come to the shoare , calling to our ship , as bringing some newes , hee was quickly sett aboord , by those which longed to heare of our captaines speeding : but when hee shewed the tooth-pike of gold , which hee said our captaine had sent for a token to edward hixom , with charge to meete him at such a riuer : though the master knew well the captaines tooth-pike : yet by reason of his admonition and caueat giuen him at parting , hee ( though he bewrayed no signe of distrusting the symeron ) yet stood as amazed , least something had befallen our captaine otherwise then well . the symeron perceiuing this , tolde him , that it was night when hee was sent away , so that our captaine could not send any letter , but yet with the point of his knife , hee wrote something vpon the tooth-pike , which ( hee said ) should be sufficient to gaine credit to the messenger . thereupon the master lookt vpon it , and sawe written by me francis drake , wherefore hee beleiued , and according to the message , prepared what prouision hee could , and repaired to the mouth of the riuer of tortugos , as the symerons that went with him then named it . that after noone towards three a clocke , we were come downe to that riuer , not past halfe an houre , before wee sawe our pinnace ready come to receiue vs : which was vnto vs all a double reioycing : first that wee sawe them , and next so soone : our captaine with all our company praised god most hartily , for that wee sawe our pinnace and fellowes againe . we all seemed to these who had liued at rest and plenty all this while aboard , as men strangely changed ( our captaine yet not much changed ) in countenance and plight : and indeed our long fasting and sore trauell might somewhat fore-pine and waste vs : but the greefe wee drew inwardly , for that wee returned without that gold and treasure wee hoped for , did no doubt shewe her print and footesteps in our faces . the rest of our men which were then missed , could not trauell so well as our captaine , and therefore were left at the indian new towne : and the next day wee rowed to another riuer in the bottome of the bay and tooke them all aboord . thus being returned from panama , to the great reioycing of our company , who were throughly reuiued with the report wee brought from thence : especially vnderstanding our captaines purpose , that he meant not to leaue off thus , but would once againe attempt the same journey , whereof they also might bee partakers : our captaine would not in the meane time suffer this edge and forwardnes of his men to bee dulled or rebated , by lying still idly vnimployed , as knowing right well by continuall experiences , that no sicknes was more noysome to impeach any enterprise then delay and idlenes . therefore considering deepely the intelligences of other places of importance thereabouts , which hee had gotten the former yeares : and particularly of veragua , a rich tovvne lying to the westvard , betvveene nombre de dios and nicaragua , vvhere is the richest mine of fine gold , that is on this north side : hee consulted with his company touching their opinions , what was to bee done in this meane time , and how they stood affected ? some thought , that it was most necessary to seeke supply of victuals , that wee might the better bee able to keepe our men close and in health till our time came : and this was easy to bee compassed , because the fregates with victuall went without great defence , whereas the fregates and barkes with treasure , for the most part were vvafted vvith great ships and store of souldiers . others yet iudged , vvee might better bestowe our time in intercepting the fregates of treasure : first for that our magasines and storehouses of victuall were reasonably furnished , and the country it selfe was so plentifull , that euery man might prouide for himselfe if the worst befell : and victuall might hereafter bee prouided abundantly aswell as now : whereas the treasure neuer floateth vpon the sea , so ordinarily as at this time , of the fleets being there , which time in no wise may bee neglected . the symerons being demanded also their opinion , for that they were experienced in the particularities of all the townes thereabouts , as in which , some or other of them had serued : declared that by veragua sinnior pezoro sometime their master from whome they fled , dwelt not in the towne for feare of some surprise , but yet not farre off from the towne , for his better releefe : in a very strong house of stone , where hee had dwelt ninteene yeares at least , neuer trauelling from home , vnlesse happily once a yeare to carthagene or nombre de dios when the fleets were there : hee keepeth a hundred slaues at least in the mines , each slaue being bound to bring in dayly cleere gaine ( all charges deductted ) three pezos of gold for himselfe and two for his women ( eight shillings three pence the pezo ) amounting in the whole , to about two hundred pound sterling each day : so that hee hath heaped a mighty masse of treasure together , which hee keepeth in certaine great chests of two foote deepe three broad , and foure long : being , notwithstanding all his wealth , hard and cruell , not onely to his slaues , but vnto all men , and therefore neuer going abroad , but with a guard of fiue or sixe men to defend his person from danger , which hee feareth extraordinarily from all creatures . and as touching meanes of compassing this purpose , they woulde conduct him safely through the woods , by the same wayes by which they fled , that hee should not need to enter their hauens with danger , but might come vpon their backes altogether vnlooked for . and though his house were of stone so that it could not bee burnt , yet if our captaine would vndertake th' attempt , they would vndermine and ouerthrowe , or otherwise breake it open , in such sort , as wee might haue easy accesse to his greatest treasure . our captaine hauing heard all their opinions , concluded so ; that by deuiding his company the two first different sentences , were both reconciled , both to bee practised and put in vre . iohn oxnam appointed in the beare , to bee sent estwards towards tolow , to see what store of victuals would come athwart his halfe , & himselfe would to the westward in the minian , lye off and on the cabezas , where was the greatest trade and most ordinary passage of those which transported treasure from veragua and nicaragua to the fleet : so that no time might bee lost , nor opportunity let slip either for victuall or treasure . as for th' attempt of veragua or sinior peroros house by land , by marching through the woods , hee liked not off , least it might ouer weary his men by continuall labor , whom he studied to refresh and strengthen , for his next sreuice forenamed . therefore vsing our symerons most curteously , dismissing those that were desirous to their wiues , with such gifts and fauors as were most pleasing , and entertaining those still aboord his ships , which were contented to abide with the company remaining , the pinnaces departed as was determined , the minion to the west , the beare to the east . the minion about the cabeças met with a fregate of nicaragua , in which was some gold , and a genoway pilot , of which nation there are many in those coasts , which had beene at veragua not past eight dayes before , he being very well entreated , certified our captaine of the state of the towne , and of the harbor , and of a fregate that was there ready to come forth within fewe dayes , aboard which there was aboue a million of gold , offering to conduct him to it , if wee would doe him his right , for that he knew the channell very perfectly , so that hee could enter by night safely without danger of the sands and shallowes , ( though there be but little water ) and vtterly vndescryed , for that the towne is fiue leagues within the harbor , and the way by land is so farre about and difficult through the woods , that though wee should by any casualty be discouered , about the point of the harbor , yet wee might dispatch our businesse and depart , before the towne could haue notice of our comming . at his being there hee perceiued they had heard of drakes being on the coast , which had put them in great feare , as in all other places ( pezoro purposing to remoue himselfe to the south sea ) but there was nothing done to preuent him , their feare being so great , that , as it is accustomed in such cases , it excluded counsell and bred dispaire . our captaine conferring with his owne knowledge and former intelligences , was purposed to haue returned to his shippe , to haue taken some of those symerōs which had dwelt with sinior pezoro , to be the more confirmed in this point . but when the genoway pilot was very earnest , to haue the time gained , and warranted our captaine of good speed , if wee delayd not , he dimissed the fregate somewhat lighter to , hasten her journey , and with this pilots aduise , laboured with sayle and oares to get this harbor and to enter it by night accorcordingly , considering that this fregate might now bee gained , and pezoros house attempted hereafter notwithstanding . but when wee were come to the mouth of the harbor , we heard the report of two chambers , and farther off about a league within the bay , two other as it were answering them : whereby our geno●aise pilot coniectured that we were discouered : for hee assured vs , that this order had beene taken , since his last being there ; by reason of the aduertisement and charge , which the gouernour of panama had sent vnto all the coast , which euen in their beds lay in great and continuall feare of our captaine , and therefore by all likely-hood , maintained this kinde of watch , at the charge of the rich gnuffe pezoro , for their security . thus being defeated of this expectation , wee found that it was not gods will that wee should enter at that time : the rather for that the winde , which had all this time beene easterly , came vp to the westward , and inuited vs to returne againe to our shippe , where on sheere thursday wee met according to appointment with our beare , and found that shee had bestowed her time to more profit then wee had done . for shee had taken a fregate in which there were tenne men , whome they set ashoare ; great store of maiz , twenty eight fat hogs , and two hundred hens . our captaine discharged this fregate of her lading , and because she was new , strong and of a good mould , the next day hee tallowed her to make her a man of warre : disposing all our ordinance and prouisions that were fit for such vse in her . for we had heard by the spaniards last taken , that there were two little gallies built in nombre de dios , to waft the chagro fleete to and froe , but were not yet both lanched : wherefore hee purposed now to aduenture for that fleete . and to hearten his company hee feasted them that easter-day with great cheere and cheerefulnesse , setting vp his rest vpon that attempt . the next day with the new tallowed fregate of tolow and his beare , wee set sayle towards the catiua●s , where about two dayes after wee landed , and stayed till noone : at what time seeing a sayle to the westwards , as wee deemed making to the iland : wee set sayle and plyed towards him , who descrying vs , bare vvith vs , till hee perceiued by our confidence , that wee were no spaniards , and conjectured that wee were those englishmen , of whome hee had heard long before . and being in great want , and desirous to be releeued by vs , hee bare vp vnder our lee , and in token of amity , shot off his lee ordinance which was not vnanswered . wee vnderstood that hee was tetú a french captaine of new-hauen , a man of warre as wee were : desirous to be releeued by vs. for at our first meeting the french captaine cast abroad his hands , and prayed our captaine to helpe him to some water , for that hee had nothing but wine , and cider aboard him , which had brought his men into great sickenesse . hee had sought vs euer since hee first heard of our being vpon the coast , about this fiue weekes . our captaine sent one aboard him with some releefe for the present , willing him to follovv vs to the next port , vvhere hee should haue both vvater and victuals . at our comming to anchor hee sent our captaine a case of pistols , and a faire guilt symeter ( vvhich had beene the late kings of france , vvhome monsieur mongomery hurt in the eye , and vvas giuen him by monsieur strosse ) our captaine requited him vvith a chaine of gold , and a tablet vvhich hee vvore . this captaine reported vnto vs the first nevves of the massacre at paris , at the king of nauars mariage on saint bartholomewes day last , of the admirall of france slaine in his chamber , and diuers other murthers : so that hee thought those french-men the happiest vvhich vvere farthest from france , novv no longer france but frensie , euen as if all gaul vvere turned into worme-vvood and gall : italian practises hauing ouer-mastred the french simplicity . hee shevved vvhat famous and often reports he had heard of our great riches : hee desired to knovv of our captaine vvhich vvay hee might compasse his voyage also . though vvee had him in some jealousie and distrust , for all his pretence , because vvee considered more the strength hee had , then the good-vvill hee might beare vs : yet vpon consultation among our selues , vvhether it vvere fit to receiue him or no : vvee resolued to take him and twenty of his men , to serue with our captaine for halfes : in such sort as wee needed not doubt of their forces , being but twenty , nor be hurt by their portions , being no greater then ours : and yet gratifie them in their earnest suite , and serue our owne purpose , which without more helpe wee could very hardly haue atcheiued . indeed hee had seauenty men , and wee now but thirty one : his ship was aboue eighty tunne , and our fregate not past twenty , our pinnace nothing neere tenne tunne : yet our captaine thought this proportionable , in consideration that not number of men , but quality of their judgements and knowledge , were to bee the principall actors herein : and the french shippe could doe no seruice , nor stand in any steed to this enterprise which we intended , and had agreed vpon long before , both touching the time when it should take beginning , and the place where wee should meet , namely at rio francisco . hauing thus agreed with captaine tetu , wee sent for the symerons as before was decreed : two of them were brought aboard our shippes , to giue the french assurance of this agreement . and as soone as wee could furnish our selues and refresh the french company , which vvas within fiue or sixe dayes ( by bringing them to the magazine which was the neerest , where they were supplyed by vs in such sort , as they protested they were beholding to vs for all their liues ) taking twenty of the french and fifteene of ours with our symerons , leauing both our shippes in safe roade , wee mand our fregate and two pinnaces ( wee had formerly suncke our lyon , shortely after our returne from panama , because wee had not men sufficient to man her ) and went towards rio francisco , which because it had not water enough for our fregate : caused vs to leaue her at the cabeças , mand with english and french , in the charge of robert doble , to stay there without attempting any chase , vntill the returne of our pinnaces . and then beare to rio francisco , where both captaines landed with such force as aforesaid , and charged them that had the charge of the pinnaces , to be there the fourth day next following without any faile . and thus knowing that the cariages went now daily from panama to nombre de dios , vve proceeded in couert through the woods , tovvards the high way that leadeth betvvene them . it is fiue leagues accounted by sea , betvveene rio francisco and nombre de dios , but that vvay vvhich vvee marched by land , vve found it aboue seauen leagues . wee marched as in our former journey to panama , both for order and silence , to the great vvonder of the french captaine and company , vvho protested they knevv not by any meanes hovv to recouer the pinnaces , if the symerons ( to vvhome vvhat our captaine commanded was a law , though they little regarded the french , as hauing no trust in them ) should leaue vs : our captaine assured him , there vvas no cause of doubt of them of vvhom he had had such former tryall . when vve vvere come vvithin an english mile of the vvay , vvee stayed all night , refreshing our selues in great stilnesse in a most conuenient place , vvhere vve heard the carpenters , being many in number vvorking vpon their shippes , as they vsually doe by reason of the great heat of the day in nombre de dios , & might heare the moyles comming from panama , by reason of the aduantage of the ground . the next morning vpon hearing of that great number of belles , the symerons rejoyced exceedingly , as though there could not haue befallen them a more joyfull accident , cheefely hauing beene disappointed before . now they all assured vs , wee should haue more gold and siluer then all of vs could beare away , as in truth it fell out . for there came three recoes , one of fifty moyles , the other two of seauenty each , euery of which caryed three hundred pound waight of siluer , which in all amounted to neere thirty tunne . wee putting our selues in readinesse , went downe neere the way to heare the belles , where we stayed not long , but we sawe of what mettall they were made , and tooke such hold on the heads of the foremost and hindmost moyles , that all the rest stayed and lay downe as their manner is . these three recoes were guarded with forty fiue souldiers or their abouts , fifteene to each reco , which caused some exchange of ballets and arrowes for a time , in which conflict the french captaine was sore wounded with hayle-shot in the belly , and one symeron slaine : but in the end these souldiers thought it the best way to leaue their moyles with vs , and to seeke for more helpe abroad : in which meane time wee tooke some paine to ease some of the moyles , which were heauiest loaden of their cariages . and because wee our selues were somewhat weary , wee were contented with a few barres and quoits of gold , as wee could well cary : burying about fifteene tunne of siluer , partly in the boroughs which the great land-crabs had made in the earth , and partly vnder old trees which were fallen thereabout , and partly in the sand and grauell of a riuer , not very deepe of water . thus when about this businesse wee had spent some two houres , and had disposed of all our matters , and were ready to march backe , the very selfe same way that we came , wee heard both horse and foote comming as it seemed , to the moyles , for they neuer followed vs , after we were once entred the woods : where the french captaine by reason of his wound , not able to trauell farther , stayed , in hope that some rest would recouer him better strength . but after wee had marched some two leagues , vpon the french souldiers complaint , that they missed one of their men also , examination being made whether hee were slaine or no : it was found that hee had druncke much wine , and ouerlading himselfe with pillage , and hasting to goe before vs , had lost himselfe in the woods . and as wee afterwards knew , hee was taken by the spaniards that euening , and vpon torture , discouered vnto them where we had hidden our treasure . we continued our march all that and the next day , towards rio francisco , in hope to meet with our pinnaces , but when we came thither , looking out to sea , wee savve seauen spanish pinnaces , which had beene searching all the coasts thereabout : vvhereupon vvee mightily suspected , that they had taken or spoiled our pinnaces , for that our captaine had giuen so straight charge , that they should repaire to this place this after-noone from the cabecas vvhere they rode , vvhence to our sight , these spaniards pinnaces did come . but the night before , there had fallen very much raine , with much westerly winde , which as it enforced the spaniards to returne home the sooner , by reason of the storme : so it kept our pinnaces , that they could not keepe th'appointment , because the wind was contrary , & blewe so strong , that with their oares they could all that day get but halfe the way . notwithstanding , if they had followed our captaines direction in setting forth ouer night , while the winde serued , they had arriued at the place appointed with farre lesse labour , but with farre more danger , because that very day at noone , the spanish shallops mand out of purpose from nombre de dios , were come to this place to take our pinnaces : imagining where wee were , after they had heard of our intercepting of the treasure . our captaine seeing the shallops , feared least hauing taken our pinnaces , they had compelled our men by torture , to confesse where his fregate and ships were . therefore in this distresse and perplexity , the company misdoubting that all meanes of returne to their country were cut off , and that their treasure then serued them to small purpose : our captaine comforted and encouraged vs all , saying : wee should venter no farther then hee did : it was no time now to feare : but rather to haste to preuent that which was feared : if the enemy haue preuailed against our pinnaces , which god forbid , yet they must haue time to search them , time to examine the mariners ; time to execute their resolution after it is determined : before all these times bee taken , wee may get to our ships if yee will , though not possibly by land , because of the hills , thickets and riuers , yet by water . let vs therefore make a raft with the trees that are here in readines , as offering themselues being brought downe the riuer , happily this last storme , and put our selues to sea. i will bee one , who will bee the other ? iohn smith offered himselfe , and two frenchmen that could swimme very well , desired they might accompany our captaine , as did the symeron likewise ( who had beene very earnest with our captaine to haue marched by land though it were sixteene dayes journey , and in case the ships had beene surprised , to haue aboade alwaies with them ) especially pedro , who yet was faine to bee left behinde , because hee could not rowe . the raft was fitted and fast bound ; a sayle of a bisket sack prepared ; an oare was shaped out of a young tree to serue in steed of a rudder , to direct their course before the winde . at his departure hee comforted the company , by promising , that if it pleased god , hee should put his foote in safety aboard his fregate , hee would , god willing , by one means or other get them all aboard , in despite of all the spa●iards in the indies in this manner putting off to the sea , hee sayled some three leagues , sitting vp to the waste continually in water , & at euey surge of the waue to the armepits , for the space of sixe houres , vpon this raft , what with the parching of the sunne and what with the beating of the salt water , they had all of them their skins much fretted away . at length god gaue them the sight of two pinnaces turning towards them with much winde , but with farre greater joy to him , that could easily coniecture , and did cheerefully declare to those three vvith him , that they vvere our pinnaces , and that all vvas safe , so that there vvas no cause of feare . but see , the pinnaces not seeing this raft , nor suspecting any such matter , by reason of the vvinde and night growing on , were forced to runne into a coue behinde the point , to take succour for that night : which our captaine seeing , and gathering , because they came not forth againe , that they would anchor there , put his raft a shore , and ranne by land about the point , where hee found them , who vpon sight of him , made as much hast as they could to take him and his company aboard . for our captaine , of purpose to try what hast they could and would make in extremity : himselfe ranne in great haste , and so willed the other three with him , as if they had beene chased by the enemy : which they the rather suspected , because they saw so fewe with him . and after his comming aboard , when , they demanding , how all his company did ? hee answered coldly , well : they all doubted , that all went scarce well . but hee willing to ridd all doubts , and fill them with ioy , tooke out of his bosome a quoit of gold , thanking god that our voyage was made . and to the frenchmen hee declared , how their captaine indeed was left behinde , sore wounded and two of his company with him : but it should bee no hindrance to them . that night our captaine with great paine of his company , rowed to roo faancisco : where hee tooke the rest in , and the treasure which wee had brought with vs : making such expedition , that by dawning of the day , we set sayle backe againe , to our fregate , and from thence directly to our ships : where assoone as wee arriued , our captaine deuided by weight , the gold and siluer into two euen portions , betwene the french , and the english . about a fortnight after , when we had set all things in order , and taking out of our ship all such necessaries as wee needed for our fregate , had left and giuen her to the spa●iards , whome wee had all this time detayned , wee put out of that harbor , together with the french ship , riding some fewe dayes among the cabezas . in the meane time our captaine made a secret composition with the symerons , that twelue of our men and sixteene of theirs , should make another voyage , to get intelligence in what case the country stood , and if it might be , recouer monsieur tortú the french captaine , at least-wise to bring away that which was hidden in our former surprize and could not then bee conueniently caried . iohn oxnam and thomas sherwell were put in trust for this seruice , to the great content of the whole company , who conceiued greatest hope of them next our captaine , whome by no meanes they would condiscend to suffer to aduenture againe this time : yet hee himselfe rowed to set them ashore at rio francisco : finding his labor well imployed both otherwise , and also in sauing one of those two frenchmen that had remained willingly to accompany their wounded captaine . for this gentleman hauing escaped the rage of the spaniards , was now comwing towards our pinnace , vvhere hee fell dovvne on his keees , blessing god for the time , that euer our captaine vvas borne , vvho novv beyond all his hope , vvas become his deliuerer . hee being demanded vvhat vvas become of his captaine and other fellovv , shevved that vvithin halfe an houre after our departure , the spiniards had ouergotten them , and tooke his captaine and other fellovve : hee onely escaped by flight , hauing cast avvay all his carriage , and among the rest one box of ievvells , that hee might fly the svvifter from the pursuers : but his fellovv tooke it vp and burthened himselfe so sore , that hee could make no speed , as easily hee might othervvise , if hee vvould haue cast downe his pillage , and layd aside his couetous minde : as for the siluer , which we had hidden thereabout in the earth and the sands , he thought that it was all gone ; for that he thought there had beene neere two thousand spaniards and negroes there , to dig and search for it . this report notwithstanding , our purpose held , and our men were sent to the said place , where they found that the earth , euery way a mile distant had beene digged and turned vp in euery place of any likelihood , to haue any thing hidden in it . and yet neuerthelesse , for all that narrow search , all our mens labour was not quite lost : but so considered , that the third day after their departure , they all returned safe and cheerefull , with as much siluer as they and all the symerons could finde , ( viz : thirteene barres of siluer , and some fewe quoits of gold ) with which they were presently embarqued without empeachment , repairing with no lesse speed then joy to our fregate . now was it high time to thinke of homewards , hauing sped our selues as wee desired : and therefore our captaine concluded to visit rio grand , once againe , to see if he could meet with any sufficient ship or bark , to cary victuall enough to serue our turne homewards , in which wee might in safety and security embarque our selues . the french-men hauing formerly gone from vs as soone as they had their shares at our first returne with the treasure , as being very desirous to returne home into their countrey , and our captaine as desirous to dismisse them , as they were to be dismissed ; for that hee foresawe they could not in their shippe auoid the danger of being taken by the spaniards , if they should make out any men of warre for them , while they lingred on the coast , and hauing also beene then againe releeued with victuals by vs : now at our meeting of them againe , were very loath to leaue vs , and therefore accompanied vs very kindely as farre vp as saint barnards , and farther would , but that they durst not aduenture so great danger , for that wee had intelligence , that the fleete was ready to set sayle for spaine , riding at the entry of carthagena . thus wee departed from them , passing hard by carthagena , in the sight of all the fleete , with a flagge of saint george in the maine top of our fregate , with silke streamers and ancients downe to the water , sayling forward with a large winde , till wee came within two leagues of the riuer , being all lowe land , and darke night : where to preuent the ouer-shooting of the riuer in the night , we lay off & on bearing small sayle , till that about mid-night the winde veering to the eastward , by two of the clocke in the morning , a fregate from rio grand passed hard by vs , bearing also but small sayle . we saluted them with our shot and arrowes , they answered vs with bases : but wee got aboard them , and tooke such order , that they were content against their willes to depart a shoare and to leaue vs this fregate which was of twenty fiue tunne , loaded with maiz , and hens and hogs , & some honey , in very good time fit for our vse : for the honey especially was a notable releeuer and preseruer of our crased people . the next morning as soone as wee set those spaniards a shoare on the maine , wee set our course for the cabeças without any stop , whither wee came about fiue dayes after . and being at anchor , presently wee houe out all the maizaland , sauing three buts which we kept for our store : and carying all our prouisions a shoare , wee brought both our fregates on the carine , and new tallowed them . here wee stayed about seauenight , trimming and rigging our fregates , boarding and stowing our prouisions , tearing abroad and burning our pinnaces , that the symerons might haue the yron-worke . about a day or two before our departure , our captaine willed pedro and three of the cheefest of the symerons to goe through both his fregates , to see what they liked , promising to giue it them whatsoeuer it were , so it were not so necessary as that hee could not returne into england without it . and for their wifes hee would himselfe seeke out some silkes or linnen that might gratifie them : which while hee was choosing out of his trunckes , the cymeter which captaine tetú had giuen to our captaine , chanced to be taken forth in pedros sight , which hee seeing grew so much in liking thereof , that hee accounted of nothing else in respect of it , and preferred it before all that could be giuen him : yet imagining , that it was no lesse esteemed of our captaine , durst not himselfe open his mouth to craue or commend it : but made one francis tucker to be his meane to breake his minde , promising to giue him a fine quoit of gold , which yet hee had in store , if he would but moue our captaine for it ; and to our captaine himselfe , hee would giue foure other great quoits , which hee had hidden , intending to haue reserued them till another voyage . our captaine being accordingly moued by francis tucker , could haue beene content to haue made no such exchange , but yet desirous to content him , that had deserued so well , hee gaue it him with many good words , who receiued it with no little joy , affirming that if hee should giue his wife and children ( which hee loued dearely ) in liew of it , hee could not sufficiently recompence it , ( for hee would present his king with it , who hee knew would make him a great man , euen for this very guifts sake ) yet in gratuity and steed of other requitall of this jewell , hee desired our captaine to accept these foure peeces of gold , as a token of his thankefulnesse to him , and a pawne of his faithfulnesse during life . our captaine receiued it in most kinde sort , but tooke it not to his own benefit , but caused it to be cast into the whole aduenture , saying , if hee had not beene set forth to that place , he had not attained such a commoditie , and therefore it was just that they which bare part with him of his burthen in setting him to sea , should enjoy the proportion of his benefit whatsoeuer at his returne . thus with good loue and liking wee tooke our leaue of that people , setting ouer to the ilands of _____ whence the next day after , wee set sayle towards cape saint anthony , by which wee past with a large winde : but presently being to stand for th'hauana , wee were faine to ply to the windward some three or foure dayes : in which plying wee fortuned to take a small barke , in which were two or three hundred hides , and one most necessary thing , which stood vs in great steed , viz. a pumpe , which wee set in our fregate : their barke , because it was nothing fit for our seruice , our captaine gaue them to carry them home . and so returning to cape saint anthony , and landing there wee refreshed our selues , and besides great store of turtles egges , found by day in the _____ wee tooke two hundreth and fifty turtles by night : wee poudred and dryed some of them , which did vs good seruice , the rest continued but a small time . there were at this time , belonging to carthagene , nombre de dios , rio grand , santa martha , rio de hacha , venta cruz , veragua , nicaragua , the honduras , iamaica &c. aboue two hundred fregates , some of a hundred and twenty tunnes , other but of tenne or twelue tunne , but the most of thirty or forty tunne , which all had entercourse betweene carthagene and nombre de dios , the most of which , during our abode in those parts wee tooke , and some of them twice or thrice each , yet neuer burnt nor suncke any , vnlesse they were made out men of warre against vs , or layd as stales to entrappe vs. and of all the men taken in these seuerall vesselles , wee neuer offered any kinde of violence to any , after they were once come vnder our power , but either presently dismissed them in safety , or keeping them with vs some longer time , ( as some of them wee did ) wee alwayes prouided for their sustenance as for our selues , and secured them from the rage of the symerons against them , till at last , the danger of their discouering where our shippes lay being ouer past , ( for which onely cause wee kept them prisoners ) we set them also free . many strange birds , beastes and fishes , besides fruits , trees , plants , and the like , were seene and obserued of vs in this journey , which willingly wee pretermit as hastening to the end of our voyage , which from this cape of saint anthony , wee intended to finish , by sayling the directest and speediest way homeward , and accordingly , euen beyond our owne expectation most happily performed . for whereas our captaine had purposed to touch at new-found land , and there to haue watered , which would haue beene some let vnto vs , though wee stood in great want of water , yet god almighty so prouided for vs , by giuing vs good store of raine water , that we were sufficiently furnished : and within twenty three dayes wee past from the cape of florida , to the iles of silley , and so arriued at plimouth , on sunday about sermon-time , august the ninth 1573. at what time the newes of our captaines returne brought vnto his , did so speedily passe ouer all the church , and surpasse their mindes , with desire and delight to see him , that very fewe or none remained with the preacher , all hastening to see the euidence of gods loue and blessing towards our gracious queene and countrey , by the fruite of our captaines labour and successe . soli deo gloria . finis . errata . page 7. lines 26. and 33. for rause reade ranse : as also in other pages , l. 32. for sallop , read shallop . p. 11. l. 2. pray , read bay. p. 14. l. 3. sent of , read sent some . p. 17. l. 18. vtterly time , leaue out time : l. 19. read ( for that time ) p. 18. l. 5. read , maine care of our captaine was r●sp . l. 35. feare read , feares . p. 19. l. 4. so he , read , he so . p. 37. l. 2. leaft all , read , left at . p. 43. l. 23. atttemed , read , attempted . p. 45. l. 19. free safety , read , free in safety . p. 48. l. 11. amongst two , read , amongst vs two . l. 16. nor , read , not . p. 50. l. 30. attache , read attached . p. 52. l. 16. or them ill , read , or giue them ill . l. 19. edward , read , ellis . p. 53. l. 5. edward , read , ellis . p 55. l. 22. limes , read , limons : and whereuer you finde it , read , limons . p. 56. l. 16. as they came , read , as we came . p. 58. l. 31. ridge a , read , a ridge . p. 60. l. 11. wont put , read , wont to put . p. 67. l. 4. hickest , read , thickest . l. 12. pacte , reade , parte . l. 24. aemanded , read demanded . p. 68. l. 32. they our , read , they saw our . l. 33. thickets , read , thick●st . p. 76. l. 25. peroros , read pezor●● . l. 3● . to their wiues , read , to goe to their wiues . p. 87. l. 25. r●● read , rio. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a08210-e640 may 24. 1572. iune 3. iune 28. iune 29 , iuly 1. iuly 6. iuly . 12. iuly 1· iuly 20. iuly 22. iuly 28. iuly . 29. august . 1. august . 7. august 13. august 14. august 15. aug. 16. aug. 21. septem . 5. septem . 8. septemb. 9. sept. 10. sept. 11. sept. 14. sept. 16. sept. 18. sept. 19. sept. 22. sept. 23. sept. 24. octob. 7. octo. 8. octo. 9. octo. 13. oct. 14 15. octo. 16. octo. 17. octo. 1g . octo. 19. octo. 20. octo. 21. octo. 22. octo. 27. nouem . 2. nou. 3. nou. 5. nou. 13. nouem . 15. nouem . 22. nou. 27. ●an . 3. ian. 30. febr. 3. feb. 7. feb. 11. feb. 13. feb. 14. feb. 22. feb. 23. march 19. march 20. march 21. march 22. march 23. march 31. april 1. april 2.3 . april 4. the voyages and adventures of capt. barth. sharp and others in the south sea being a journal of the same : also capt. van horn with his buccanieres surprizing of la veracruz : to which is added the true relation of sir henry morgan his expedition against the spaniards in the west-indies and his taking panama : together with the president of panama's [i.e. juan perez de guzman] account of the same expedition, translated out of spanish : and col. beeston's adjustment of the peace between the spaniards and english in the west indies / published by p.a., esq. 1684 approx. 205 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 99 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26296 wing a4315 estc r9181 12384055 ocm 12384055 60800 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26296) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60800) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 267:18) the voyages and adventures of capt. barth. sharp and others in the south sea being a journal of the same : also capt. van horn with his buccanieres surprizing of la veracruz : to which is added the true relation of sir henry morgan his expedition against the spaniards in the west-indies and his taking panama : together with the president of panama's [i.e. juan perez de guzman] account of the same expedition, translated out of spanish : and col. beeston's adjustment of the peace between the spaniards and english in the west indies / published by p.a., esq. ayres, philip, 1638-1712. perez de guzman, juan. beeston, william, sir, b. 1636. [24], 172 p. printed by b.w. for r.h. and s.t. and are to be sold by walter davis ..., london : 1684. this work is in part supplementary to the english ed. of exquemelin's bucaniers of america, 1684, and in part a vindication of the english, especially capt. henry morgan, from the aspersions of that writer. "the adventures of capt. barth. sharp and others in the south sea" (p. 1-114) differs from both basil ringrose's account, published in "bucaniers of america, the second volume, containing the dangerous voyage ... of captain bartholomew sharp," 1685, and sharpe's own journal as printed in william hack's collection of original voyages, 1699. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sharpe, bartholomew, fl. 1679-1682. morgan, henry, -sir, 1635?-1688. horn, -captain van, d. 1683. buccaneers. pirates. spanish main. west indies -history. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-02 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the voyages and adventures of capt. barth . sharp and others , in the south sea : being a journal of the same . also capt. van horn with his buccanieres surprizing of la vera cruz . to which is added the true relation of sir henry m●rgan his expedition against the spaniards in the west-indies , and his taking panama . together with the president of panama's account of the same expedition : translated out of spanish . and col. beeston's adjustment of the peace between the spaniards and english in the west indies . published by p. a. esq london printed by b. w. for r. h. and s. t. and are to be sold by walter davis in amen-corner . mdclxxxiv . the preface . the reader may well wonder at the disposing thus , the several relations in this small volume : i shall therefore for his satisfaction give this following account . that the exploits of captain sharp , and others in the south sea , in service of the emperour of darien , being the first that came to my hands , at the time the late history of buccanieres was published ; and i finding it to be a plain journal , not unpleasant , and much of the same kind , writ by a seaman , though not learned and accurate in his stile ; yet one that certainly was very skilful and industrious in the art of sailing , who seems to have given a true and just relation of what befel them in that expedition : most of which i have heard confirmed by others , who were actually present in all those adventures : for that reason i thought it might not be unacceptable to the world . to which i have only this to add , that this emperor of darien had been formerly surprized by the spaniards , and by them carried to panama , where he learnt indifferently the spanish language , and was called by them sennordon andreas : but he , after his escape , for their kind treatment of him , has never ceased making war upon them , always falling on whereever he sees any good opportunity ; and when like to be overpowered , he retreats amongst his hills , woods , and rivers , with which last his countrey is very well stored , and so baffles the industrious revenge of his enemies . the exact limits of that which is properly called the province or district of darien ( which our author has omitted to give us ) are thus described . it is bounded on the south by the kingdom of new granada ; by the gulf of uraba or darien on the east ; by the south sea on the west ; and on the north by the province of panama ; to which government this is now annexed , i mean , so much as the spaniards have of it . it took its name from the river so called , running into the south sea , and has a small town , though once a great city , called santa maria del darien , but more commonly , santa maria only , and sometimes la antigua , signifying the ancient city . the next thing which is a short account of van horns taking la vera cruz , being more modern , and of the same nature , i added ; together with the destroying the french pyrates by captain carlisle , that it may be seen what care is taken to suppress such as molest so considerable a support of our nation , as is our trade and commerce with foreign countries ; of which that with spain is not the least : for by it more of our manufactures are taken off , than by any other whatsoever . besides this of captain carlisle's , if i had the leasure , i could have given an account of several others , both men of war , and merchant-ships , fitted and manned out as such , by the goverours of jamaica , barbados , and the leeward islands , on purpose for scouring the seas of the buccanieres or pyrates , who being a mixture of divers nations , but the greatest part of them french and dutch , make prize of all they meet . the third relation is of sir henry morgan , which according to method ought to have been placed first , but i had no intentions of printing that , till i had read over and considered the said history of buccanieres , and then thought my self obliged no longer to conceal such an authentick account of that expedition : to which i have adjoyned the president of panama's letter , which was intercepted , going for spain , and confirms ( if need were ) the credit of the precedent relation . as to the last paper , in which is mentioned the settling the peace in those parts , with a description of the city of carthagena ; since it related somewhat to the foregoing pieces , i thought it not improper , with it to conclude these miscellanies . but i confess , i had yet another design in printing that one expedition of sir henry morgan , which was , that i might in some measure rescue the honour of that incomparable souldier and seaman , from the hands of such as would load him with the blackest infamy . i could not therefore forbear making some few reflections on the aforementioned history of buccanieres , but more especially that part which concerns sir henry morgan and the english . for it is against them , the authors malice seems most to be aimed , endeavouring on all occasions to represent them the most lewd , perfidious , and barbarous people in the world. and whereas the translator , who , i confess , seems to have performed his part well enough , in having rendered it from the spanish translation , does in his encomiums of the author , comparing him to the admirable historian comines , very much extoll his candour , and fidelity , in recording the actions and valour of the english ; then at large he commends his stile and method ; and highly applauds the truth and sincerity of his history . i will not trouble my self to shew the inequality of the parallel , with the incomparable comines : and as for his faithful recording their actions , and valour , i must allow him to have writ some of their heroick exploits well enough , which of themselves were so eminent , that had he gone about to have lessened , it would have taken away all credit from his history : but he has most maliciously stigmatized them all the while , as valiant thieves and murderers . so that there is no man that reads them , who does not conceive a horrour against the barbarous actors of those cruelties . neither will i find fault with the authors stile , and method ; but it is chiefly the boasted truth and sincerity of the history which i am most concerned to expose , being therein able to detect innumerable falsities ; and for vouchers of what i affirm , can produce a whole cloud of witnesses ; many of which romances are so palpable , that the author could not possibly write them by mistake , but has inserted them on purpose , certainly as embellishments to set off his story . to begin then with sir morgan's parentage ; he makes him the son of a yeoman , and that be sold himself for barbados ; when it is sufficiently known he was descended of an honourable family in monmouthshire , and went at first out of england , with the army commanded by general venables for hispaniola and jamaica . then his cruel usage of the spaniards at puerto velo , maracàibo , gibraltàr and panamà , murdering many in cold blood ; racking and torturing some to confess where their treasure lay , till they dyed ; starving others in prison ; ravishing women , and the like barbarities ; which this dutch comines affirms he saw him not only suffer his men daily to commit , but acted himself as their example . all those cruelties , contrary to the nature and temper of an englishman , i have heard absolutely contradicted by persons of infallible credit ; and any may be convinced of the fouluess of the scandal thrown on this excellent man , who are but acquainted with such as then lived in jamaica , many of whom are now living in london . nay the english merchants of cadiz , who resided ther● at the time these spaniards of panama returned from the indies , affirm , that those very persons confessed , sir henry morgan was so far from doing any such base actions , that they highly applauded his generosity , and the care he took , that none of those severe things should be practised by his men , as are usual by a conquerour , when he has his enemies at his mercy , after an obstinate resistance . this makes me think that our dutch author , having the idea of the business of amboina in his head , has endeavoured to copy out that , and lay it on the english , to render them as infamous to posterity , for these supposed villanies in the west-indies , as some of his countreymen have by their real ones in the east . i am also assured by good authority , that the tale of sir henry morgan his ill usage of the spanish lady at panama , is altogether a romance ; for so careful was he , that as soon as he had taken the town , and quenched the fire , he caused most of the women of the city to be brought to one place , where he set a strict guard over them , to prevent the souldiers , or any others abusing them , and gave out his orders , prohibiting all men the offering them the least violence or injury , on pain of a severe punishment . and under what loose government soever his men are represented to have lived ; i affirm , that few generals have kept their armies with a more strict discipline , than he . nor can i think it possible for him to have done all those great actions with men of so base and dissolute tempers , as our dutch historian paints them to be : but , piensa el ladron , quetodos son de su condicion . and for confirmation of what i have now asserted ; at his return from panama , when he brought the prisoners to la cruz , in his way to chagre castle , to induce them to pay their ransomes ; the women , especially such as seemed to be of any quality , and could ride , were set on horses , mules , or asses , and had men appointed to attend them with all respect . and our dutch mandevil says that such as were not able to redeem themselves , were transported ; which is of equal credit with the rest of his villanous tales . for i am assured that no one person , man , woman or child ( the slaves only excepted ) were so much as ever carried a shipboard , but were acquitted and set at liberty , when he embarked . moreover this celebrated buccanier historian , relating these acts of hostility done in the indies against the spaniards , insinuates all along , that these were all robberies and savage butcheries , committed by sir henry morgan and the rest of his crew , who were a parcel of thieves , murtherers and pyrates ; men who did all this for the sake of plunder , blood-shed , and rapine , without any other colour or pretext whatsoever ; filling the world with horrour and amazement at the reading his terrible stories : so that out of malice , or at best , ignorance , he omits to tell us , that though we had not formally a war proclaimed against the spaniards there in the indies , yet would not they listen to any proposals of peace with us , beyond the tropick , till about the year 1670. that it had been concluded in madrid by sir william godolphin his majesties ambassador there , and the articles sent over from hence by sir thomas linch to jamaica ; before which time , there daily happened great acts of hostility and depredations on either side , done as well by the spaniards against us , as by the english against them ; and ●o doubt but revenge spurred on many that had been sufferers , to the committing some severe things , and to heightening the rage on both sides . for the spaniards all this while were ●ot idle , they took our merchants ships ; plundred and spoiled our plantations , particularly at jamaica ; used our men with all the severity and rigour , that an enemy could do , throwing them over board , exposing them in boats , and on rafts , without provision , to the mercy of the sea ; turning them on uninhabited islands ; leaving them on countreys to be destroyed by the indians , keeping and starving them in dungeo●s , and making slaves of them . all which severities might well incense such as out-lived these miseries , if they ever escaped , to put in practice all manner of revenge . now if i have rightly stated this point , then neither sir henry morgan , nor any that fought under him , can be said to be pyrates or buccanieres ; i mean , if he acted by commission from sir thomas muddiford , or any governour of jamaica before him ; as , if i mistake not , i have heard he really did ; which if true , though done without the kings allowance or knowledge , i presume it justifies him , though not the governour ; so that any fleet , might in time of war as well be called pyrates ; and an historian describing the miseries attending a war between two princes , might term the men slain in battle , to be murdered ; and the calamities befalling a town taken by storm , to be cruelties exercised by thieves and robbers , for the sake of plunder , and satiating their thirst after blood. i would not have any judge me so vain , to think my self able to vindicate these men from every ill action , and imagine i could make them pass for saints : but i still affirm , that those dismal stories of murdering in cold blood , torturing , ravishing , starving , and other such barbarities , are foisted in by the author , to lard his history with delightful variety , and to fix an odium on the english nation in general , that they may be hated by others . and i further say , that perchance never man behaved himself with more true valour and resolution of mind to accomplish what he had undertaken , shewed more prudent and soldierly conduct , nor took more care for preventing all irregularities amongst his men , by his own example , than the renowned sir henry morgan , who has been thus scandalously affronted by these sourrilous pens : for i cannot call otherwise either the dutch author , or spanish and english translators . since there is no doubt but that if he had been the pyrate , and ill man , he is by them painted out to be ; he would have been punished as such a one , instead of being honoured with a knighthood , as he was at his coming home to england : and since that made deputy● governour of jamaica , under the right honourable the earl of carlisle , and lieutenant-general of the said island . there is one absurd story more , amongst many others , which i had like to have passed over without remark ; that is , his firing the city of panama just at his entring in to it , as this french-hollander affirms ; which if he did , it was but ill policy , to burn the town he came so far to plunder , ' ere he was well got within it . but this is owned by the president , in his letter , to have been done by the spaniards themselves , on purpose to disappoint the english of their booty . by this ridiculous falsity , may the credit of the rest of that history be conjectured . many errours could i point out in that which is his natural history of the indies ; as for instance , his story of seeing the caymanes or cocodrills suffer their young ones to play and run into their bellies ; for which fancy he must have been , i suppose , obliged to pliny or aelian ; for i dare say , no man that has lived in the indies will vouch for him . but these being besides my business , i pass by : and have only this more to say , that i forbear to print any more , at present , than that one expedition of sir henry morgan , thinking that sufficient to convince the falsities of that scandalous history of buccanieres . what acts of hostility have been committed since the peace made in the year 1670. betwixt the spaniards , and the privatiers of several nations ; have been many and considerable , amongst which we have had no small loss fallen on our merchant men , trading there in the west-indies , causing a great obstruction to our trade . the number of our ships taken since then , as i am informed , is no less than one hundred and twenty , a list of at least one half of which , i am able to have here inserted ; which thing i fear increases the number of privatiers , in those seas . the adventures of capt. barth . sharp , and others , in the south sea. that which often spurs men on to the undertaking of the most difficult adventures , is the sacred hunger of gold ; and 't was gold was the bait that tempted a pack of merry boys of us , near three hundred in number , being all souldiers of fortune , under command ( by our own ele●tion ) of captain i●hn coxon , to list our selves in the service of one of the rich west indian monarchs , the emperour of darien or durian . which country has its name from a river so called , running into the south sea , almost a cross the i●●●mus , which is between the two formerly great empires of mexico and peru , and joyns the northern and southern america . these emperours of darien heretofore commanded a large tract of land , lying about the bay of darien , but are now reduced to much narrower limits by their enemies the spaniards , with whom they have continual wars . the seat of this empire is now in a place called by us the golden island in the said bay of darien , not very far distant from porto belo , where the spaniards ship their treasure on board their gallions for spain . after a kind invitation from the indians , and treaty with the emperour in person , he gladly listned to our propositions and accepted us into his service , resolving with us to attempt the recovery of some of those places , the spaniards had taken , and kept from him ; particularly santa maria , once the bishop's see of that diocese , which was since removed to panam● . it is now but a small town with a little fort , which serves for a guard to the spaniards while they gather their gold-dust , brought down on the sands of a river running into the darien . the thoughts of a rich booty encouraged us to this design , but we were all firmly resolved , that in case we missed of good success in this , to undertake a more hazardous enterprize ; which was to go down the river darien , and in our canoes attempt the surprise of the city of panama , and ships lying there ; this being the port where the spaniards unlade their vessels , which bring their treasure from ciud●d de los reyes , or lima , as we still call it , and from all other parts there on the south sea ; as they likewise from thence export all their merchandise coming from europe , which is landed at porto belo , and brought over land thither to panama . though the undertaking seemed very imprudent , we having no shipping of our own there , and there being no other way home for us ( as we then had ever heard of ) but round about through the streights of magellan , or le maire , when we should have made our selves masters of some of their vessels , yet the incouragement we had , in the expectation of ●raighting home our coffers with spanish gold , and pieces of eight , overcame all difficulties ; together with the hopes the indians gave us of our getting to panama e're the spaniards could have intelligence of our coming , and the satisfaction we had of the promise of having along with us , the company of our emperour , under whose commission we fought . these i say were the allurements that induced us to list our selves into this service . 5. mund. all things being thus concluded on , upon munday the fifth day of april we landed about seven a clock in the morning , and began our march with our emperour in the head of us till two in the afternoon , and took up our quarters for that night in some indian houses . 6. tuesd. at the first appearance of day we began our march ; our last nights lodging , ( chambers and silk beds being as much out of fashion here , as they were in adam's time ) was nothing better than the cold earth covered by the starry canopy , which gave us but small encouragement to stay longer , and travelled up a steep mountain till about three , at which hour we came to a fresh spring of water where we satdown and rested our selves , then marching about six miles further we took up our lodgings by a river-side . 7. wedn. early in the morning we continued our march to king goldencaps court ; going till four we met two indians loaden with fruit which the king had sent us as a present , which we thankfully accepted , and marching an hour longer we came to the king's pallace , where he with his nobility and men of the best quality gave us a kind reception and entertainment . these inhabitants are very handsome people though tawny , but clean limbed and well featured , and are very obliging and affable , as those of our men who afterwards marcht back again , over land , experienced . 8. thursd. this day finding such good entertainment we staid at the court , being favourites not inconsiderable , and so well armed and resolute , as our party was . 9. frid. in the morning we took our leave , and our path being bad , were forced to wade a river fifty or sixty times , which almost foundered us , at last we came to three large indian houses where we had free quarter , and found all things convenient for refreshment ( by the emperors and kings command ) ready provided , as plantins , bonanoes and moria flesh , but the same lodging that nature affords animals , less mischievous than our selves , the earth . 10. saturd . we continued our march , and at night took our lodging , ( where the poets fancy so many delicacies and advantages of sensual enjoyment , but for my part i would not envy their pastime had i had the poets bed in exchange , for the green bank of a river on which we lay , whether perfumed with roses or jessamines ; our tired limbs had not leisure to search , or our sences any vacancy for meer weariness from sleeping to perceive . ) 11. sund. early in the morning , our indian consorts having a few small canoes , some of our men embarked and going down the river met with several inconveniences , both natural and artificial : as first great falls , and then the spaniards throwing great t●ees cross the rivers , by which we lost several of our canoes , the rest of our men marching by land to the place where the emperour had ordered our rendezvouz . 12. mund. this day the remainder of our men embarked at a place where the emperour had provided more canoes , and had a pleasant voyage . about four in the afternoon we arrived at the appointed place , but not finding our fellow souldiers there , who embarked the day before us , as we expected , it created in us a jealousie that the indians had thus divided us , the better to execute some treachery , by the assistance of the spaniard , the emperor perceiving by our caballing and whispering among our selves , that we had some cause of dissatisfaction , commanded a canoe to row up another arm of the river in search of our men , and meeting two canoes with some of them , they returned with all expedition to us , and informed us of their safety , and that they had been honourably treated by the indians , and would be with us the next morning ; so here we staid for them this night . 13. tuesd. this day all our party met , which not a little confirmed us in the good opinion we had of the indians fidelity ; we staid here all day to rest our selves , and fit our arms and necessaries for our next days proceedings , the emperor acquainting us we were near the town , which we were glad to hear ; our tedious march put us quite out of fancy of walking to take the air any more , now we were fallen so low down the river ; the emperour and the king had provided canoes , &c. enough for us all . 14. wedn. we rose with the day , and all embarked , also the emperour and king with us ; the emperour was cloathed with a loose robe or mantle of pure gold , which was extraordinary splendid and rich. the king was in a white cotton coat fringed round the bottom , about his neck a belt of tygers teeth , and a hat of pure gold , with a ring and a plate like a cockle shell hanging at it of gold in his nose , which is the fashion in this country for the people of quality , and which for what i could perceive was the only distinction . we rested not this day or night , and at two in the morning we landed within two miles of santa maria , and shrowded our selves in the woods till day light . 15. thursd. about six this morning we attacqued the place and carried it with little difficulty , it being a stockadoe fort , and a small town o● thatched houses . this fort of santa maria was kept by the spaniards for the conveniency of gathering dust-gold , which the river affords plenty of , and the poor natives are the drudges to gather it for them . we designed to make no further progress , being told there was a sufficient quantity of gold-dust at this place to enrich us all , but the wary spaniards had carried it away two days before , as thinking a conveyance of their own contriving safer than ours , though not so well guarded as it would have been by us . 17. saturd . disappointment is an incentive to revenge , and good resolution the commander of success ; these being now our cheifest directors , we fitted our canoes , and got what provisions we could , being loth to return empty handed , and at the tide of ebb designed to fall down , to see what fate would afford in the southern ocean . at this place it flows near two fathom perpendicular . the river is else very showly and full of banks , which are dry at low water . about twelve in the night we came to a watering place , where we got drink , the river being salt , here we staid till morning filling water , it being very dark , and the mouth of the river wide , one branch of it coming from the golden mines ; but having no chymist to refine the ore , we thought it best to go look for it where it was to be had with the king of spains arms on it , for we like other children loved pictures strangely . 18. sund. this morning we proceeded on our intended voyage , and about eleven in the forenoon we saw the south sea ; then coming to a small isle near the mouth of the river darien we rested our selves ; from this we went to another about two leagues distant , and took our lodging there . 19. mund. at day light we put from this isle , and rowing not above half an hour , the wind blew very hard and against the tide of ebb , which made a great sea , and had like to have put a period to all our atcheivements : one of our canoes being overset with seven men in her ; but it pleased god , that with extream danger even to those that rescued them , they were all saved . it being a certain truth that those who are born to be hang'd shall never be drown'd , it proving so with us , one of our company being hang'd at iamaica on port royal ; and we were very near it here in london ; after this having a violent storm of rain we were forced on shoar upon a long sandy bank , where we built a house and were content to lodg in it this night . 20. tuesd. this morning it being fair weather again , we put to sea with our fleet of canoes . towards noon it began to blow hard , yet nothing is difficult to a willing mind , so we proceeded ; about two in the after noon we put ashoar at an isle to look some water to drink , and finding some in the stinking holes of the rocks we drank it as heartily as canary . this island is high , round , and rocky , and here is plenty of sea-fowl ; we staid not long here , but about four of the clock we came to planting isle , where finding a bark , and we standing in need of shipping , put some of our men on board here ; at this place we took quarters for this night ; there was on board the bark 130. men , so this was now our admiral , the rest being canoes that carried from six to fifteen men. 21. wedn. in the morning we departed from this isle , with the bark and canoes , being bound for the island of chipila for provisions , we in our way met with one of the spaniards armadillo barks , or little men of war , who fell foul of us , killing one man and wounding five more , so left us . having no provisions , and perceiving we should be continually skirmishing , we went on shoar at this island , and lay there that night 22. thursd. finding but small supply for our wants on this isle , we were resolved to seek further , so we stood to the westward , rowing along the shoar all that day and the night following , in hopes to reach another island where we were informed we might accommodate our selves with neeessaries . 23. frid. we parted with our bark and 130. men in her , whom we had sent to look some water for us , where they could find it , early in the morning ; and soon after we met with three armadillo barks with 280 men on board them , which engaged our fleet of canoes , having in all scarce above 200 found men in them . these three barks were fitted out of panama , who by this had notice from santa maria of our approach , on purpose to cut us off , thus unprovided of shipping , or convenience of defence , being in canoes that carried some six , some eight and ten , to fifteen men , which leaning on one side might overset the biggest ; however nothing daunted at the disadvantage of fight , we made a resolution rather than drown in the sea , or beg quarter of the spaniard , whom we used to conquer , to run the extreamest hazard of fire and sword , and after a sharp contest , still birding with our fusees as many as durst peep over deck , we boarded one of them , and carried her ; so with her we took the second ; and the third had certainly run the same fate , had not she scoured away in time , ( though to speak without diminution of the commanders courage ) he staid as long as he could , and we plyed him very warmly , so that though we know not certainly how many men they lost on board , yet are confident but few found men returned to their city . in this engagement we had eleven men killed right out , and thirty four more wounded dangerously . these vessels being purposely fitted out for this design , afforded but small conveniency for our wounded men ; so we went in chase of a larger ship which we soon after took , put our wounded men on board her , and lay before the city of panama , as well to refresh our tired men , as to show them , they were not like to be rid of us so . 25. sund. captain iohn coxon , with fifty men perswaded the indians to return back , being a little in disgrace amongst our men , as something tainted with cowardize in the late action , which made him leave us , and take with him his chyrurgeon , and most of our best medicines , not having any consideration or respect for our wounded men which we had on board , being forty in number , as a man of moral honesty ought to have had : thus making our retreat the more unsafe by taking away fifty sound men , and then leaving us destitute of remedies for the recovery of our wounded and sick ; but this last thing was unknown to the rest of our company . 26. mund. captain coxon being gone , captain sawkins and captain sharp having full commission from our said emperour of darien , agreed to stay in those seas till our wounded men were cured ; after this we had lay some time before panama , and took some of their ships , one of which slipt by us in the night , but we followed her with an oyster bark into the harbour ; and so near the shoar that we could hear the spaniards talk , and fetched her out again . she came with money to pay off the souldiers , but we eased them of it ; it being 60000 pieces of eight , which we divided amongst us the next day , coming to 247 pieces of eight per man ; then we went to a small island which they call taboga for wood , water , and other necessaries , and staid there till may the 13th . may 13. after we had thus for so many days blocked up the harbour of panama , and having maturely debated the condition we were in , beginning to want provisions , we designed to take some town on the main that might supply our necessities ; so we weighed and stood along shoar till the 23. of may , at which time we arrived at the isles of quiblo . 25. we landed some of our men here to look for provisions , where captain sawkins being too rash , and landing before the rest of our men , who were in other canoes with captain sharp , and running up to the town , which having timely notice of our coming , had made several brest-works for our reception , entertained him very hotly , yet he being a man that nothing upon earth could terrifie , ran eagerly up to the end of their works , and though at that time not one fourth part of our men were landed , fell in amongst a thousand of them , as they that retreated informed us , and was there unfortunately killed with two men more , and five wounded ; the remainder drew off , still skirmishing till they came to their boats , by which time the rest of our men were landed . thus rashness and want of conduct overthrew our design , yet we took a bark at the rivers mouth loaden with montego and indian corn. as affairs were now with us , we took this for good provisions , and so returned to our ships ; when we came on board there hapned a great distraction amongst our men , which was occationed by the death of captain sawkins . in this mutiny seventy five more of our men left us , and returned over land as they came , delivering up their commissions to our emperour . captain cooke who was commander of a ship , not finding things answering to his desire and expectation , laid down his commission and went on board captain sharp at this juncture , things lookt with a very bad aspect : but captain sharp , who was created by us captain , or rather general , made head against all difficulties , and resolved to stay by our poor wounded men and make a further discovery in those seas . for performance of which he ordered mr. iohn cox to fit out the may-flower , and put forty men on board her , which he did , and we now design'd to find a place where we might carreen our ves●els ; thus we spent our time till the sixth of iune following . iune the sixth , we set fail from quiblo in the afternoon , bound for the gallipagoes , which are seven islands that lie under the aequinoctial , and about 100 leagues from the main . 8. tuesd. this day at twelve the eastermost lsle of quiblo bore n. 6 leagues dist . lat . 7 deg . 30 min. wind south west , much rain . the winds hung at south west , and south west and by south so long , with very much rain , that we could not go to the southward , but fell in with an lsle called gorgony which lies in 3 deg . 10 min. n. where we found pretty good convenience to fit our ships ; we arrived here the 17th . inst. 17th . here we lay and carreened the trinity , but could not bring her keil up , because she had sprung her main-mast , but the may-flower captain cox his vessel we laid ashoar , and gave her a coat of tallow ; this is a good isle for wood , water , timber , pearl , oysters , conies , monkies ; and some rank turtle , with which we feasted our selves till iuly the 25th . 1680. 25. iuly . being sunday , we set sail from gorgony , bound to the southward , wind west , and west south west . 26. and 27 plying along shoar , wind west , and south west . 28. wedn. this day and night we had the wind round the compass , with very much rain ; in the night we lost sight of the trinity , we lower'd our top-sails and halled up our courses , judging our selves to windward of her , and staid for her a whole watch , but not seeing her we made sail and plied to windward . 29. thursd. this twenty four hours we had the wind in the day at west , at night south east ▪ that we laid very good slants along the shoar ; we had very much rain , and saved seven jarrs of water , and in carrying sail sprung our main-top-mast . 30. frid. this twenty four hours we lay very well along shoar , and carried our main-top-mast by the board , we got out our mizon and made a top-mast of that . 31. saturd . we had fair weather , the wind wind between the south , and west south west , we kept close under the land in , five to ten fath . water , the land high with reddish cliffs . august the 1st . sund. we plied under the high land , clear weather , lat . 1 deg . 40 min. n. by a good observation . 2. mund. we kept plying under the shoar , the wind south , and south south east . 3. tuesd. we stood about 10 leag . from the shoar , and in standing in , weathered cape francisco eight leag . we had a strong current which set to the southward . 4. wedn. we kept plying under the shoar , fair weather , l●t . 00 deg . 20 min. south . 5. thursd. we still ply to windward under the shoar , sometimes five or six leag . off , the wind south south west , cloudy . 6. frid. we ply under the shoar , wind south west . 7. saturd . we plied still to windward in a bay called manta , where is seated an indian town of the same name , which affords plenty of indian corn and fowls . 8. sund. this twenty four hours we got under cape lawrence ; it is pretty high land : and a little way up in the country lies a high hummock of land like a sugar-loaf which is called monte de christo. 9. mund. we got about the cape . 10. tuesd. this morning we came to an anchor on the north east side of the island of plate , alias drakes isle ; which is the place for ships to ride . this island affords plenty of goats , of fish , and of turtle , little water , and no timber , but small shrubby bushes . it is a smooth level and lies five leag . south west by south from cape lawrence , we rid in 10 fath . water , clear ground , and the bay pretty steep too . 11. wedn. i sent our canoe round the isle , for discovery , at night they returned on board , bringing some fish that they had caught with hooks and lines . 12. t●ursd . we dugg a hole by the side of a rock , and filled some water . 13. frid. this day captain sharp , to our great joy , arrived in the trinity , but we had sailed away the night before , had not our men in fetching goats from the windward side of the isle , sunk our canoe , for we all judged the trinity had gone to windward upon the coast of peru. 14. saturd . our men turned nine turtle , and continued filling water night and day , by reason of its scarcity . 15. sund. our men feasted on shoar with barbakude , goats and fish , &c. 16. mund. we heilded our ship , and gave her a pair of boot-hose-tops , and took in two or three tun of ballast . 17. tuesd. this day we set sail from drakes isle , the wind at south south west , fair weather ; this lies in 1 deg . 25 min. south lat . here it is reported sir francis drake shared his mony : and here a great many of our men plaid theirs away , and were fit for new adventures . 18. wedn. we got little to windwards this twenty four hours , by reason of a leeward current , wind at south , and south south west . 19. thursd. this twenty four hours we stood on and off the shoar , but got little to windward , cloudy weather , wind south and south west . 20. frid. we kept plying along shoar , but a strong leeward current , wind at south small gales . 21. saturd . this twenty four hours we plied along shoar , wind south , to south west , cloudy weather . 22. sund. this twenty four hours we find the current is abated , and the wind has this night favoured us , that we lay well along shoar , the wind at east south east , cloudy weather . 23. mund. this twenty four hours we had the wind at west south west , good weather , we made point st. hellena , which makes like an island as we sail along shoar , but when you come within a league or two , like a ship on the carreen . 24. tuesd. this twenty four hours we met with a strong currant which sets to the southward , at twelve a clock point hellena bears north north east , 4. leag . distance , our ship being out of her trim , captain sharp took us in a tow. 25. wedn. on tuesday night about nine a clock , we stood to the westward and saw a sail ; the trinity then cast us off , and gave chase , and in a short time came up with her , and after a short dispute with our small arms we took her , she was a small man of war , fitted out of guiaque or wyake by a parcel of merry blades , gentlemen , who drinking in a tavern , made a vow to come to sea with that vessel and thirty men , and take us ; but we made them repent their undertaking . the captains name was don thomas d' algondony , whom after we had severely school'd for his sawcy attempt we entertained on board our admiral . in this conflict we had three of our men wounded ; what they lost we knew not , because it was night ; the next day we sunk the vessel , and plied to the southward . 26. this day captain sharp took me in a tow , lat . 2 deg . 46 min. we have had a current which has carried us very far into wyake bay , wind at south west to north west , little winds . 27. frid. this day we had a good observation , in lat . 3 deg . 15 min. the wind at north west , and west north west , the current sets south west ; this morning , examining some prisoners , they told us that one of our barks that left us at quibloa nova , came to the isle of gallea , where the men going on shoar , were all killed but one ; we suppose it was the bark that mr. edward doleman was in and seven men more . in the night the trinity put a stays , and they not halling their main sail in time the ship , backt a stern and carried our boltspreet by the board . 28. saturd . this morning the trinity came to an anchor , in 9 or 10 fath . water under the shoar , so we laid her aboard with our ship , and took out the best of her apparel and sunk her , for that country could not afford us a tree large enough to make us a new boltspreet . in the afternoon we got up our anchor and stood to the southward . 29. sund. we kept plying under the shoar , not standing above 5 or 6 leag . off , expecting a land wind , but found none ; this is high land with white cliffs , and green shrubs growing in the vallies , wind at south west , a hard breaze between ten and two in the afternoon , a strong south west current which makes a great sea. 30. mund. this twenty four hours we got about cape blanco , the wind west south west , hard gales and two reifs in our main-top-sail . 31. tuesd. we kept plying under the shoar ; this day we saw a pair of bark loggs but came not near them for descrying our selves , lat . 4 deg . 45 min. the wind south west , fair weather . sept. 1. wedn. we plyed to windward 6 or 7 leagues off shoar , wind south west . 2. thursd. this twenty four hours we plied under the shoar , and this morning saw a sail about 6 or 7 leag . to windward of us , lat . 5 deg . 34 min. wind south west , to west south west . 3. frid. we still kept plying to windward in chase of the ship , a fresh gale of wind between south east and south south west . 4. saturd . we came up with her and took her , she came from wyake , loaden with timber , some bail goods and cocoa , bound for lyma , which they now call ciudad de los reyes . 5. sund. we began to take out her goods that we wanted . moderate gales at south east , and south south west . 6. mund. we finisht our business , and took out all that was valuable in her , cut her main-mast by the board , put most of our prisoners on board her , gave them six packs of flower , and all the provisions that were taken in the ship , and turned them loose . now we judged our selves 45 leag . to the westward of the high land of payta in lat . deg . 12 min. south , the wind be●ween south east and south west , our ●eparture west is 45 leag . 7. tuesd. the wind south south east , ●ir weather , lat . 7 deg . 35 min. departure ●leag . west 50 leag . 8. wedn. the wind south south east 〈◊〉 south . fresh gales lat . 8 deg . 5 min. ●eparture 15 leag . west . this day we bu●ed robert mongomery , who died of his ●ounds , west 65 leag . 9. thursd. we have gone but a leag . ●o the westward , lat . 8 deg . 12 min. wind south to south south east fair ●eather , west 66 leag . 10. frid. 12 leag . west lat . 9 deg . ● min. wind south south east , west 78 ●eag . 11. saturd . we have run 8 leag . west ●at . 10 deg 19 min. the wind from south east to south south east , foggy weather . 12. sund. we have run 13 leag . west ●at . 11 deg . 49 min. the wind from south east to east . west 99 leag . 13. mund. we have run 19 leag . west ●at . 13 deg . 24 min. a fresh gale at south and south south east , the sun was eclipsed this afternoon , our departure west 118 leag . 14. tuesd. we have run 7 leag . west , lat . 14 deg . 9 min. very hard gales that put us by our top-sails , west 125 leag . 15. wedn. 13 leag . west . lat . 15 deg . 21 min. moderate gales , west 138 leag . 16. thursd. 13 leag . west lat . 16 deg . 33 min. fresh gales at south to south east , fair weather , west 151 leag . 17. frid. we have run 4 leag . west , lat . 18 deg . 5 min. fresh gales ; this night we had a gust of wind that made us hand our top-sails for the space of two hours ; our departure west is 155 leag . 18. saturd . this twenty four hours we have run 3 leag west , lat . 19 deg . 35 min. small rain with a gust of wind at east , west 158 leag . 19. sund. this twenty four hours we have run 5 leag . west , lat . 20 deg . 8 min. small winds at south south east ; by this account we are departed from the meridian of payta , 163 leag west . finding water will be scarce with us , we are put to an allowance , of not full a pint each man for four and twenty hours , the captain having but the same with another man , our other provision was only flower , of which we had five ounces per day . 20. mund. this twenty four hours we have run 10 leag . east lat . by observation 19 deg . 48 min. the wind at west . east 10 leag . 21. tuesd. we have run 31. leag . east lat . 20 deg . 12 min. the wind west fresh gales , in the morning it came to south south east , fair weather . east 41 leag . 22. wedn. this twenty four hours we have run 22 leag . east lat . 19 deg . 38 min. the wind at south south east very hard gales , east 63 leag . 23. thursd. we have run 2 leag . east lat . 20 deg . 40 min. a hard gale at east and east south east . east . 65 leag . 24. frid. this twenty four hours we have run 4 leag . east lat . 21 deg . 39 min. the wind at east south east to north east . east 69 leag . 25. saturd . we have run 4 leag . east . lat . 21 deg . 58 min. windy . east 73 leag . 26. sund. 5 leag . east lat . 22 deg . 12 min. wind north west . east 71 leag . 27. mund. this twenty four hours we have run 35 leag . east lat . 22 deg . 29 min. fair weather , wind north to west a strong southern current . 113 leag . 28. tuesd. 21 leag . east lat . 22 deg . 35 min. wind south with rain . east 134 leag . 29. wedn. we have run 20 leag . east lat . 22 deg . 18 min. fair weather , the wind south to south east . east 154 leag . 30. thursd. 26 leag . east in lat . 21 deg . 45 min. wind at south east and east south east fresh gales . east 180 leag . october the 1st . we have run 17 leag , east lat . 21 deg . 12 min. the wind at south east . east 197 leag . 2. saturd . we have run 22 leag . east lat . 20 deg . 39 min. the wind at south east , cloudy weather . 3. sund. we we have run 23 leag east lat . 19 deg . 37 min. very fre●h gales of wind at south east , cloudy weather . east 242 leag . 4. mund. we have run 16 leag . east , lat . 19 deg . 00 min. this night we handed our top-sails for wind . east 258 leag . 5. tuesd. this twenty four hours we have run 15 leag . east lat . 18 deg . 30. min. hard gales of wind at south east , and south south east . east 273 leag . 6. wedn. 7 leag . west lat . 19 deg . 00 min. wind east south east , my last we●ting was 163 leag . this 7 added makes w●st 170 leag . 7. thursd. this twenty four hours we have run 7 leag . west lat . 19 deg . 30 min. fresh gales at south east , cloudy weather , we went with our courses ; here i find a strong north west current for which we allowed 20 leag . west which makes 170. 7. 20. west 197 leag . 8. frid. we have run 13 leag . east lat . 19 deg . 25 min. little wind at south east and ●air weather . east 216 leag . 9. saturd . we have run 11 leag . east lat . 19 deg . 3 min. cloudy weather . east 297 leag . 10. sund. 4 leag . east lat . 19 deg . 50 min. wind south to east . east 301 leag . 11. mund. 21 leag . eastlat . 19 deg . 8 min. wind south east . east 322 leag . 12. tuesd. 11 leag . east lat . 18 deg . 1 min. hazy weather . east 333 leag . 13. wedn. 4 leag . east lat . 18 deg . 26 min. wind round the compass . east 337 leag . 14. thursd. 2 leag . east lat . 18 deg . 20 min. little wind at south east . east 339 leag . 15. frid. 16 leag . east lat . 17 deg . 57 min. wind south east . east . 355 leag . 16. saturd . 15 leag . east lat . 17 deg . 19 min. wind south south east to south east . east . 370 leag . 17. sund. we have run 11 leag . east lat . 16 deg . 49 min. the wind at south east to east south east . this morning we made land it bore north east 6 leag . distance . east 381 leag . 18. mund. by this account heloe lies to the eastward of payta . our easting 381 leag . our west . 197 leag . the remainder which is our distance is 184 leag . east . 19. tuesd. we turned up along shoar , the wind by day south and south south east , at night at east . 20. wedn. we still continued plying along shoar , the current sets here north west very strong , the shoar lies north west and s. e. lat . 17 deg . 42 min. and little wind . 21. thursd. we kept plying to windward a long shoar lat . 18 deg . 2 min. the wind at s. to e. very high land . 22. frid. we plyed along shoar in lat . 18 deg . 8 min. the wind from e. to s. e. fair weather . 23. saturd . we had no benefit of the land wind , we lay so near the high land in lat . 18 deg . 10 min. 24. sund. this twenty four hours we kept plying under the land , and this morning saw the south shoar , lat . 18 deg . 16 min. 25. mund. this day at twelve a clock we made the white hill that is by aryca , we made small sail to spend away the day , at night we manned our canoes and boat and went to the shoar side , where the sea ran so high , that we could not land . 26. tuesd. being thus unfortunately disappointed of landing our men , we bore up the helm for a port called heloe . at this time water was worth 30 pieces of eight per pint to those that could spare their allowance , and he that bought it thought he had a great peny-worth ; from aryca to heloe , the coast lies n. w. and s. e. 27. wedn. this day about six or seven of the clock we manned our canoes , and in the dawning of the day landed our men. there is but seven or eight indian houses by the water-side , and a spa●ish village upon a hill about half a mile from the landing place , with a church in it . 28. thursd. this morning our ship came to an anchor in the road , in 14 fath . water , where we lay till wednesday following , when we had examined our prisoners , they told us that two miles up the vally , there was a sugar work , to which , when we had set some of our men to fill us fresh water , we marched , and finding the people all gone to hide themselves for fear of us ; we loaded our selves down to the water-side , with sugar and some wine , and then returned to the work to keep possession , and lay there that night . 29. frid. this day we had some gentlemen came to speak with us , bringing with them a flag of truce , which persons we treated very civilly ; they desired we would not demolish their sugar work , and they would bring us eighty beefs , to the water-side and some hoggs , which they promised should be ●rought us in 48 hours , so having feasted our selves with fresh pork , sallads , 〈…〉 &c. we returned to the water-side . 30. saturd . here we took up our lodging ashoar , filling water and pulling old houses down , to carry on board for fire wood . after we had lain the time out that the beefs should have been brought thither , came a spaniard and told us the wind blew so hard that they could not drive their cattle ; but that all expedition should be used to bring them to us , so we continued till tuesday the second of november . november the 2d . this morning we expected our beefs , but in lieu of them the spaniard sent us 300 horsemen to to fight us , so we drew out our men in a plain ground for fear of ambuscades , and resolved to stand the shock ; for we had left a select guard to receive our canoes , and boat , when they should come to shoar . the enemy came riding at full speed toward us , that we thought their horse would have been in with our body and charged us home ; but when they came within reach of our fuzees , we dismounted most of their front with a volly of small shot , which put a stop to their carreer and courages , and not finding it safe to come nearer , fairly wheeled off to the left , and took shelter amongst the hills . this confirmed us that we should get no other beefs ; so having filled our water , we that night went on board , our ships ; leaving the starched spaniards room to stalk about their empty houses , for at this time we had no other so good firing as old houshold stuff made us . 3. wedn. this morning having dispatched our affairs at heloe , we weighed and stood to sea , wind south west , we run 2 leag . 4. thursd. we had little wind at south : we have run 4 leag . west . in all west 6 leag . 5. frid. this twenty four hours we have run 5 leag . west , little wind at s. s. e. to e. s. e. and fair weather . 6. saturd . this twenty four hours we have run 15 leag . w. wind s. and s. e. and by s. 7. sund. this twenty four hours we have run 4 leag . west , little wind at s. and s. e. 8. mund. we have run 4 leag . w. little wind at s. 9. tuesd. we have run 2 leag . e. little wind at s. 10. wedn. we have run 3 leag . e. little wind at s. 11. thursd. we have run 13 leag . w. wind s. and e. s. e. 12. frid. we have run 19 leag . w. wind s. s. e. 13. saturd . we have run 3 leag . west lat . 21 deg . 37 min. we have now run in all 64 leag . to the westward of heloe . 14. sund. we have run 14 leag . west , lat . 22 deg . 44 min. fair weather , west 78 leag . 15. mund. we have run 15 leag . west , ●at . 23 deg . 28 min. the wind from s. to e. west 93 leag . 16. tuesd. we have run 5 leag . east , lat . 23 deg . 33 min. wind at south , the 5. leag . easting deducted , our departure west is 88 leag . 17. wedn. we have run 8 leag . west , ●at . 23 deg . 35 min. wind s. to s. w. ●air weather . vvest 96 leag . 18. thursd. we have run 16 leag . west , lat . 24 deg . 15 min. wind s. e. west . 112. 19. frid. we have run 13 leag . west , lat . 25 deg . squally weather , west 125 leag . 20. saturd . we have run 12 leag . west lat 25 deg . 57 min. the wind from s. e. to s. good weather . west 137 leag . 21. sund. we have run 14 leag . west lat . 26 deg . 57 min. squally weather with drisling rain , wind s. e. west 148 leag . 22. mund. we have run 8 leag . west lat . 27 deg . 30 min. west 156 leag . 23. tuesd. we have had very little wind at n. w. and w. n. w. lat . 27 deg . 41 min. 1 leag . west . west 157 leag . 24. wedn. we have run 19 leag . east , lat . 28 deg . 39 min. wind at n. w. fair weather . east 19 leag . 25. thursd. we have run 23 leag . east , lat . 29 deg . 50 min. wind n. w. a very great n. w. sea. east 42 leag . 26. frid. we have run 25 leag . east , lat . 30 deg . 9 min. wind s. w. east 67 leag . 27. saturd . we have run 23 leag . east , lat . 30 deg . 16 min. fair weather the wind at s. and s. s. e. east 90 leag . 28. sund. we have run 26 leag . east , lat . 30 deg . 8 min. wind s. east 116 leag . 29. mund. we have run 20 leag . east lat . 30 deg . 17 min. wind s. and s. s. e. smooth water , a fresh of winds . east 136 leag . 30. tuesd. we have run 16 leag . east , lat . 30 deg . 23. min. east 152 leag . decemb. the 1st . we have run 15 leag . east , lat . 30 deg . 30 min. east 167 leag . 2. thursd. we have run 12 leag . east , lat . 30 deg . 36 min. very hard gales of wind at south all night under our courses , after we had done observing this day we made the land , it was high and barren , we bore up and steered n. e. by n. 12 leag . east . in all 179 leag . 3. frid. about two of the clock in the morning we manned our canoes and boat , with eighty five stout fellows , and away we went for the town of coquimbo , resolving not to return without plundering it in revenge of the affront the heloe men put upon us . the canoes wherein were thirty five men out-rowed the boat , and landed before day , and just upon day light they discerned the patroule , which is kept on the bay ; and at this time did consist of about 150 horse , who deriving courage from their advantage in numbers , hemmed us in a ring , not doubting but to have an easie conquest over so few men , and rid boldly up to us ; our commander considering we were but thirty five , ordered that but six men should fire at once on the enemy , to keep the longer from a close fight ; being provided of no other arms then a fuzee and a pistol , as also knowing our party would in a little time come up to our rescue , but whether they did or no , this was our resolution , to turn our backs on the water-side and every man maintain his ground , or fall upon the spot he stood on . by this time they were come pretty near , and i believe scarce a shot flew in vain , and so quick , having cartridges alway fitted for our small arms , that scarce two vollies were fired before those that had discharged were ready loaded for them again , that he was happiest amongst them that got furthest behind ; thus we battered them severely , which they , after they had made a stand to carry off their dead , not liking , retreated in disorder , doing no other damage then the wounding one man. we followed the chase , though but leisurely , that our men who had been set on shoar by the boat , might come up with us , which in a little time they did , following us , by the track of our feet and tops of the cartridges , coming with full speed to our assistance if there had been occasion ; then we followed the enemy as close as we could , thinking they had retreated into the town , but they decoyed us ( to give the people time to secure their valuable commodities ) a contrary way , and led us amongst ditches and watry swamps ; yet at last we got to the town , and in a short time made our selves masters of it , with little or no loss on our side . here we staid four days to refresh our selves , finding plenty of hogs , fowls , mutton , and sallads , with very good wine , which is made here , also great store of wheat , barly , and all european grain , and many large orchards as they have in kent , of apples , pears , cherries , &c. likewise delicate gardens of apricocks , peaches , strawberries , gooseberries , and other fruit. the town of coquimbo , scituate upon a hill , is three quarters of a mile square , and has nine good churches in it ; and it is distant from the road for shipping about eight miles . the chief manufacture of the place is copper , which they have in abundance . here is also gold-dust , which washes out of a great river that runs into the sea , at the foot of the hill whereon the town stands , the latitude of the place is 29 deg . 50 min. south . the second day that we were in the town , there came six gentlemen to us , with a flag of truce , desiring that we would send their governour some wine , for he had none in the fields where he lay , which we did , together with some fowls . and this compliment ; that if either himself or his lady wanted any thing that they had left behind them , gold , silver , and jewels excepted , they might with freedom command it . after this , finding we were such sociable enemies , and so good natured victors , he invited our captain to drink a glass of wine with him at the top of a hill just by the town side , and desired our captain to come without arms , and but with one man , and he would do the same , which our commander consented to , and met the governour with two bottles of vvine , where they drank and were merry together , and where amongst other discourse our interest was not forgotten . our commander agreeing with the governour , who was unwilling the town should be demolished , to ransom it for 95000 pieces of eight , which he promised to send us the next day . so having drank their vvine , they parted ; we receiving the captain into the town with a volly of small arms. the next day our fancies being filled with the expectation of so much money , we were at a pitch of mirth higher then ordinary , when we received a letter from on board our ship , intimating that there was an indian with a couple of seal skins blown like bladers , of which he made a float , and in the dead of the night came under the stern of our ship , with a ball of pitch , sulphur , oakum , and such combustible matter , and stuck it between the rudd●r and stern-port , and set it on fire with a brimstone match , after this he left his new fashioned boat and swome on shoar . this fire made such a stench that almost choaked the men in the ship , who else , it is possible , had not awaked , for had they kept a good look out , the indian could not have effected so great a part of his design , some leaped into their canoes and others searched within board , and at last found the fire before it had taken hold of the ship. this piece of treachery made us despair of our money ; however it wrought this effect upon us , that ever after , we kept so strict a watch , that we had prevented any such other mischiefs , had they attempted the like against us . and truly as our circumstances were , it was a deliverance , no serious man will be ever unmindful to give god thanks for . for at that time , had our ship been burnt , not one man of us had escaped , the spaniards being not easily reconciled to us , for those ill offices we had done them since our visits there on the south sea coasts , and some of us also not unknown to them in the north seas ; that they would have hanged the rest if they had been saints . the spaniards perceiving their project had not operated to burn our ship , they early in the morning turned all the water sluices into the town , which in an hours time , made the streets almost ankle deep in water , which before was dry dust . this they did , either to drive us out of the town , or to have water at hand to quench it , in case we set it on fire , which ( resolving to keep our word with the enemy ) we did , firing it in several places at once , and packing up our luggage , after we had staid till the greatest part of it was in flames , we marched out of it down to the water side ; but the governour had drawn all his men from the tops of the hills , down into the vally , by the water side into the way that we should pass ; so we detached out a small party for a forlorn , supposing we must have fought our way through ; but as soon as we began to pink some of their jackets for them with our fuzees , they got out of our reach , and went to their ruin'd town leaving us to go peaceably on board our ship. when we came on board , we sent a shoar a great number of our prisoners , and amongst the rest don thomas d'algondony , captain peralta , captain don iuan , and many others , some of them being merchants , which we had taken and kept on board , to learn them to eat montego and do●eboys . yet had they no reason to complain of their entertainment amongst us , they being very civilly treated with the best our ship could afford , which if they do not justly acknowledge , let them have a care we call them not to an account for their ingratitude , when they least think of it . 7. tuesd. this day we weighed from coguimbo , wind at south . 8. wedn. little wind at south , we stood to the westward , and made three islands that lye north west , a little distance from the harbour of coquimbo . 9. thursd. at 12 a clock the southermost isle bore west 12 leag . distance . 10. frid. very little wind at south we have run 2 leag . vvest . vvest 14 leag . 11. saturd . vve have run 3 leag . vvest , wind n. e. vvest , 17 leag . 12. sund. vve have run this 24 hours 13 leag . vvest wind south . vvest 30 leag . 1● . ●●nd . plying between coquimbo and iuan fernandoes . this 24 hours we have run 11 leag . vvest , lat . 30 deg . 2 min. the wind at s. e. fair weather . vvest 41 leag . 14. tuesd. vve have run 4 leag . east , lat . 30 deg . 29 min. wind s. s. vv. with rain the 4 leag . east deducted makes our departure vvest 37 leag . 15. wedn. vve have run 7 leag . vvest , lat . 30 deg . 40 min. very hard gales at s. and s. s. w. west 44 leag . 16. thursd. vve have run 20 leag . vvest , lat . 30 deg . 40 min. vvest 64 leag . 17. frid. vve have run 11 leag . vvest , lat . 30 deg . 30 min. vvest 75 leag . 18. saturd . we have run 12 leag . west , lat . 30 deg . 54 min. wind s. to s. e. squally weather . west 87 leag . 19. sund. we have run 15 leag . vvest , lat . 31 deg . 39 min. wind s. e. vvest 102 leag . 20. mund. vve have run 17 leag . vvest , lat . 32 deg . 21 min. vvest 119 leag . 21. tuesd. vve have run 12 leag . vvest , lat . 32 deg . 13 min. vvest 131 leag . 22. wedn. vve have run 3 leag . east , lat . 32 deg . 10 min. the wind round the compass . east 3 leag . 23. thursd. vve have run 3 leag . east lat . 32 deg . 43 min. the wind from n ▪ w. to s. e. east 6 leag . 24. frid. we have run 15 leag . east lat . 33 deg . 33 min. wind at n. to n. n. vv. this day we made the vvestermost isle of iuan fernando's , it bears s. vv. east 21 leag . 25. saturd . vve have run 10 leag . east , lat . 33 deg . 42 min. at six a clock in the evening we came to an anchor at the southermost part of this island in 11 fath . water , where we lay very smooth , in the n. vv. bay. vve lay at this place until tuesday following , but not finding it a good road we went to leeward of the island , where we lay very smooth in the n. w. bay. here we lay and refresht our men , with goats flesh and fresh fish , of both which here is plenty ; and as it is usuall amongst the generality of men , that plenty of all things , breeds an increase of ill humors , faction and disturbances so it had the same effect upon our men , for now they are for a new commander . a party of the disaffected to captain sharp got ashoar and subscribed a paper to make iohn wutling commander , pretending liberty to a free election as they termed it , and that watling had it by vote . the reason of this mutiny was , that sharp had got about 3000 pieces of eight , and was willing to come home that year , but two thirds of the company had none left ; having lost it at play ; and those would have captain sharp turned out , because they had no mind as yet to return home . this fewd was carried on so fiercely , that it was very near coming to a civil vvar , had not some prudent men a little modera●ed the thing ; yet all this while we all ●oined in the ready fitting our vessel , and used all diligence imaginable to get ●o sea again . it pleased god as our ship was newly made clean and ready to sail , there came three men of war to look for us ; now we had at that time two canoes at the windward side of the isle , setching goats , who saw the three men of war , and gave us notice of them , so that we had just time to get our men on board , who were most of them at that time on shoar , cutting wood and washing their clothes . as soon as they were got on board , the ships came in sight , so we got up one anchor , and left the other behind us . we heysted in our canoes and boat , and clapt close by the wind , for at this time those ships were to leeward of us about two miles ; their admiral sailed well , so that in chase of us , the other two were two leagues distant from him ; now knowing we could deal well enough with him , tho he had twelve great guns , and we not one , we went about-ship , resolving to board him before the other two could come up with us , and then we should be ready for them . but so soon as he saw us put a stays , he bore up the helm and went to his consorts . this was the twelfth of january 1680. iuan fernandez at queen katherines isle , as we called it , is very high land , well wooded , and has plenty of fresh water , goats and fish , with a wholesome air , and lyes in 33 deg . 40 min. south lat . and about 100 leag . from the main land. 13. thursd. we keep plying to windward , to see the motion of these three ships ; we saw one plying for the island , the other two we judged were got to an anchor under the island . our men being mutinous and full fed , resolved to surprise the city of aryca , so in the night we bore up the helm , and left the spaniards to cast a figure to know where to meet us next . 14. frid. we have run 15 leag . east , lat . 32 deg . 33 min. the wind at s. and s. s. e. 5 leag . distance from the isle when we bore up , which makes east 20 leag . 15. saturd . between iuan fernandez and aryca ; we have run 21 leag . east , lat . 30 deg . 36 min. wind south east 41 leag . 16. sund. we have run 20 leag . east , lat . 29 deg . 23 min. east 61 leag . 17. mund. we have run 18 leag . east lat . 29 deg . 49 min. wind s. s. e. we differ by dead reckoning and corre●t it by observation 7 leag . which being deducted out of our easting , there remains east 7● leag . 18. tuesd. we have run 22 leag . east lat 26 deg . 13 min. wind at south and s. s. e. clowdy weather . east 94 leag . 19. wedn. we have run east 20 leag . lat . 25 deg . 7 min. wind south . east 114 leag . 20. thursd. we have run 22 leag . north lat . 24 deg . the wind at south ; this morning we saw the land which was very high and mountainous , and bore e. n. e. 14 leag . distance . east 114 leag . 21. frid. we have run 26 leag . north lat . ●2 deg . 43 min. wind south . 22. saturd . we have run 12 leag . west , lat . 21 deg . 26 min. wind south and s. s. e. 12 leag . west from 114 east make our departure . east but 102 leag . 23. sund. we have run 11 leag . east , lat . 20 deg . 42 min. the wind in the day at south , by night east , a strong current that sets to the northward . east 113 leag . 24. mund. vve sent our canoes to an island that lyes a little from the shoar to take some prisoners , that might inform us how the city of aryca was fortified , so we lay on and off the shoar for this day . 25. tuesd. vve plyed to windward , for our canoes at night they came on board , but had mist of the island , so we put in a fresh gang of men and away they went on the same errand this night . 26. wedn. our canoes came on b●ard at night , bringing with them two old indian men , who informed captain iohn watling who now was commander in chief , and took their examinations in private , that there was seven companys of kings soldiers in the town , and that the place was well fortisied with breast-works , besides a strong fort of thirteen copper guns , but for fear of discouraging us in the attempt he discovered nothing of this to us , but swore he would have the town or that should have him , which proved a prophecy ; with this resolution he commands the helm to be bore up . 27. thursd. little or no wind , lat . 20 deg . 20 min. 28. frid. we went with our boat and canoes , wherein we had 92 men that we could land , leaving a small guard on our boats. we rowed along shoar till 29. saturd . morning , and lay still all this day for fear of being descried , and on saturd . night we rowed most part of the night . ianuary the 30. sund. being the anniversary day in commemoration of the martyrdom of king charles the first , for which i believe the english both have and will suffer severely , and seas of our blood be shed for sacrifices to expiat● the murther of the best of princes , we landed our men , and advanced towards the town of aryca , but as we marched we divided our men ●nto two parties , of which 40 were designed for the fort , and the rest for the city . when we drew near the town , we saw a great number of men drawn up without their works , in a plain sandy ground , who fired at our party that marched towards the town , and our men returning their compliment kept on their way ; our other party that were for the fort seeing us ingaged , hasted down the hill , with a shour , and cried , they run , they run , and then firing on their flank , made them run in good earnest , and with what haste they could , get into their breast-works . when we were united into one body the enemy played their cannon briskly upon us ; so we resolved to attaque their breast-works , which were out of the bearing of their fort , but we had a smart a●sault of it , for we being all open to their , fire and naked men , and they secured in their works , they by this advantage , killed us a great many men. at last some of ours got to the end of their biggest breastwork , which galled us most and then we plyed them well with small shot , which was a cartridge fit for the bores of our fuzees with a full shot in it and 7 or 9 swan shot loose upon that . this kept them in play till our men in the front began to storm the wall ; upon which they cryed for quarter , which our unwary commander too readily granted , it afterwards proving the ruin of our design . in this jun●ture we received many a volly from three other breastworks , that this great one lay within command of ; and we being for dispatch faced about with a party of ours , and took them all by assault without giving any quarter to those that were in them , they being creolians , a people half spaniards and half indians , of a copper colour'd complexion , and men that never give it themselves . from hence we advanced to the town and took it , that now we had nothing to do but to give a general assault to the fort , but captain watling delaying his time , in the breastwork where he staid to give quarter ; those we drove out of the town got into the fort ; whom , had it not been for the guns to put into our ship , we would not have troubled our selves with ; for we knew that having once possession of the town , there was more coined money then we could tell how to bring away , in case we had not been disturbed , which plunder would have made us what we could desire ; but we wanted their cannon , to secure it on board when we should get it there . at length the captain marched into the town with his prisoners and called us all together , where being come , we found we had more prisoners then men of our own . so that after we had sent our wounded men to the hospital , got the doctors to dress them , and set a guard upon our prisoners and wounded , which took up above an hours time , we marched to the fort , and then too plainly saw that had we not been so hasty in giving quarter , but as soon as we had taken the town , rallied again and made an attempt on the fort , no doubt but we had carried it in spight of all opposition . we then contrived to set some of the prisoners before us , to secure us the better in our approach to the walls of the fort , but they fired as well upon them , as us , and on a sudden at a signal given , they all run from us into a sally port , which was hastily shut with some of them left out , whom we knocked on the head . yet we undauntedly got under the walls , and began to throw over our hand-granadoes , which proved bad and were altogether unserviceable . now while we were under the wall , and consulting how we should get amongst them , though a prisoner told us there were three hundred kings souldiers , in the garison . the country people came in so ●ast upon us , that we could do no good on the fort , so we retre●ted towards the t●wn . in which action captain watlin was shot into the reins , and killed ; and to add to our loss & disappointment we found both the town , and breast-works , new manned by the country people , which while we were engaged with , they sallyed out of the fort upon us , so that we were forced to quit our attempt on the town and betake our selves to the plain field , leaving our doctors , and some wounded men in the hospital behind us . when we came into the field , and saw such a small remainder of our men , and our enemies horse quite round us , we got our wounded men into the middle , and casting our selves into a circle or ring , fought our way through . not one man of us offering to run , and thus marched down to our boats , but with heavy hearts , to think we should leave so much plate behind us . and notwithstanding we were so few , and this few almost choaked for want of water , having been ingaged from eight a clock in the morning till two in the afternoon , yet durst they not break in with our body , which at this time consisted but of forty seven fighting men , and they at least twelve hundred in the field , besides what were in their fort , town , and breast-works ; and our canoes lay full three miles from the town . all which way we charged through and through them , and lost not one man in the retreat , though some of us were wounded ; what damage we did them we never knew , but it could not but be considerable . in this fight we had eight and twenty men killed , seventeen wounded , and the doctors taken prisoners , who had quarter given them as we were afterwards told . this arica is seated in a very pleasant vally by a river side , and is the barkador or place for shipping off the treasure which comes from the mines of the mountain of potosy , is a good harbour , and secure , and lies in eighteen deg ▪ and twenty min. south latitude , and a healthy air , the people of a good complexion and stature . the mountains by the city afford good salt , which the inhabitants digg in cakes of a hundred weight per peice . here is also a very good harbour . this night about nine a clock we got on board . 31. mund. we stood to the westward . little wind at s. and s. s. e. february the ist. we plied to the southward under the shoar . 2. wedn. we kept plying under the shoar till afternoon , then stood off to sea. the high land in 19 deg . bears east 10 leag . distance ; west 10 leag . 3. thursd. little wind all day . 4. frid. we have run 6 leag . west , wind e. and e. s. e. west 16 leag . 5. saturd . we have run 2 leag . west , ●at . 20 deg . 53 min. wind s. s. e. west 18 leag . 6. sund. we have run 17. leag . west lat . 21 deg . 22 min. west 35 leag . 7. mund. we have run 19 leag . west , lat . 21 deg . 34 min. wind south . west 54 leag . 8. tuesd. we have run 9 leag . west , lat . 21. deg . 49 min. clowdy weather . west 63 leag . 9. wedn. we have run 19 leag . west , lat . 22 deg . 20 min. wind s. s. e. west 82 ▪ leag . 10. thursd. we have run 18 leag . west , lat . 23 deg . 5 min. a southern great sea. west 100 leag . 11. frid. we have run 15 leag . west , lat . 23 deg . 50 min. wind s. e. west 115 leag . 12. saturd . lat. 25 deg . 12 min. a great sea wind e. s. e. and s. e. 13. sund. we have run 15 leag . west , lat . 25 deg . 50 min. wind south east , with some rain . west 130 leag . 14. mund. we have run 3 leag . west lat . 26 deg . 6 min. west 133 leag . 15. tuesd. 14 leag . west , lat . 26 deg . ●0 min. west 147 leag . 16. wedn. we have run 2 leag . west , lat . 27 deg . 44 min. wind south and e. s. e. we are run in all west . 149 leag . 17. thursd. we have run 8 leag . west , lat . 28 deg . 7 min. west 157 leag . 18 frid. we have run 10 leag . west , lat . 28 deg . 44 min. west 167 leag . 19. saturd . we have run 14 leag . west , ●at . 29 deg . 29 min. west 181 leag . 20 sund. we have run 15 leag . west , ●at . 31 deg . 1 min. west 196 leag . 21. mund. we have run 24 leag . west , lat . 31 deg 34 min. squally weather . west 220 leag . 22 tuesd. we have run 2 leag . west , ●at . 31 deg . 50 min. wind s. e. to s. w. hazy weather . west 222 leag . 23 wedn. we have run 5 leag . west , lat . 32 deg . 11 min. wind s. e. to south . west 227 leag . 24. thursd. and 25. frid. we have lain becalmed , lat . 32 deg . 26 min. 26. saturd . we have run east 16 ▪ leag . in lat . 3● deg . 50 min. the wind a● north west to west clear weather ▪ east 16 leag . 27. sund. we have run 15 leag . east , lat . 33 deg . 18 min. the wind at vv. s. vv. at night the wind took us a stays at s. e. with rain . east 31 leag . 28. mund. we have run 6 leag . east , lat . 34 deg . 4 min. the wind from e. to s. e. clowdy weather . east 37 leag . march the 1st . tuesd. we have lain becalmed in lat . 34 deg . 13 min. 2. wedn. we have run 16 leag . east , lat . 34 deg . 2 min. the wind at vv. to s. e. with rain ; at this time water grew scarce , and our men mutinied about a commander , for the former dissenters had not forgot their old cant , so we proposed standing over for the main to get water and fresh provision ; this appeased them for a while , nothing else was capable to do it but only finding them employment for their stirring spirits and unruly humours . we have run east 53 leag . 3. thursd. we have run 6. leagues east latitude , 33. degr. and 35. min. wind at s. e. to e. s. e. east 59. leagues . 4. frid. we have run 17. leagues , east latitude 32. degr. and 35. min. the wind at s. e. and very cloudy weather . east 76. leagues . 5. saturd . we have run 15. leagues east , latitude 31. degr. 27. minut. east 91. leagues . 6. sund. we have run 12. leagues east , latitude 30. degr. 20. minutes . east 103. leagues . 7. mund. we have run 13. leagues east , latitude 30. degr. 36. min. good weather . east 116. leagues . 8. tuesd. we have run 21 leagues east , latitude 30. degr. 22. min. wind s. w. east 137 leagues . 9. wedn. we have run 28. leagues east , latitude 29. degr. 35. min. fair weather . east 165. leagues . 10. thursd. we have run 38. leagues east , latitude 29. degr. 45. min. wind s. east 203. leagues . 11. frid. we have run 32. leagues east , latitude 29. degr. 45. min. the wind at s. and s. s. w. we went with our courses for wind. east 235. leagues . 12. saturd . we have run 27. leagues east , fresh gales at s. latitude 29. degr. 17. minutes . this morning we saw the land. east 262. leagues . 13. sund. we have run to the northward along the shoar , about 7. leagues , where we went into our canoes to go ashoar at a place called gwasko ; but the sea breaze came in so fresh they could not get ashoar . about three of the clock in the afternoon our ship got into the harbour , and came to an anchor in 17. f●thom water ; sandy ground . at night we landed 45 men , and marched up into the countrey about seven miles ; but could find nothing but provisions , as wheat , &c. about eleven of the clock we came back three miles , where there was a church , where we dressed some sheep , and goats for supper , and kept our court of guard there that night . in the morning captain sharp went with ten men down to the water-side , to hasten our filling of water , the rest staid behind to bring down some sheep and goats ; which we did , driving before us a drove of 150. that served for fresh meat for our wounded men a great while . during this time , our people were at the river to fill water , but the sea ran so high , they could not get any off the shore . in the morning we went about fifty men on shoar again , to fill water , and were forced to carry our jarrs a quarter of a mile , because the sea ran so high we could not get our canoes into the shoar , to take it in at the river , but filled them at a pond ; thus we got on board one hundred and fifty jarrs . this gwasko is a very good harbour , and clear ground with the land , in the wind three quarters of the compass , a land wind in the night , and sea breaze all day : here we lay till the 15. instant . 15. tuesd. about three of the clock in the afternoon , we set sail from gwasko , the wind s. w. and s. s. w. 16. wednes . we have run 4. leagues west , wind s. west 4. leagues . 17. thursd. we have run 9. leagues west , latitude 27. degr. 45. min. west 13. leagues . 18. frid. we have run north , latitude 26. degr. 33. min. wind at s. 19. saturd . we have run 10 leagues east , latitude 25. degr. 21. minut. fresh gales ; the 10. leagues easting deducted , makes our westing but three leagues . 20. we have run 10. leagues east : more a morania bears east 6. leagues distance . the 3. leagues westing deducted , leaves our departure east 7. leagues . 21. mund. we have run 3. leagues east , latitude 22. degr. 52. min. the wind at s. to s. e. this day we made the point of land like a sugar-loaf ; by report here is a harbour that lyes in south about the point , good anchor ground , in 15. fathom water , but neither fresh water nor wood. 22. t●esd . this day we have lain by with our ship , and sent our canoes to look for the river loa , but they c●me on board without discovering it . east 10. leagues . 23. wednesd . these 24. hours we have lain by , while our canoes went on shoar , in latitude 21. degr. 21. min. the river bears e. by s. about two of the clock our canoes came on board . 24. thursd. we sent our boat on shoar . this river of loa issues out of the high land , and scarce discernable ▪ it being but a small running stream like an english brook ; on the north side of which is a small chappel , which by report of the inhabitants , was built by sir francis drake , when he was in those seas . two leagues north from this , is a fish rainge , which the spaniards keep for the natives to fish for them . these miserable natives are kept in great subjection , and do not generate as ●ormerly , though they are a stout people , and have amongst them good comely women : the reason of it , as we conjecture , is , the depressure of their spirits , by the tyranny of the s●aniards , which causes this failure of generation ; the means of propagation not taking its natural effect upon people so absolutely dejected with oppression , as they most certainly are . these 24. hours we have run 12. leagues west , latitude 20. degr. 55. min. wind e. s. e. 25. march. these 24. hours we have run 12 leagues west , latitude 20. degr. 15. min. west 24. leagues . 26. saturd . these 24. hours we have run north , latitude 18. degr. 19. minutes , the wind s. to e. s. e. this day we made the high land of heloe . 27. sund. this morning we made a small sail to spend away the day . in the afternoon , about five of the clock , we made what sail we could ; and about 11. in the night , we landed about 50. men upon a point of rocks , which lies two leagues from the town of heloe , or hilo , and about break of the day , our men took most of the inhabitants that were in that place : and were not altogether unmindful of their horse flesh , they sent us for beefs , when we made them a visit before . the prisoners , we took , told us , that at arica , our doctors had had good quarter given them , for the sake of their skill ; but that the wounded were knockt on the head ; and that one negro , who had his leg shot off , being offered quarter , refused it , and killed four or five of their men , before he was shot dead on the spot . this fellow had been a slave , whom our commander had freed , and brought from iamaica . what they lost at aryca , they would not confess , only said , that a great many were killed , and that the wounded men came fast out of the countrey to be cured by our doctors , we had left behind us . here we filled fresh water , got some good new wine , store of figgs , and plenty of fresh provisions for our men. this heloe is in latitude 17. degr. 49. min. south , and stands in an extraordinary fruitful valley , with fine olive yards , two pretty vineyards , a great sugar work : they have a corn mill , and plenty of wheat , beef , mutton , pork , also fish , and all manner of necessaries both for life , and for recreation . here we stayed till tuesday the 29. and at nine of the clock at night , we weighed , and stood to sea , the wind at s. e. wedn. 30. we have run 12. leag . west , wind s. s. e. west 12. leagues . 31. thursd. we have run 14. leag . west , wind s. a great current which sets n. w. west 26. leagues . april 1. we have run 22. leagues west , latitude 17. degr. 13. min. the wind at s. s. w. to s. w. west 48. leagues . 2. saturd . we have run 22. leagues west , latitude 16. degr. 46. min. wind s. e. to e. fair weather . west 70. leagues . 3. sund. we have run 25. leagues west , latitude 16. degr. 16. min. the wind s. e. cloudy weather . west 95. leagues . 4. mund. we have run 15. leagues west , latitude 14. degr. 28. min. west 110. leagues . 5. tu●sd . we have run 10. leagues west , latitude 12. degr. 52. min. west 120. leagues . 6. wedn. we ran due north , latitude 10. degr. 56. min. the wind s. e. this day we saw the land very high 15. leagues distance . 7. thursd. we have run 10. leagues west , latitude 9. degr. 38. min. the wind at s. e. a great currant that sets to the southward ▪ this small of the moon , we keep land too , in hopes to take some shipping . west 130. leagues . 8. frid. we have run 9. leagues west , latitude 8. degr. 44. min. wind s. w. 138. leagues . 9. saturd . we have run due north , latitude 7. degr. 38. min. the wind at s. a strong south easterly currant . 10. sund. we have run due north , latitude 6. degr. 33. min. wind s. and s. s. e. thick foggy weather . this morning we made land , it was one of the northermost isles of lobos , which lye in cheripe-bay . 11. mund. 12. leagues west , latitude 5. degr. 57. min. wind. s. e. foggy weather . west 150. leagues . 12. tuesd. we have run 13. leagues west , latitude 5. degr. 8. min. wind s. e. west 163. leagues . 13. wednes . we have run ● . leag . west , latitude 3. degr. 48. min. west 168. leagues . 14. thursd. we have run 9. leagues east , lat. 2. degr. 48. min. wind. s. a n. w. currant east 9. leagues . 15. frid. we have run 8. leagues east , latitude 1. degr. 58. min. wind s. s. e. very great riplings , and a strong n. w. currant . east 17. leagues . 16. saturd . we have run 5. leagues east , latitude 1. degr. 38. min. the isle of plate bears n. 5. leagues distant . east 22. leagues . here by our account , heloe or hilo , lyes to the eastward of the island of plate 146. leagues , this island lyes in 1. degr. 23. min. s. latitude . 17. sund. this day about noon , to our great trouble , 45 of our men left us , quitting our emperours service , and went away with our boat and two canoes , with what necessary things they wanted for their journey over land. they would have stayed if we would have chosen a new commander , but would not serve longer under captain sharp . when they put away from the ship , cape passado bore n. e. 10. leagues distance . this was a great weakning to our party , and a hindrance to our designs : nevertheless we bore our loss as chearfully as we could , and resolved not to quit those coasts till we had got the booty we expected , and weakened the spaniards as much as we could , as our emperor had obliged us to do . 18. mund. we have run 9. leagues west , lat. 0. degr. 20. min. north , the wind at s. w. fair weather . 19. tuesd. we have gone north , by reason of a n. e. currant , latitude 1. degr. 48. min. n. the wind at s. w. good weather . 20. wedn. we have run 18. leagues west , latitude 3. degr. 16. min. the wind s. w. cloudy weather . west 27 leagues . 21. thursd. we have run 23. leag . n. n. w. a strong currant . 22. frid. we have run 76. miles n. w. by n. wind w. s. w. much rain , and we saved 40. jarrs of water . 23. saturd . we have run 25. leag . n. w. by n. a strong currant which sets to the westward . 24. sund. we have run 26. leagues n. w. by n. no observation ; a strong currant . since we parted from our men , these five days , we have had plenty of turtle and fish. 25. mund. these 24. hours we have had the wind round the compass , we have run 12. leagues n. we made the island caynia , a different observation , latitude 7. degrees 40. minutes . 26. tuesd. we came to an anchor at the island , it affords good timber , hogs , fish , and cocoe nuts : while we lay here , we sent our canoe to the main to look for a harbour to lay our ship in , but could find none ; the anchoring is on the north end of the island , where we filled some water , and lay till the 30. 30. saturd . we weighed about 11. a clock in the forenoon , and stood to the west . may day . we stood to the westward , latitude 9. degr. 1. min. the wind off shoar in the night , by day s. w. with rain . 2. mond . to thursday the 5. we kept plying along the shoar ; very much rain , with thunder and lightning , the wind s. in the day , at night n. w. 6. frid. we came to an anchor in the gulf of nicoya , in 11. fathom water , ouzy ground , the first key with a rock at the north end , bears s. by e. from us , very much rain . 7. saturd . we weighed with the tide of flood , and got up to the next key , which lyes n. w.12. w. 5. leag . distance . 8. sund. our two canoes went to the island chero with 20. men , and took a family of indians that lived there , who told us , there were two barks in the next river , loading of tallow . in the afternoon-tide , our ship got up to the isle of cheroe . 9. mund. our canoes went up the flood , and took the two barks , and the next ebb brought them down to the ship. those indians told us , that up another river , lived a shipwright , who was building two new ships . this was welcome news to us ; so we went up to the carpenters yard , and friendly desired the chief builder , and seven of his workmen , to go on board us , and help us to cut down our ship : he also helped us to a canoe load of spikes , and iron work , which our ship wanted to fit her with ; but some of our men being drunk , they over-set her coming on board , and drowned one of the men : but it being but low water , next day at low water we got her again with all our utensils . on wednesday we set our carpenters to work to chalk out our lower deck . on thursday our drowned man came swimming by the ship , so we took him up , and buried him the next morning . we fell this day with our ship to the mouth of a vogue about a league off , which we thought convenient to lay our ship in , out of the tides way , and this day unrigged her , got our yards and topmasts down , and made preparation for our carpenters to shorten our low masts . on saturday we laid one of the barks on shoar , and took out her tallow . it rained all day , and continued raining till tuesday following . we made an awning over the other bark , and turned tallow chandlers , making candles for our bidacle , &c. on wednesday the eighteenth it held up , fair weather till wednesd . the 25. at which time we began to rig our ship , and on thursd. were ready to sail . we gave the carpenter and his men one of the barks , and sent them home ; who returned us many thanks for our generosity , and using them so civilly ; and with them , we turned away some prisoners which we had on board , resolving to keep no more but negroes to do our drudgery . during our stay at cheroe we did this work : we shortned our main-mast six foot , made new cross and trussel-trees to it . shortned our fore mast 5. foot , and made new cross and trussel-trees . by the head. made our main , our fore-top-mast , our fore , our main ▪ top-mast . cut off her upper deck , and sunk her quarter deck ; she was six foot ten inches high , between decks , and we left her something more than four foot in the waste . all this we did in 10. days , and she was fit for the sea , and we had done sooner had not wet weather hindred us . 26. thursd. after we had sent away our prisoners , we fell down with our ship to the isle of cavalla , where we lay filling water till sunday following . on saturday iacobus marquess our truchman or interpreter , and an indian boy ran away from us to the spaniards ; this person was a dutchman , who was a good linguist , and left behind him 2200 ps . ● . besides jewels and goods : but we had one mr. ringrose with us , who was both an ingenious man , and spake very well several languages . 29. sund. we weighed from cavalla , and fell down to tortuga : north from this isle lyes a parcel of rocks like a church with a steeple . 30. mond . we weighed and stood to sea , little wind at s. w. 31. tuesd. very little wind at s. w. cape blanco at 12 a clock bears north 3. leagues distance . iune the 1. wedn. we have run 13. leagues west , wind s. e. latitude 10. degr. 26. min. 2. thursd. we have had the wind at n. w. and got a little to the westward . 3. frid. this morning debating the thing in council , and our mens running away being maturely considered , we judged we should be discryed at rehela , which was the place we were designed for ; we therefore bore up the helm , and stood to the eastward , to look an harbour to lay our ship on shoar ; for all this while we had not cleaned her bottom . latitude 9. degr. 56. min. 4. saturd . we have run 20 leagues east by south , latitude 9. degr. 48. min. wind s. w. and w. n. w. east 18. leagues . 5. sund. we have run 7 leagues e. s. e. the isle caynia bears s. e. by e. 5 leagues distance , wind s. w. to n. w. 6. mund. these 24 hours we had very much rain , we lay by all sunday night for the gulf of dulcia ; and this evening we got to an anchor in the mouth of the gulf , in 13. fathom water , the wind at south , and much rain . 7. tuesd. we sent our canoe up the gulf , to look a place to lay our ship on shoar in , but they found none . 8. wednesd . we weighed our anchor , and sailed three leagues higher up the gulf , then sent our canoe and bark up before the ship : the canoe going on shoar , took an indian man and two boyes , and brought them on board . here finding a place for our purpose , we came to an anchor in 24 fathom water , close by the shoar ; and rainy weather . 9. thursd. we halled our ship near the shoar , and mored her ; and some of us built an house , while others landed our goods with all expedition ; fair weather . 10. frid. here we lay till munday the 13. which night had like to have proved fatal to us , for our cable gave way , and our ship went ashoar , that we almost despaired of saving her ; but having many hands , we shoared her pretty upright , and on wednesd . the 15. got her off again , without much damage : here we continued until thursday the 23. 23. thursd. this day having cleaned our ship and bark , and gave them a coat of tallow , we weighed and intended to have gone a league higher , but it proving little wind , we had like to have drove out at the gulfs mouth . 24. frid. we got up to the watering place ; fair weather . 25. saturd . we began to fill our water , and left our bark with some hands cutting wood where we cleaned our ship. 26. sund. and 27. mund. these days we made an end of filling our water , and came to an anchor a mile below the bark . 28. tuesd. we weighed and stood to sea , the wind at s. with much rain . this gulf of dulcia has plenty of wood and water , store of fish , is very bold , and void of all danger but what is in fight . it has an island on the north shoar , which makes a good harbour : it lyes in 8. degr. 30. m. and is 6. leagues distance n. n. w. from point berica , which point is high , with a low tract of land running into the sea with a small cape , a little distance from it ; at the west side of the gulf lye two small rocks close to the west point . 29. wednesd . very much rain all day , at 6. a clock point berica bears n. e. 5. leagues distance . 30. thursd. we have run 25. leag . south , the wind w. cloudy weather . iuly the 1. we have run 17. leag . south , latitude 6. degr. 13. min. wind west . 2. saturd . we have run 8. leagues east , latitude 5. degr. 35. min. wind s. s. w. 3. sund. we have run 28. leagues east , latitude 4. degr. 23. min. wind s. s. e. here we had plenty of dolphins . 4. mund. we have run 23. leagues east , latitude 3. degr. 14. minutes . little wind at s. s. w. to w. n. w. fresh gales . east 23. leagues . 5. tuesd. we have run 21. leagues east , latitude 2. degr. 30. min. little wind at s. w. and s. s. w. this day we made the isle of galloe . 6. wedn. we plyed to windward under the shoar . 7. thursd. this morning we weathered the point of manglas , as the spaniards call it , which is no more than a point of high mangrows . to windward of it is a small bay. 8. frid. we kept plying to windward , along shoar . 9. saturd . we kept plying along shoar , and got under the high land , to the eastward of cape franco , which makes with white and redish cliffs . 10. sund. this morning we saw a sail 6. leagues to windward of us , and about 7. at night came up with him , so we made sail to get under the cape with our prize . 11. mund. we made the best of our way to get under the cape . 12. tuesd. this day we got to an anchor under the cape , about 2. leagues from the shoar , in 6. fathom water , stiff sandy ground ; to the eastward of this cape lyes the river of s. matthias , where live several indians , negroes , and creolians , which are a mungrel breed of spaniards and indians mixt . 13. wednes . and 14. thursd. we began to rummage our prize , which was loaden with cocoa , and some plate . on thursday we cut away her main-mast , and turned her before the wind for pa●ama , it being but requisite that a light ship should have less sail ; we put her not out of her road neither , but sent her to proceed on her voyage she was bound for , which was for panama . 17. sund. this night our small canoe broke loose , but we got her again next morning . as they rowed along the shoar , they saw an indian man , but could not pursue him , for want of arms. after they came on board we manned both our canoes , and went on shoar , where we found a delicate fresh water river ; so we sent thither our bark and canoes to fill water , which took up our time till tuesday , when they came on board ; after we had unloaden the bark , we sunk her . 20. wedn. this morning we weighed , and stood to sea , the vvind at s. w. very hazy weather . 21. thursd. vve plyed to windward , vvind at w. s. w. and s. w. cloudy weather , with drisling rain . 22. frid. this 24 hours we had a great s. w. sea , the vvind shifting from e. s. e. to w. s. w. out of sight of land. 23. saturd . this day we came in sight of cape saint francisco , the wind between s. w. and s. hazy weather . 24. sund. these 24. hours we had the wind at s. to s. w. thick hazy weather with drisling rain . 25. mund. these 24 hours we h●d the wind at s. s. w. after we had weathered the cape to the southward , is a great bay , then a high land , but not so high as the cape , latitude 0. degr. 34. min. north. 26. tuesd. the wind s. to s. w. we got within 6. leagues of cape passado . to the n. e. of this cape is high land , with white cliffs like those of beachy . 27. wedn. in the morning we saw a sail close by the shoar ; so we gave her chase , she came to an anchor , and most of the people got on shoar , but we followed them , and took them all but a fryer and four negroes , who made their escape . the next day we sent them for panama , from whence they came bound for payta , with advice from old spain . at payta they always land ther pacquets , to be sent to the city of lyma . next day we turned her away , and plyed to windward , the wind at s. to s. w. 29. frid. this day we saw a sail , and in a short time came up with her , the spaniard began to fire some small arms at us , but our way being to come board and board , and never to fire a shot at randome , when we came up close with her , we warmed their decks so that they soon struck , and called for quarter ; but the captain was killed first , and one man more , and several others wounded . on saturd . we came to an anchor under cape passado , in 14. fathom water . the prize was loaden with wine , brandy , oyl , and fruit , and 670. piggs of metal , which we ( such was our dulness ) supposed to be tin. all the arguments some of us could use , would not perswade our captain and rest of our men to take them in ; only one was brought away to make bullets ; part of which we gave to a bristol man , being about a third part of a pigg , when we came to anteg● , and he sold it at bristol for 75. l. sterl . for it was silver , though not refined to the purity it should have been . on sund. night the men positively resusing to take in those piggs , we turned away to sea our prize , that might have sufficiently enriched us all , and having stored our selves with wine and brandy , and considering our small number of men left , and good stock of provisions , we thought it best to return home with what booty we had ; not over land as our comrades had done , but round by the streights of magellan : so on wedn. morning we weighed , and stood to sea , the wind s. s. e. august 4. we keep plying to windward , the wind s. and s. w. very fresh gales . 5. frid. we had fresh gales at s. and s. s. w. and very cloudy weather . 6. saturd . we had small gales at s. s. e. to s. w. monte a christo bears s. 10. leagues distance . 7. sund. the wind at s. s. e. to s. w. small gales and a le-ward currant that we have got nothing . 8. mund. a strong leward currant , and smal winds that we could get nothing . 9. tues . we had the wind at s. and s. w. little wind : but at 10 in the day , it came to w. and blowed very hard , which is the usual course ; we are in sight of manta about 3. leagues distance , a strong currant . 10. wednes . the wind at s. w. in the morning we had moderate gales , so we kept our own with mata . 11. thursd. we had the wind at s. and w. s. w. moderate gales : now the currant sets as strong to windward as it did to leward . cape lawrence bears east , 1 league distance . 12. frid. this morning we got to an anchor at the isle of plate , where we lay refreshing our selves till tuesday the 16. it is high table land , being level at the top ; there is pretty plenty of wood , goats , and fish , but no water , good anchorage in a sandy bay , next the main . 16. tuesd. we set sail about 2. in the afternoon , the wind at s. w. 17. wednes . and 18. thursd. little wind at s. s. w. and s. w. we got into sancta hellena bay ; the currant setting to windward under the shoar . 19. frid. we had very moderate winds at s. s. w. but a very great southern sea , point hellena bears s. s. e. 20. saturd . moderate gales at s. w. and s. in the night sa●cta hellena bore e. s. e. 3 leagues distance ; this day at 12. it bore east ● . leagues distance . 21. sund. we have had the wind at s. to w. s. w. moderate gales . 22. mund. we have had the wind at n. w. moderate gales : this morning we made the south shoar , of wy●●●e bay. 23. tuesd. we have kept plying to windward under the shoar , the vvind at s. w. 24. wedn. vve have had the vvind at s. w. very fresh , in latitude 4. degr. 11. min. s. cape blanko bears s. e. by e. 3. leagues distance . 25. thurs. the vvind came to s. and s. e. very fresh gales that we have weathered the cape 7 leagues . cold cloudy weather . 26. frid. vve keep plying to windward under the shoar ; thick foggy weather , vvind s. to s. s. w. 27. saturd . vve keep plying to windward , the vvind from s. to s. e. thick foggy weather . at one of the clock we made the high land to windward of payta . 28. sund. this morning we ran into payta bay with our ship , and manned 2. canoes with 32. men to go on shoar ▪ but were descryed upon the coast , and they provided so well against us , that it was madness to land . their numbers of horse and foot upon the bay , prevented our running into further danger ▪ so we returned on board our ship , and sailed away to sea. 29. mund. at 6. a clock the high land of payta bears e. n. e. 10. leag . distance . 30. tuesd. these 24. hours we had the vvind at s. to s. s. e. thick foggy weather : we have run west five leagues . 31. wedn. vve had fair weather and a good observation ▪ latitude 6. degr. 32. min. by our account we are departed from the meridian of payta 26 leagues west . september 1. vve have run 8 leagues west , latitude 7. degr. 38. min , cloudy weather , wind s. s. e. to s. w. west 34. leagues . 2. frid. latitude 7. degr. 29. min. 11. leagues west , the wind at s. e. to e. s. e. our westing is 45. leagues . 3. saturd . latitude 8. degr. 17. min. 16. leagues west , wind s. e. squally weather . west 61. leagues . 4. sund. 16. leagues west , lat. 9. degr. 18. min. wind s. to s. e. west 77. leagues . 5. mund. 19 leagues west , latitude 10. degr. 45. min. wind s. e. to e. s. e. cloudy weather , and hard flaws of wind. west 96. leagues . 6. tuesd. 15. leagues west , latitude 11. degr. 52. min. west 111. leag . 7. wednes . 10. leagues west , latitude 13. degr. 30. min. moderate gales . west 121. leagues . 8. thursd. 10. leagues west , lat. 14. degr. 42. min. cloudy weather . west 131. leagues . 9. frid. 8. leagues west , latitude 15. degr. 45. min wind s. e. to e. s. e. west 139. leagues . 10. saturday . 19. leagues west , latitude 16. degrees 25. minutes , clear weather . west 158. leagues . 11. sund. 5. leagues west , latitude 16. degr. 58. min. wind s. e. and e. s. e. a great southern sea , that we went with our main-top-sail furled , and sprit-sail reifed . west 163. leagues . 12. mund. still a great sea , and we went with our low-sails to ease our ship , latitude 17. degr. 17. min. wind at s. e. 13. leag●es west . west 176. leagues . 13. tuesd. a great sea , and hard gale at s. s. e. latitude . 18. degr. 5. min. west 16. leagues . west 192. leagues . 14. wedn. 12. leagues west latitude 18. degr. 59. min. hard gales at s. e. and a great sea. west 204. leagues . 15. thursd. 10. leagues west , latitude 19. degr. 56. min. moderate gales . west 214. leagues . 16. frid. 6. leagues west , latitude 20 ▪ degrees 44. minutes , the wind round the compass . west 220. leagues . 17. sat. little wind , we have run but one league west , latitude 20 , degrees 55. minutes . west 221. leagues . 18. sund. 13. leagues west , latitude 21. degr. 23. min. fair weather the wind from s. to s. s. e. west 234. leagues . 19. mund. 12. leagues west , latitude 22. degr. 20. min. wind at s. e. squally weather . west 246. leagues . 20. tuesd. 8. leagues west , latitude 23. degr. 23. min. wind e. s. e. squally weather . 254. leagues west . 21. wedn. 7. leagues west , latitude 24. degr. 44. min. wind. e. s. e. to s. e. squalls of wind and rain . west 261. leagues . 22. thursd. the wind at east , we steered latitude 26. degr. 14. min. 23. frid. we have run south latitude 27. degr. 45. min. the wind s. e. to e. n. e. squally weather . 24. saturd . latitude 28. degr. 49. min. the wind s. e. squally weather . 25. sund. latitude 29. degr. 59. min. cloudy weather , here we allow 20. leagues from our departure for a n. w. currant , which makes me 281 leagues to the westward of payta . 26. mund. 24. leagues east , latitude 31. degr. 11. min. wind at n. e. to n. east 24. leagues . 27. tuesd. 23. leagues east , latitude 32. degr. 23. min. wind n. e. to n. w. fair weather , east 47. leag . 28. wedn. 23. leagues east , latitude 33. degr. 21. min. wind n. e. to n. all day , at night it came to s. w. in a gust , and blowed very hard with small rain . east 70. leagues . 29. thursd. 21. leagues east , latitude 34. degr. 25. min. wind w. n. w. gusty weather . east 91. leagues . 30. fri. 18. leagues east , latitude 35. degr. 46. min. wind vv. n. vv. a great sea. east 109. leagues . october 1. 8. leagues east , latitude 36. degr. 50. min. wind. n. vv. good weather . east 117. leagues . 2. sund. 18. leagues east , latitude 38. degr. 12. min. wind w. n. w. squally . east 135. leagues . 3. mund. 15. leagues east , latitude 39. degr. 21. min. wind vv. n. vv. to s. vv. in the night we had a hard gust at vv. s. vv. close cloudy weather . east 150. leagues . 4. tuesd. 16. leagues east , latitude 41. degr. 18. min. wind vv. n. vv. east 166. leagues . 5. vvedn . 14. leagues east , latitude 43. degr. 15. min. fresh winds . east●80 ●80 . leagues . 6. thursd. 22. leagues east , latitude 44. degr. 57. min. hard gales at vv. n. vv. thick weather , with rain : we went with a fore coarse only . east 202. leagues . 7. frid. 13. leagues east , latit . 45. degr. 55. min. hard gales at n. w. and vv. n. vv. with thick drisling rain , under a fore coarse . east 215. leagues . 8. saturd . 11. leagues east , by judgment , latitude 46. degrees 46. min. very hard gales at vv. by n. at eight of the clock we laid our ship by , under a mizon , ballanced ; but the wind came on so fier●e that it blew away our mizon , so we veered out two ha●sers on an end made fast to a spareyard , and a quoile of old rope , and kept our ships head to the sea. east 226. leagues . 9. sund. the wind somewhat abated , that we could suffer a mizon ballanced , but a very grown sea , latitude by judgment 47. degrees 1. minute east , 7. leagues . east 233. leagues . in the afternoon when the fierceness of the storm was overblown , we got in our drudge . 10. mund. 12. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 47. degrees 58. minutes , wind from n. vv. to s. vv. hard gales , with very much rain . east 245. leagues . 11. tuesd. 18. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 49. degrees 52. minutes , a very hard gale of wind at n. to n. e. east 263. leagues . 12. wednesd . 5. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 49. degrees 59. minutes , a hard gale of wind , we under a main coarse . this morning at four of the clock , we made land , it was very high and mountainous land ; at break of day we saw a showle to windward of us , which by gods providence we sell to leward of in the night , our ship staying three times under a main coarse , or else we had been certainly upon it . in the day the wi●d a little abating , we set our fore-sail , and two top sails , and stood in for the shoar ; and seeing an opening , sent our canoes in before the ship , and found a very smooth place to anchor in , but deep water : so we came to an anchor in 45. fathom water . at going in , one of our men fell out of the sprit sail-top , and was drowned ; his name was henry shergall . in the night our cable cut with the rocks , that we were forced to look for a better harbour , which finding , we got our ship in , and mored her to the shoar with hassers , and laid two anchors out , which were all we had left . here we lay till saturday , at which time our ship brake loose , and her stern grounded upon a rock , which unshipt our rudder , bowed three pintels , and broke the goose-neck . about eight at night we got her off , and mored her the second time . on monday we had a hard gust of wind with snow , on tuesday we had good weather , and we observed with our astrolabes latitude 50. degr. 37. min. on friday it rained with hard flaws of wind , at n. vv. it hailed and rained with hard gusts of wind from saturday to thursday , the 27. at whichtime , it being pretty fair weather , our canoe went out a fowling , and found a canoe with 3 indians in it ; who being near the shoar , one of them got away , another was shot , and the other taken and brought on board ; but we could not understand him , only perceived he used to eat raw flesh and fish. on friday our canoe went to see it they could find any more indians , and by the help of our new prisoner found several of their houses , but the inhabitants were all fled , and their goods with them , if they had any ; so we came on board without any further discovery . november 1. the month and weather changed together ; so having fair weather we got up our top-masts , and bent our sails : and on friday the 4 , we cast off our shoar fass , and halled to our anchors , and on saturday went to sea , the wind at n. vv. and vv. n. vv. hard gales of wind. 5. to this place we gave the name of the duke of york's island ; we suppose it to be a knot of islands like that of bermudas . while we stayed here we spent little of our dry provisions , but one half of our ships company went on shoar one day to gather lympets and muscles , and the other half the next ; thus we lived with now and then some geese , ducks , and penguins , which we thought good fare , and were very well content with it . this place is in 50. degrees 37. minutes s. latitude . 6. s●nd . since our coming to sea , we have run 15. leagues west , l●titude 5● . degr. 34. min. wind n. w. 7. mund. 16. leagues west , latitude 52. degr. 9. min. wind n. n. w. and n. w. good weather . west 31. leagues . 8. tuesd. these 24 hours we have run 16. leagues east , in latitude 53. degr. 27 min. wind n. n. w. good weather . east 16. leagues . 9. wednesd . 18. leagues east , latitude 53. degr. 20. min. wind. n. east , 34. leagues . 10. thursd. a very hard storm of wind , sometimes under a m●zon , and sometimes a hull . 11. frid. the storm continued from n. e. to n. with rain . 12. saturd . fine moderate weather , and a good observation , latitude 53. degr. 27. min. the wind continuing at n. e. we were quite our of all hopes of recovering the streights of magellan , or le maire ; so that we were forced to bear up the helm , to seek for a passage further south . here is a great s. w. current . 13. sund. lat. 57. degr. o , min. great currents . variation 14. degr. east 18. leagues . 14. mund. 22. leagues east , latitude 57. degr. 43. min. wind at w. east 43. leagues . 15. tuesd. 28. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 58. degr. 19. min. wind at n. to n. n. e. very cold , with snow and rain . east 71. leagues . 16. wedn. 26. leagues east , latitude 57. degr. 52. min. wind at s , to s. s. e. very cold freezing weather . east 97. leagues . 17. thursd. 24. leagues east , latitude by observation , 58. degr. 10. min. wind at s. vv . this morning we came up with two great islands of ice , one about three leagues long , the other smaller ; about three in the afternoon we came up with four more , but not so big : clear weather , but freezing cold . we find by this observation , and our last 24 hours run , that we h●ve been further southerly by almost two degrees , than our computation by dead reckoning makes out , and by many degrees , than ever any others have sailed in that sea , that have yet been heard of : for we were at about 60 degrees south latitude . we find diversity of currents , but have not provision to try them . 16. degrees variation . east 121. leagues . 18. frid. 25. leagues east , lat. by judgment , 57. degr. 25. min. wind at n. to n. n. e. east 146. leagues . 19. saturd . 20. leagues east , latitude 57. degr. 25. min. wind at n. to n. n. e. snowy , cold , freezing weather . east 166. leagues . 20. sund. 9. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 57. degr. 13. min. wind at n. cold , thick , foggy weather . this day the water was cnanged very green , like a river . east 175. leagues . 21. mund. 5. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 57. degr. 13. min. little wind at n. sometimes calm , very green water , and great sea , with thick foggs , east 180. leagues . 22. tuesd. this 24 hours , wind at e. and e. n. e. we laid our ships head to the northward , thick foggy weather . 23. wedn. 3. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 56. degr. 19. min. the wind round the compass . east 183. leagues . 24. thursd. 10. leag . east , lat. 56. degr. 9. min. the wind shi●ting in the northern board . east 193. leagues . 25. frid. 13. leagues east , latitude 54. degr. 50. min. wind n. e. to e. s. e. very hard gales under two coarses : this day we judged we saw the land bear n. n. w. east 206. leagues . 26. saturd . 25. leagues east , latitude 53. degr. 43. min. wind e. s. e. blowing very hard with hail and snow . east 231. leagues . 27. sund. 21. leagues east , latitude by a good observation , 52. degr. 48. min. the wind at e. to e. s. e. blowing hard . east 252. leagues . 28. mund. 21. leagues east , lat. by judgment , 51. degrees 45. minutes , wind at s. w. good weather . east 273. leagues . 29. tuesd. 30. leagues east , latitude by observation , 49. degr. 41. min. wind at s. to w. fresh gales , and a n. e. current . east 303. leagues . 30. wednesd . 30. leagues east , latitude 48. degr. 57. min. good weather . east 333. leagues . the 1. of december we ran 9. leag . east , latitude 48. degr. 35. min. a very hard gale at n. n. w. to n. east 342. leagues . 2. frid. 39. leagues east , latitude 47. degr. 35. min. a very hard gale of wind at s. w. we went with our fore-course reift , and sprit-sail ▪ we made good weather . east 381. leagues . 3. saturd . 31. leagues east , latitude 46. degr. 2. min. hard gales of wind at s. w. we went with our fore-coarse , and fore-top-sail low set . east 41● . leagues . 4. sund. latitude by observation , 43. degr. 59. min. wind s. to s. e. fair weather , we have met with a n. w. current that we made our way north. 5. mund. 32 leagues east , latitude 42. degr. 27. min. the wind s. w. pretty warm weather . east 444. leagues . 6. tuesd. 33. leagues east , latitude 40. degr. 27. min. wind s. w. to w. s. w. fair weather . east 477. leagues . 7. vvednesd . 27. leagues east , latitude 39. degr. 33. min. a hard gale at vvest , about 10. at night it came to n. vv. at 11. in the day it came to w. with rain ; we being under a pair of coarses , and it came so violently with a hard showre of rain , that it blew both our coarses away . though several of us had been in a hurricane in the vvest indies , yet every one declared it was the greatest stress of wind for the space of two glasses that ever they were in in their lives . east 504. leagues . 8. thursd. 18. leagues east , wind at w. to n. w. a hard gale under a fore coarse , latitude by observation , 38. degr. 36. min. east 522. leagues . 9. frid. 21. leagues east , latitude 37. degr. 42. min. a moderate gale . east 543. leagues . 10. saturd . 22. leagues east , latitude by observation , 37. degr. 11. min. good weather , wind n. w. to n. n. e. 565. leagues east . 11. sund. 17. leagues east , latitude 36. degr. 59. min. wind from n. n. e. to n. w. a great s. w. sea , and a hard gale . east . 582. leagues . 12. mund. 13. leagues east , latitude 36. degr. 20. min. the wind at s. s. w. thick foggy weather . east 595. leagues . 13. tuesd. 9. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 35. degr. 41. min. wind from e. s. e. very thick weather . east 604. leagues . 14. wedn. 2. leagues east , latitude 34. degr. 29. min. the wind at n. w. very smooth water . east 606. leag . 15. thursd. 25. leagues east , latitude 33. degr. 52. min. wind n. n. w. east 631. leagues . 16. frid. 20. leagues east , latitude 32. degr. 5. min. east 651. leagues . 17. saturd . 17. leagues east , latitude 31. degr. 2. min. the wind at n. w. by n. and n. w. east 668. leagues . 18. sund. 14. leagues east , latitude 29. degr. 39. min. wind w. n. w. and fair weather . east 682. leag . 19. mund. 22. leagues east , latitude 28. degr. 26 min. wind at w. and fair weather . east 704. leagues . 20. tuesd. 3. leagues east , latitude 27. degr. 29. min. wind round the compass . east 707. leagues . 21. wedn. 2. leagues east , latitude 27. degr. 2. min. the wind round the compass , and cloudy weather . east 709. leagues . 22. thursd. we have lain becalmed in 26. degr. 36. min. by observation . 23. frid. 2. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 25. degr. 39. min. wind at e. s. e. good weather . east 711. leagues . 24. saturd . 5. leagues east , latitude 23. degr. 51. min. the wind at e. s. e. fair weather . east 716 leag . 25. sund. 14. leagues east , latitude by observation , 22. degr. 1. min. the wind at e. fair weather . when we took the two barks at nicoya , we had a little sucking pigg in one of them , which we kept on board ever since for our christmas days dinner , which now was grown to be a large hogg ; so we killed it for dinner , but thinking it not enough for us all , we bought a spaniel-dogg of the quarter-master for forty pieces of eight , and killed him ; so with the hogg and the dogg , we made a feast , and we had some wine left , which made us merry : this being the only thing we had eaten that had blood in it since our departure from the duke of york's island . east 730. leagues . 26. mund. 5. leagues east , latitude 20. degr. 28 min. the wind. at e. n. e. to e. s. e. fair weather . east 735. leagues . 27. tuesd. 6. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 18. degr. 48. min. east 741. leagues . 28. wednes . 5. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 16. degr. 42. min. wind e. s. e. fresh gales . east 746. leagues . 29. thursd. 4. leagues east , latitude 14. degr. 26. min. wind e. s. e. east 750. leagues . 30. frid. 7. leagues east , latitude 12. degr. 20. min. wind e. s. e. to s. e. east 757. leagues . 31. saturd . 6. leagues east , latitude by judgment , 10. degr. 20. min. wind at e. fair weather . we have now run 763. leagues east from the duke of york's isle . ianuary the 1. sund. we have run 33. leagues west , latitude 8. degr. 41. min. wind s. e. 2. mund. 30. leagues west , latitude by observation , 6. degr. 7. min. wind s. e. we here saw abundance of flying fish. west 63. leagues . 3. tuesd. 31. leagues west , latitude 4. degr. 33. min. wind s. e. close cloudy weather . west 94. leagues . 4. wedn. 30. leagues west , latitude by judgment , 3. degr. 3. min. wind at s. s. e. fair weather . west 124. leagues . 5. thursd. 28. leagues west , latitude by observation , 2. degr. 10. min. wind at s. s. e. to e. s. e. fair weather . west 152. leagues . 6. frid. 25. leagues west , latitude by observation , 0. degr. 53. min. south , wind s. s. e. we saw here abundance of fowls . west 177. leagues . 7. saturd . 25. leagues west , latitude by observation , 00. degr. 33. min. north , wind at s. s. e. west 202. leagues . 8. sund. 20. leagues west , latitude 1. degr. 33. min. north , wind at s. small gales . west 222. leagues . 9. mund. 16. leagues west , latitude 2. degr. 45. min. west 238. leagues . 10. tuesd. 3. leagues west , latitude by observation , 3. degr. 17. min. we lay becalmed most part of this 24. hours . west 241. leagues . 11. wednes . 11. leagues west , latitude 4. degr. 6. min. the wind round the compass . west 252 leagues . 12. thursd. 10. leagues west , latitude 5. degr. 37. min. wind n. e. west 262. leagues . 13. frid. 28. leagues west , latitude 6. degr. 37. min. wind n. e. west 290. leagues . 14. saturd . 26. leagues west , latitude 7. degr. 27. min. wind e. n. e. and n. e. fair weather . west 316. leagues . 15. sund. 28. leagues west , latitude 9. degr. 1. min. wind n. e. cloudy weather . west 344. leagues . 16. mund. 27. leagues west , latitude 10. degr. 52. min. wind n. e. a great northern sea. west 371. leagues . 17. tuesd. 30. leagues west , latitude by observation , 12. degr , 17. min. wind n. e. and n. n. e. hazy weather . west 401. leagues . 18. wednes . 42. leagues west , latitude by observation , 13. degr. 17. min. the wind e. n. e. and n. e. west 443. leagues . 19. thursd. 52. leagues west , latitude 12. degr. 55. min. wind e. n. e. and n. e. west 495. leagues . 20. frid. 42. leagues west , latitude 13. degr. 4. min. wind e. n. e. west 537. leagues . 21. saturd . 44. leagues west , latitude 13. degr. 7. min. wind n. e. west 581. leagues . 22. sund. 48. leagues west , latitude 13. degr. 15. min. wind e. to n. e. west 629. leagues . 23. mund. 54. leagues vvest , latitude 13. degr. 8. min. wind e. n. e. clear weather . west 683. leagues . 24. tuesd. 52. leagues west , latitude 13. degrees 5. minutes , wind n. e. west 735. leag . 25. wedn. 54. leag● west , lat. 13. degr. 26. min. wind at n. e. hard squals of wind and rain . west 789 leag . 26. thursd. 52. leagues west , latitude 13. degr. 12. min. wind at e. to n. e. much rain with squals . west 841. leagues . 27. frid. 56. leagues west , latitude 13. degr. 30. min. the wind at n. e. squally weather , with rain . west 897. leagues . 28. saturd . this morning about 4. of the clock , we made the island of barbados , it bore w. by s. 3. leagues distance ; but we fell in with the north part of the isle . this was the first land we had seen in about three months time , which was ▪ from our leaving the duke of york's island , in the south sea ; we coming a way that had never been known before , many degrees south of the magellan streights . from friday noon , till the time of making land , we have run 30. leagues west . west . 927. leagues . when we were about the north end of barbados , we stood in for spikes's bay , and there coming a boat off to us , who told us , they belonged to the richmond frigat , we invited them on board , being desirous to know how affairs stood since our maritime pilgrimage ; but they refusing , and standing in to the shoar , made us suspect , that the frigat might make prize of us ; so we bore up the helm for antego , where we arrived the 31. instant . our commander sent a letter to the governour , and a present of jewels to his lady : but the governour refusing to let us come publickly on shoar for common refreshment , the lady returned the present ; so we gave the ship to 7. men which had played away all their money , and every man shifted for himself . some came into england , others went to iamaica , new england , &c. i and those who came to london were committed by his majesties order , and tryed and acquitted at a court of admiralty , where the spanish ambassadour was prosecutor . captain van horn's taking of la vera cruz. i thought it might not be unacceptable to the reader , to adjoyn this account from iamaica of the late action of certain privateers under command of captain van horn , a hollander , in taking of la vera cruz ; being the barrador or port where the spaniards land their merchandise for conveyance up to the city of mexico ; and where they likewise ship off their goods on board the gallions for spain . upon the 7. day of april 1683. the buccaneers had a rendezvouz at cape catroche , being the south cape of the bay of mexico with this force following , van horn a hollander , in an english ship of 50. guns , who was admiral . laurence a hollander , in a prize of 26. guns , vice-admiral . christian a hollander , in van horn's patach of 40. guns . mitchel a french-man , in a prize of laurences of 26. guns . tanchey , a hollander , in a prize of 16. guns . bloat a hollander , in a prize of 8. guns . iacob hall , a bermudean , in a small vessel of 8. guns . spurre , an english-man , in a sloop of iamaica : and , a barco longo of laurences . these vessels had between nine hundred and a thousand men , most of them french and dutch , and some few english . on the 8 ▪ day of may , they came on the coast of la vera cruz , and lay by ; there the men that were to land , were put on board yanchy and christian , and then stood off . on the 9. these two ships stood in , and in the night the spaniards in the castle and on shoar , made fires to pilot them in , supposing them to be two of their flota ; so they came to an anchor , and landed before one a clock in the morning , about two miles from the town , seven hundred seventy and four men. van horn had the main body , as general , & was to attack the placa or chief part of the town , where they expected the court of guard , but found only four men : laurence commanded the forlorn , and with it attempted the two forts , the one of twelve , the other of eight guns , both close forts , but they found them open , and the centinel asleep ; so with the loss of one man killed by the spaniards , and three by a mistake of the french , by break of day they had made themselves masters of the forts and town ; and had they , as laurence advised , sent at the same time , but two canoes and fifty men , they had without doubt surprized the castle , which stands upon a rock in the sea , three quarters of a mile from the town , and has in it seventy guns mounted . but the pyrates thinking it more safe and profitable to plunder the town : set guards at the streets ends , and sent parties to break open the houses , where they found every body as quiet , as in their graves , and for three days they continued breaking of houses , plundering them , and dragging the miserable inhabitants to the cathedral , and though at this time they got abundance of jewels , plate , &c. and about three hundred and fifty bags of cochenelle , each containing one hundred and fifty or two hundred pound weight , as they say ; yet were they not satisfied , but put the considerable people to ransome , and threatned to burn the cathedral and prisoners in it , which were five thousand and seven hundred , if they did not immediately discover all they had ; so that the fourth day they got more than the other three ; and had seventy thousand pieces of eight for the governour cordoua's ransome , which spurre found hid amongst grass in a stable . the buccaneers feared the spanish flota , which had been two days in sight , consisting of twelve great ships , and likewise apprehended succours might come to the spaniards from los angelos , a city thirty leagues from la vera cruz , so they left the town , and carryed their prisoners and plunder to a cay , where the ships rode , called los sacrificios , from a famous indian temple that was there ; and at their passing by the spanish fleet , lying at the mouth of the harbour , which they expected would have fought them ; the buccaneers perceiving that they suffered them to go off with their booty so quietly , resolved to have a bout with them , but the spaniards preparing to be gone away , it prevented their ingagement . here at los sacrificios the pyrates stay'd eight dayes , to receive ransomes , and to divide what they had got , which is generally said to be eight hundred pieces of eight , a share in plate and mony , and they made near twelve hundred shares for men and ships ; and van horn had about fourscore shares coming to him , for himself and his two ships . but laurence and van horn quarrelling about the dividend , sought , and van horn being wounded in the wrist , no body thinking it to be but a slight wound , they all embarked , and van horn once more proposed to attack the flota , and engaged to board the admiral ; but laurence utterly refusing it , away they went , carrying also with them about a thousand negroes and mulatos . about fifteen days after , van horn dyed of his wound which had gangreened , and was thrown into the sea off of cape iucatan , leaving his son , a youth of about ten or twelve years of age , to the value ( as they say ) of twenty thousand pounds sterling on board ; and his lieutenant gramont , took upon him the command of the ship , intending for petit guave . laurence and the rest of the fleet were seen not long after , off of the island of iamaica , and went for guantanamo , a port on the south side of cuba : since that , spurre and three or four hundred more of them , are said to be dead ; and his excellency sir thomas linch the governour of iamaica , was endeavouring to seize spurre's sloop . this account was sent in august , 1683. from iamaica . nevis in the west-indies , august 18. 1683. captain charles carlisle , commander of his majesties ship the francis , having orders from sir william stapleton , governour in chief of the leeward islands , to go in search of several pyrates , who have infested these parts , came on the first of this month into the road of s. thomas , one of the virgin islands , where he found at anchor the ship la trompeuse , commanded by that notorious pyrate hamlin , ( who had taken seventeen ships of all nations , of which eleven english , upon the coast of guinea , and most barbarously and inhumanely treated the men belonging to the● ) but the francis no sooner came within reach of the pyrate , but she received a shot from him , which was followed by another from the castle : captain carlisle sent on shoar to know the reason , and to demand the pyrate as a common enemy ; but receiving no satisfactory answer , he immediately prepared fire-works , and that night fitted out his boats , and set the pyrates ship on fire , and then rowed betwixt her and the shoar , to prevent any assistance that might come from thence to her relief ; all the men that were on board her , made their escape , except four which were taken prisoners : the fire took good effect , and when the pyrates ship was burnt down to the powder , she blew up , one piece of timber of her , which was all on fire , lighting on another ship likewise in the road , ( that used to be helpful to them in careening ) burnt her also . the next morning the francis setting sail from thence , they espyed a ship on ground , about a league from them , which they made up to , and coming to her , found her a ship laden with cables , cordage , and other necessaries for shipping , and designed for supply of the pyrates ; wherefore they likewise set fire to , and burnt her , and then again set sail for this island , where they safely arrived with the four pyrate prisoners , who upon examination , confessed , that the day before the trompeuse was burnt , they had landed in the castle there , a very large chest of gold dust , 150 piggs of silver , 200 baggs of coined money , besides plate , jewels , elephants-teeth , and other valuable goods and commodities . this service is very acceptable to all traders in these parts , whose trade is very much secured by the destruction of this pyrate . the true relation of admiral henry morgans expedition against the spaniards in the west-indies , in the year 1670. admiral morgan on the fourteenth day of august 1670. put to sea , with eleven sail of ships , and six hundred men , and on the second day of september following , arrived at a small island called the isle of ash , which was to be the place of rendezvouz of all his fleet●for● that expedition . from whence vice-admiral collier upon the sixth of the same month was dispatched with six sail , and three hundred and fifty men , for the coast of the main , to get prisoners for intelligence , and victuals for the whole fleet. the last day of september , arrived captain morris in a small ship ill manned , and brought with him emanuel de rivera his vessel of eight sacres , who had lately burnt the coa●●s of iamaica , and had sent a challenge to dare out the best ship of that island to come and fight him ; he was taken at the east end of cuba . the seventh of october following , there happened so violent a storm , in the harbour , that it drove all the fleet on shoar , ( except the admiral 's vessel ) then consisting of eleven sail : all● of which , but ▪ three , got off again and were made serviceable . in this month arrived three french vessels , and conditioned to sail under the admiral : and in november our fleet was encreased with seven sail more of english ships . upon the twenty eighth of the same month , our vice-admiral collier , returned from the main , with good quantities of provision , and two of the spaniards vessels , one of which called la gallarda , was of rivera's company , assisting him to burn the coaf●s of iamaica . some of the prisoners , brought in this ship , confessed that the president of panama , don iuan perez de gusman , had granted several commissions against the english : and that divers spanish ships with these commissions , were already out , who had made prize of as many english , as they could master ; that they were still fitting out more ; and that the spa●●●rds both at land and sea , were arming against the english. on the second day of december , admiral morgan commanded all the cap●ains on board him , being thirty seven in number , and demanded their advice what place was prope . rest for them first to attack ; and their result , which they drew up , and gave him under their hands , was to this effect ; that having seriously considered , what place might prove most feasible to attack and carry , and be most advantageous for the safety of the english , and in particular for the security of the island of iamaica , for preventing the a ▪ noyances and invasions of the spaniards , they did all unanimously conclude , that it would stand most for the general good of the english , trading to iamaica , and the rest of his majesties plantations in the west-indies , to take panama the president whereof having granted several commissions against the english , to the great anoyance of iamaica , and of our merchant men ; as both by the oaths of the spanish prisoners , and the very original commissions , taken with the afore mentioned spanish vessels , did most evidently appear . ; to which the admiral consented , and having called another time the captains on board him , to consult of the manner of carrying on that attempt , and where to find prisoners to be our guides for panama : it was voted that from the island of providence , most of the people there being taken from panama , that no place could be more fit . december the eighth , we sailed , and the fourteenth we arrived at providence by eight in the morning , and by two in the afternoon , were possessed of the great island without any resistance . the fifteenth the admiral sent a a summons to the governour to deliver the little island , who willingly submitted , upon condition , that he might have good quarter , and transportation to any part of the main ; which was granted and duly performed : but four of his souldiers voluntarily took up arms with us , and became our guides : and by them understanding , the castle of chagre blocked our way . the admiral called a council of all the captains , where it was resolved that we should attack this castle of chagre . of the taking the castle of chagre . for this purpose were four hundred and seventy men , in three ships , forthwith dispatched away , under the command of captain ioseph b●dley , with three other captains , and four lieutenants . on the 27. they were safely landed within four miles of the castle , by twelve a clock at night ; by two they had made their approach within shot one of the other ; and by three a clock had got into their trenches , where they continued fighting till eight in the morning : from whence they had returned without effecting their design , if in plying their granadoes , they had not set a guard-house on fire , that stood upon the walls , which caused a breach ; where our men couragiously stormed , and the enemy as bravely defended , to the last man ; and obstinately refusing quarter , it cost them the lives of three hundred and sixty men. of our side were thirty killed out right , one captain , and one lieutenant , and seventy six wounded , whereof the brave bradley was one , with two lieutenants , who dyed within ten dayes after , of their wounds , to the great grief of the admiral , and of all our fleet in general . admiral morgan's expedition against panama . january the second 1670 / 1 admiral morgan arrived with the whole fleet , and understanding that the enemy lay with forces to endeavour the re-taking of the castle of chagre , he gave order for the fleet to follow , him into the harbour ; but five of the foremost , had the ill fortune to be cast away , amongst which the ship where in the admiral himself was , was one , and four more , but they saved their men. the rest of the fleet being come in , they prepared to go up the river , where the admiral understood our enemies had entrenched themselves , and had six several retreats , in breast-works ; whereupon he gave order , that seven sail of the lesser ships , should be fitted to go up the river , and fill'd them with men , and great guns , leaving three hundred to guard the castle and the ships , under the command of captain richard norman . munday the ninth , admiral morgan began to set forward with fourteen hundred men , in the said seven ships , and thirty six boats. the twelfth day he got to the first intrenchment , which the spaniards had basely quitted , and set all on fire , as they did all the rest without striking a stroak for it . here he was forced to leave the ships and boats , ( being unable to get them conveniently up further ) with two hundred men to guard them , under the command of captain robert delander , and we betook our selves to our march through the wild woods , where was no road nor path for four and twenty miles together , but what our pioneers cut and made for us . the fourteenth , our admiral with our army , arrived within two miles of venta cruz , the place where we should have landed , if we had been able to have got our vessels up so high : and here we came to a narrow and dangerous pass , which the enemy thought to have secured , and put a stop to our further progress in that design ; but indeed they were presently routed by our forlorn , commanded by captain thomas rogers , the rest of our men never being put to the trouble of firing one shot , and without sustaining any loss , saving three men slightly wounded , but the enemies loss we could never learn. ianuary the fifteenth , we arrived at venta cruz upon the river of chagre , which is a very handsome village , and the place where they land and embark all the goods which come and go to panama : and where we thought we might meet with some provisions , having marched three days with but a very slender dyet , but found this ( as the rest of the places we had passed ) all on fire , and the inhabitants and souldiers all fled . the sixteenth we marched on forwards , the enemy galling us from their ambuscades , and by small parties , and we still beating them for a league together ; although they had all the advantage of us that could be , by reason of the ways being so narrow that we could seldom march above four a breast , and was for the most part so deep and hollow , that the enemy could keep over our heads to annoy us . about noon we got safely to the savanas or open fields , with the loss but of three men killed outright , and six or seven wounded : and of the enemy , twenty killed , and one captain , besides many wounded . about three miles further , we took up our quarters , to refresh our men , and thank god for the successful service of that day . the seventeenth we continued our march without any opposition , and about nine a clock in the morning saw that desired and long wished for sight , the south sea and not far distant from us 〈◊〉 parcel of cattle and horses feeding . whereupon our admiral commanded a general halt to be made ; and gave our men leave to kill horses and beeves enough to feast us all . at about four a clock in the afternoon , our men having refreshed themselves very well , we marched on again ; and at five came within sight of the enemy , where he was drawn up in battalia , with two thousand and one hundred foot , and six hundred horse ; but finding the day far spent , the admiral thought it not fit to engage , but took up quarters within a mile of them , where we lay very quiet ; not being so much as once allarmed . the next morning being the eighteenth , our admiral gave out very early his orders , to draw out his men in battalia ; which was accordingly performed , and they were drawn up in form of a tertia . the vanguard , which was led by lieutenant colonel prince , and major iohn morris , was in number three hundred men. the main body , containing six hundred men , the right wing thereof was led by the admiral , and the left by colonel edward collyer . the rere-guard consisting of three hundred men , was commanded by colonel bledry morgan . our admiral , after having viewed his men , and encouraged them , commanded the officers all to repair to their respective charges . mean while the enemy being drawn up in an advantagious place , still kept their station , nor would at all move , though often provoked by us , fearing to lose the security of their ground . which our admiral perceiving , presently gave order , that our officers should wheel our body to the left , and endeavour to gain a hill which was hard by , and which if once gained , we should then force the enemy to engage , to their great disadvantage ; because he could not be able to bring out of his great body , any more men to fight at a time , than we should out of our small ; and that we should likewise have the advantage , both of the wind and sun. our officers streight put this command in execution , and in a small time we gained the hill , together with a little dry passage , of convenience for us . so the enemy was constrained to fight us upon their hasty march , not having room enough to wheel their whole body , by reason of a great bogg , which was just at their rear , and before which they had purposely drawn up , to entrap us : but we having thus changed our ground , that proved in the upshot to be of prejudice to themselves . we being thus advanced , don francisco de haro , who commanded their cavalry , with his horse gave the first charge to our vanguard , which he did very furiously , coming upon the full speed ; and we having no pikes among us , our admiral gave order , that we should double our ranks to the right , and close the files to the right and left inward , to the close order : but their fiery commander could not stop his career till he dropt , losing his life in the frontrank of our vanguard . upon this their horse wheeled off to the right , and their foot advanced to try their fortunes , but they proved as unsuccessful as their fellows ; for we being ready , with our main body to receive them , with our first volley gave them such a warm welcome , and pursued our work in hand , with that vigour and briskness , that our friends the spaniards thought it safest to retreat , and by and by were so closely plyed by our left wing also , who at first could not come to engage , ( because of their hindrance by the hills ) which our enemies not able to endure , mended , though unwillingly , their pace , and at last all in general betook themselves to plain running . just before which , they practised such a stratagem , as hath seldom been heard . for while the foot had engaged us in the front and the flanks , they had contrived to force in , two great droves of oxen , of above a thousand in each , into the right and left angles of our rear , with intention to break and disorder us : which design might probably have taken effect , had not our prudent admiral , with great presence of mind , spoiled their project , giving order to a small party to fire at the drivers , and not at the cattle , which put the rest into so great a fear , that the oxen were soon forced back with ●afe . so that this stratagem being thus defeated , they were in so great consternation , that happy was he that could get first into the city : there they had two hundred fresh men , and two forts ; in the one were fix brass guns mounted , and in the other eight . they had all their streets barricadoed , and in many of them had also planted great guns ; the number of which amounted in all to thirty two brass guns : but instead of fighting after all this preparation , the president caused the city to be fired , and his chiefest fort to be blown up , which was done with such hast , that he blew up forty of his souldiers in it . we followed them into the town , where in the placa mayor , or chief market place , they made a short resistence , fring some of their great guns at us , with which they killed us four men , and wounded five . at three a clock in the afternoon , we had quiet possession of the city , although in flames , with no more loss on our side in this days work , than five men killed , and ten wounded ; but of the enemy about four hundred . and now were we forced to put all hands to work for the quenching the fire of our enemies houses , which they themselves had kindled to disappoint us of the plunder ; but all our labour was in vain , for by twelve a clock at night , all the whole city was burnt , except a part of the suburbs , which with our great industry , we made a shift to save , being two churches , and about three hundred houses . thus was that ancient and famous city of panama consumed and laid in ashes ; being the greatest mart for silver and gold in the whole world : for it receives all the goods and merchandise coming from old spain , in the kings great fleet , which is first landed at puerto belo and venta cruz , and thence brought on mules , and by other land-carriage , hither ; and likewise delivers to the gallions of the flota or plate fleet , all the silver and gold which comes from the mines of potozi , and all peru. here at this city we stayed eight and twenty days , making continual incursions upon the enemy by land , for twenty leagues round about , without having so much as one gun shot at us in anger , although we took in this time near three thousand prisoners of all sorts : and kept barks likewise cruising in the south sea , and fetching off prisoner from toboga and other islands near that coast , to which the spaniards had fled with their families . february the fourteenth , we quitted panama , and began our march towards our ship with all our prisoners , and the next day came to venta cruz , at about two in the afternoon , which is about fifteen english miles . here we stayed refreshing our selves till the four and twentieth , giving the spaniards , opportunity to ransom their prisoners . the twenty sixth we got to chagre ; which we found in good order since our leaving it . and here we divided the plunder amongst the souldiers and seamen , which amounted to about thirty thousand pound sterling . march the sixth , we fired the castle of chagre , having first spiked the guns ; and then embarked for our voyage towards iamaica ; where in a short time , we safely arrived . the reason why we got no more wealth in that expedition , was , because they had two months notice of us , before our coming , and conveyed most of their treasure away on board their ships , to be transported to lima in peru ; one of which ships was laden with gold , silver , and precious stones ; which ship contained seven hundred tun : and there was likewise another of three hundred tun , laden also with riches , both which made their escape from us . this , together with their firing the city of panama , made us return so empty home . don juan perez de guzman president of panama , his relation of the late action of the english there in the west●indies . being a letter intercepted by them , as it was going into spain , and brought to admiral morgan . rendred into english , out of the spanish . having had advice from the governour of carthagena , which he sent me by way of darien , that the english of iamaica , assisted by the french , intended with an army of three thousand men , to invade carthagena and panama , i presently orderded two hundred men to march to puerto velo , and to chagre one hundred and fifty . and to the castillan don francisco saludo i sent order that with five hundred men he should guard the passage of the river , and fortifie it . about five months before this i had consulted don iuan de aras , capellan of the audiencia , and other intelligent persons . and they perswaded me that the forts on the river as well as the castle , were all impregnable ; and in reiterated letters which i had from don pedro de lisardo , he assured me the same of chagre , and that i needed not to take care for them , for that although six thousand men should come against them , he should with the fortifications , and men he had , be able to secure himself and destroy them : the like those who were at the passages of the river confidently assured me . and now the enemy being come those of the castle of chagre fought whole day , and defended themselves with great valour and resolution , killing above two hundred men , and repulsing above six assaults , until the english taking advantage of the night , and by the help of their fire-balls set on fire the fortifications , because the outsides were of wood. they likewise burnt the castellans or governours house , being thatched with palm , and consumed all the good arms within . there was killed above half the people , the lieutenant also and the castellan , who all had behaved themselves with great valour , and had it not been for the fire , the enemy had never gained it . at the unhappy news of the loss of this considerable castle , those on the river were extreamly astonished , and fearing the english would come up to them with two thousand men , luis de castillo captain of the mulatto's , whom the castellan saludo , had ordered to his post , a place called barro colorado , having called a council of war of those officers under his command , without having any order of mine or power to do it , retired to barbacoa , forsaking his post , without fo much as ever seeing the face of the enemy : the castellan saludo did the same , quitting the fortifications of barbacoa , and retired with his men to cruzes . before this , at the first notice i had of the loss of the castle of chagre . two mestises called the sollices and a negro of vregoa , offered with a hundred men to regain the castle , or so to disorder the enemy in case they should attempt to come up the river , as to hinder them : and for fear they should gain the castle of santos , i sent gil de la torre who had been lieutenant there , to govern and defend it . but neither of these complied with their undertaking ; for having sent two hundred and fifty chosen men , instead of the one hundred they had desired ; with the sollices , who meeting the enemy on the river , neither durst they stay to fight him , as they might have done , nor did they pass on to regain the castle of chagre : but rather went round by the mountain , and came out at capira , after which they all dispersed without doing any good at all . in this conjuncture having had the misfortune to have been lately blooded three times for an erysipelas , i had in my right leg , i was forced to rise out of my bed , and march to guiabal with the rest of the people , which i had raised in panama ; where i slaid until i understood the exact course of the enemies march , because i would be sure not to miss them , for they might have gone by barbacoa , port gilloa and puerto de loes naos . with me i took eight hundred men , and three hundred negroes , that were vassalls , and slaves of the assentistaes . and from the aforesaid place , i sent to cruzes three hundred men , amongst whom went one hundred indians of darien , with their commanders ; of these i had greater credit and opinion than of any others , yet had not these the courage to perform any thing . having been a day in guiabal , and my men pretty well refreshed , i received a letter from a negro captain , called prado , in which he assured me that the enemy marched against us two thousand strong ; which news so much discouraged my men , that they ceased not to importune and press me to return to the town , protesting they would defend themselves in it to the last . but it being impossible then to fortifie it , it having many entrances , and the houses all built of wood ; so soon as the enemy should once make a breach , we should quickly be exposed to their fury , and forced miserably to shift for our selves ; for which reasons i consented not to them . next morning at break of day , i found my self with not above one third part of my men , the rest having deserted me . so that i was constrained to return back to the city , to perswade them to fight there at panama , there being no other remedy . i arrived on saturday night at panama , and sunday morning went to the great church , where having received the holy communion before our blessed lady of immaculate conception , with great devotion . i went to the principal guard , and to all that were present , i expressed my self to this effect . that all those , who were true catholicks , defenders of the faith , and devoto's of our lady of pure and immaculate conception , should follow my person , being that same day at four a clock in the afternoon , resolved to march out to seek the enemy , and with this caution , that he that should refuse to do it , should be held for infamous and a coward , besely slighting so precise an obligation . all proffered me their assistance , except those that had slunk from me at guiabal ; and when i had drawn them up in order , i carried the chief of them to the great church , where in the presence of our lady of pure and immaculate conception , i made an oath to die in her defence ; and i gave her a diamond ring of the value of forty thousand pieces of eight , in token of compliance with my word , and heartily invoked her aid . and all present made the same oath , with much fervour . the images of the pure and immaculate conception ever since the day of the fight at chagre castle , had been carried out in general procession , attended by all the religious , and fraternity of the cathedral of st. francis , that of the nuns of our lady of the rosario , those of san domingo , and those of the mercedes , together with all the saints and patrons of the religious . and always the most holy sacrament in all churches was uncovered and exposed to publick view . masses were continually said for my happy success . i parted with all my jewels and relicks collected in my pilgrimage , presenting them to the asforesaid images , saints and patrons . after this i marched with my army about a league from panama having with me three field pieces covered with leather and charged . and from that place i ordered another party with two other guns , of the men which came from the river , being above three hundred , to advance towards the enemy , which neither did any good . this body of men which i had thus brought with me , was compounded of two sorts , valiant military men , and faint hearted cowards , many of them having all their estates , or pay due to them , left in the castle of chagre , and puerto velo , and a great part of my men were negroes , nulattos and indians , to the number of about twelve hundred , besides two hundred negroes more belonging to the astiento . our fire arms were few and bad , in comparison of those the enemy brought : for ours were carbins , harquebusles and fowling pieces , but few muskets for they had likewise been left in puerto velo and chagre . now having formed the army , into two double squadrons , and the cavalry which were two hundred , mounted on the same tired horses which had brought them thither , and with two great herds of oxen and bulls , drove thither by fifty cow-keepers on purpose to disorder the enemy . the army all appeared brisk and courageous , desireing nothing more than to engage ; nor wanted there any thing of regalo to infuse spirit into them . so that it seemed to me , by what i saw , and what they told me , that they would be able to charge the enemy like lightning . on wednesday morning , the enemy appeared , seeming to direct their march towards our rear in three squadrons , wherein they had two thousand three hundred men , as i understood for certain afterwards , but by and by they taking a compass , advanced to the front of our army . i had put for leader of our left wing dom alonso alcaudete , and for leader of the right wing the governour of beragues , don iuan portando bargueno , and in the centre the serjeant major ; to these i gave strict command that none should move without my order , and that coming within shot , the three first ranks should fire on their knees , and after this charge , they should give place to the rear to come up and fire , and that although they should chance to see any fall dead , or wounded , they should not quit their stations , but to the last extremity observe these their orders . i was at this time in the right wing of the vanguard , watching the enemies motion , which was hasty , by the foot of a hill , in a narrow place , about three musket shot from the left wing of our army . when on a sudden i heard a loud clamour , crying out , fall on , fall on ; for they fly. at which don alonso de alcaudete , was not able to keep them in their ranks nor stop them from running away , though he cut them with his sword , but they all fell into disorder ; and i well knowing the fatality of this gave command that they should drive in the herds of cattle , and charge with the horse , so putting my self in the head of the squadron of the right wing , saying , come along boys , there is no other remedy now , but to conquer , or die ; follow me . i went directly to the enemy , and hardly did our men se● some fall dead , and others wounded , but they turned their backs , and fled ; leaving me there with only one negro , and one servant that followed me . yet i went forward to comply with my word to the virgin , which was to die in her defence , receiving a shot in a staff which i carried in my hand upright close to my cheek . at which moment came up to me a priest of the great church , called iuan de dios ( who was wont to say mass in my house ) beseeching me to retire and save my self whom i twice sharply reprehended . but the third time , he persisting , telling me that it was meer desperation to die on that manner , and not like a christian. with that i retired , it being a miracle of the virgin to bring me off safe from amidst so many thousand bullets . after this i endeavoured with all my industry to perswade the souldiers to turn and face our enemies , but it was impossible ; so that nothing hindering them , they entred the city , to which the slaves and owners of the houses had put fire , and being all of boards and timber , 't was most of it quickly burnt , except the audiencia , the governours house , the convent of the mercedes , san ioseph , the suburbs of malambo , and pierde vidas , at which they say , the enemy fretted very much for being disappointed of their plunder . and because they had brought with them an english man , whom they called the prince , with intent there to crown him king of the terra firma . the english having thus got possession of the relicks of our town , found a bark in the fasca , although i had given order there should be none , yet had they not complied with my command , and when they would have set it on fire , the enemy came fast and put it out , and with it did us much damage , for they took three more with it , and made great havock of all they found in the islands of tabaga , otoque , and las islas del rey , taking and bringing from thence many prisoners . after this misfortune , i gave order to all the people i met , that they should stay for me at nata for there i intended to form the body of an army , once more to encounter the english. but when i came to that city , i found not one soul therein , for all were fled to the mountains . the same happened to me at the town from whence i dispatched a vessel to peru , with the sad news of our misfortune , as i had done by land to guatimala , mexico , and by puerto velo to sparue . and although i afterwards attempted several times to form an army , yet i could not do any good of it , because no man would be perswaded to follow me . so that i remained utterly destitute of any guard , till such time as the english marched back to the castle of chagre to make his voyage for iamaica . there embarked themselves for peru , without seeing the face of an enemy , the castellan saludo , ( whom i did not believe to be such a one ) don iuan de aras , francisco gonzales ca●asco being a young lively captain , and many others . this sir , has been a chastisement from heaven , and the same might have happened to that great captain gensalo fernando de cordova , as did to me , if his men had deserted him , for one man alone can do little . in the middle of all this torrent of affliction , it was no small good fortune , to have the fort of san geromino in puerto velo finished ; and to have the fortifications of those two castles made there anew . because their first intent was to have attaqued the said castles , which are , as report goes , well furnished with men and ammunition . if all were lost , i hope god would give me patience to suffer so great a punishment . but so it is , that all the presidents together that this kingdom has ever had ; have not done the third part of what i have done , in order to the prevention of these mischiefs : but i know my self so unfortunate as not to have people sent me out of spain that are paid ; and so long as that shall happen not to be so in this kingdom , and that chagre and panama shall not be fortified , they will be in perpetual danger of loseing the indies . this is what has passed , omitting infinite particulars , not to enlarge too much , and which is all i have to say to you , whose life god preserve many years . panama , &c. the relation of colonel beeston , his voyage to carthagena , for adjusting the peace made in spain , for the west-indies , &c. colonel william beeston having received orders and instructions from the honourable sir thomas linch knight his majesties lieutenant governour of the island of iamaica , to embark on the assistance frigate , for his negotiation to carthagena , there to congratulate and adjust with that governour the peace that had been made in madrid for the west-indies , by his excellency sir william godolphin knight his majesty of great brittains ambassador in the court of spain : and the conde de penneranda ; and having also power to demand all such prisoners not only english but any other nation , which had been taken under the colours of his majesty in order to his service . on sunday , iuly the sixteenth 1671. we went aboard , and immediately put to sea ; the colonel having a handsome train of servants , and half a dozen gentlemen , who went out of respect to wait on him , and a curiosity to see the spaniards country . we had also attending on us another frigate called the welcome , commanded by captain wilgresse . wednesday the nineteenth , captain hubert having been sick some few days before , died at about four a clock in the afternoon , in the latitude of fifteen degrees : and on the twentieth at ten in the morning , and in latitude fourteen degrees was decently , and with the usual ceremonies of such persons dying there , buryed in the sea. sunday the twenty third in the morning , we fell in with the land of carthagena and stood towards the city , which we came in view of at one a clock ; and being within about a league and a half of it , the colonel sent off the pinnace , with a white flag , and in her mr. william stone , and mr. david gomez , with these orders : that after due respects paid to the governour , they should tell him that the ships that appeared before the city , were two of his majesty of great britains frigats , which were sent thither by the honourable sir thomas linch his majesties lieutenant governour of iamaica . and that they were sent from a gentleman on board to him , to let him know who he was , and further to acquaint him , that he came by order of the said governour to congratulate , and adjust with him , the peace made in madrid for the west-indies . that the said gentleman desired to know , whether they might have liberty to come on shoar , and return on board again with safety , as their business might require : the which if he would promise they would come ashoar , and impart what they had in commission to him . the colonel moreover ordered them to acquaint the governour , that it was not the custom of his majesties ships of war , to salute any place where-ever they should come with their ordinance , unless they were assured of a due return , which if he would please to promise by those gentlemen at their coming back on board ; we would salute the city . about five in the evening our pinnace came off with their white flag surled , and mr. stone at his coming aboard , brought this account : that the governour entreated him to tell the colonel , that he was very welcome ; that he should have all the liberty he could desire , both in coming ashoar and returning aboard ; that the city was ready to receive us with all respect , and where we should be with all manner of freedom ; and that the colonel might as●ure himself , he should be treated , as a person bearing that character ought to be : and if we should think good to 〈◊〉 the city , they would retarn the 〈◊〉 with an equal number of gvns. which civil answer having received , we ●ired from the assistance twenty one and from the welcome fifteen guns , which they answered from their walls with forty . munday the twenty fourth , we went ashoar , with both the ships pinnaces and for the more solemnity ; had salutes from both the frigates at our putting off . at our landing , which was at a small distance from the town-wall , we were met by ten coaches , a company of foot , the serjeant major of the town , and the captain bocca chica the castellan , or commander of the castle , with several other gentlemen of quality and saluted with those ordinance , which lay on that part of the wall next us , and thence conducted to the house of the governour don pedro de ribadaneira , in our way to which , the streets were extreamly thronged with people , who wondred much at our garb , being used to see none but those of their own nation . when we came to the governours , who received us at the stair head , en●tring into a large room , we found him waited on by about fifty of the best gentlemen of the city , who as himself was , were richly habited , and adorned with gold and jewels , and many of them of the orders of saint iago , calatrava , and alcautara . after the ceremony of our reception was over , all then fate down ; the governour with great compliment placing the colonel , and captain reide his companion , in the two first chairs on the right hand , no apologies on their parts serving to excuse it . after this the colonel delivered his letters and other papers relating to the affair he came about , which were given to the secretary , to cause them to be transalted , and then they passed the time in publick discourse , at noon we were treated with an extraordinary dinner , served all in plate , and entertained with musick , much chearfulness shown , and great expessions of their satisfaction , by drinking his majesties health , the queens , his royal highness the duke of torks and others . betwixt this , the papers were translating ; we spent most of the time in treating such gentlemen of quality , as the governour permitted to come on board , and see the frigates ; who gave him an account of the strength and beauty of them , with which , and their entertainment , they were infinitely pleased . on wednesday morning the governour called his council together , and having placed colonel beeston on his right , hand , and captain reide on his left . the papers were all read , and the business of the peace was discoursed , not without much resentment , for the taking of panama , which was with great eagerness and dissatisfaction urged , as done after certain notice of the conclusion of the peace , which they alledged was published in carthagena the second of march. all which the colonel excused , as much as he could , acquainting them with our ignorance of it in iamaica , till the 〈◊〉 of sir thomas linch our present governour . then the colonel demanded of them , our english prisoners taken by them , which were immediately delivered to us , to the number of three and thirty ; and to pacifie in some measure their complaints , it was at length concluded on by us , that all spanish negroes , of the provinces of carthagena and panama , which had been taken and could be found in iamaica , and that could prove they were free in their own country , should be set at liberty : and that all negroes of the said provinces , which were slaves should be redeemed by their masters , if they would come for them , at eighteen or twenty pounds per head . after we had quite finished our business , the city invited us to dinner , where we were nobly treated , as well with feasting , as with their great guns , and all other expressions of their joy for the peace . though in the main , they seemed suspicious , as doubting whether or no we intended to keep it strictly ; and to strengthen it , soon after dinner , there came an express to the governour , from the wind-ward , giving him an account , that there were two privateers come to an 〈◊〉 , near 〈◊〉 de canu , which is about five leagues from the city . at which they seemed infinitely dissatisfied , and confidently affirmed they must needs be english , and told us with all that there was but small likelihood the peace should be long continued , when our privateers came before the town , whilst we were there treating with them , and owning the peace . to appease which , the colonel , assured them , sir thoms linch had called in all the commissions , and that he was confident we had not on privateer abroad . so that if there were any such vessells out , they were french of tortuga ; but for their better satisfaction , if the governour desire it , he would send one of the frigats to see what they were . which offer he gladly accepted . and that he might see we intended nothing more than the preservation of the peace , the colonel sent captain wilgresse to sea , who returned again in twenty four hours , having been beyond the place , where they were reported to have been , but saw none , at which they were again satisfied . the remainder of the time we staid here , which was whilst the governours papers were dispatching , we spent in viewing the town , and treating several gentlemen of theirs a board , who were curious to see the frigats and their strength . the city of carthagena lies on a bay by the sea side , built on a sand , but to landward it is very boggy . it is in length about three quarters of a mile , and not full half a mile in bredath . ` t is walled all round with a thick stone wall of about four and twenty foot high , with bastions built with orillons , in some parts , in others they are plain : but has neither graffs nor ramparts . the guns which are in number one hundred twenty six , are most brass and copper , and lie upon the parapets , and looking over the tops of the walls , without either battlements , or common basekets , to blind them . in the wall are three gates ; one to the south called san domingo ; one to the north east , called santa catalina , and one to the east , which goes to the harbour , and into the country . this city nevertheless is not strong , for there is neither castle , nor any considerable place of strength in it ; and moreover to the north north west , which is the bay , those winds have made in the wall three great breaches , which may be entred with ease . the people likewise are not many besides church men , and for the most part are creolians who are half spaniard and half indian ; there are also many molatto's and negroes amongst them . their souldiers are armed ( for fire arms ) only with match locks , in the use of which they are likewise very unexpert . the city in general is well built with stone , and covered with tile ; the streets are narrow , and the houses for the most part contiguous , and most of them four or five stories high , with balconies of wood and great wooden lattices as they have in spain . here are many beautiful churches , and other publick structures . one of their greatest wants is fresh water , having none but what falls from the clouds , for the reception whereof , they have large cisterns in most houses and likewise under the bastions in the walls , where they keep and husband it till god send a fresh supply . the town appears very beautiful at a distance , for there are many cocao nut trees which resemble palms , growing promiscuously in several parts thereof , and overtopping the houses ; which is a delightful ornament to it . on the east side of it , about a mile distant , upon an eminence stands a castle called santa madalena , provided with many guns of brass , copper and iron , which they look upon , as of great strength , and able to do much in their defence , and for preservation of their city . whilst we staid here some of our company were desirous to treat with one herman an eminent factor here for the grillo's genoese merchants in spain , in hopes to have sold him some negroes from iamaca , but he was so ill beloved by the people , and they were so suspicious of us , left we should sell the negroes which waited on us , that we could not have any discourse with him . on friday the twenty eighth . we received our letters and dispatches , and in the afternoon took our leaves of the governour and city , and went on board , staying all saturday to fit our ships . sunday morning we sailed , saluting the city at our going off ; which they with the same number of guns answered . tuesday , august the first , we met with the santa cruz. captain francisco garibaldo commander , a ship of thirty two guns . sixteen petreros , and a hundred and six men , she belonged to the grillo's and had on board a hundred and twenty thousand pieces of eight , with which she was going from carthagena , to corizo , to buy negroes . out of her we took five prisoners , which made our number thirty eight . after which we passed on ; and without any thing worthy of remark in our voyage , standing over for iamaica ; on munday august the seventh in the morning , we arrived , and came to an anchor in port royal harbour . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26296-e1590 an. dom. 1680. april . an. dom 1680. may an. dom. 1680. iune an. dom. 1680. iuly an. dom. 1680. august . an. dom. 1680. septem . an. dom. 1680. octob. an. dom. 1680. novem. an. dom. 1680. decem. an. dom. 1680. septem . an. dom. 1680. decem. an. dom. 1680. ianuar. an. dom. 1680. februa . 1680 / 1. march. 1681. april . may. 1681. may. iune . 1681. iune . 1681. iuly . august . 1681. august . septem . 1681. septem . october . 1681. october novem. 1681. novem. decem. 1681. decem. 1681 / 2. ianuary 1681 / 2. ianuary notes for div a26296-e21210 1683. notes for div a26296-e22380 1670. 1670 decem. 1670. ianuary 1670. febr. notes for div a26296-e23690 an. dom. 1670. ianuar. notes for div a26296-e24990 an. dom. 1671. iuly . the voyages of the ever renowned sr. francis drake into the west indies viz., his great adventures for gold and silver, with the gaining thereof, and an account of his surprising of nombre de dios : a large account of that voyage wherein he encompassed the world : his voyage made with francis knollis, and others, their taking the towns of st. jago, sancto domingo, carthageno, and saint augustin : his last voyage (in which he died) being accompanied with several valiant commanders, and the manner of his burial : collected out of the notes of the most approved authors, to which is added an account of his valorous exploits in the spanish invasion. 1683 approx. 228 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 88 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65185 wing v749 estc r32924 12783624 ocm 12783624 93865 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65185) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93865) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1538:20) the voyages of the ever renowned sr. francis drake into the west indies viz., his great adventures for gold and silver, with the gaining thereof, and an account of his surprising of nombre de dios : a large account of that voyage wherein he encompassed the world : his voyage made with francis knollis, and others, their taking the towns of st. jago, sancto domingo, carthageno, and saint augustin : his last voyage (in which he died) being accompanied with several valiant commanders, and the manner of his burial : collected out of the notes of the most approved authors, to which is added an account of his valorous exploits in the spanish invasion. drake, francis, sir, d. 1637. sir francis drake his voyage about the world. bigges, walter, d. 1586. a relation of sr. francis drakes west-indian voyage. [6], 168 p. printed for thomas malthus ..., london : 1683. "an abridged version of sir francis drake revived"--nuc pre-1956 imprints. "sir francis drake his voyage about the world (p. 55-115) compiled by francis drake, nephew of the admiral", and "a relation of sr. francis drakes west-indian voyage (p. 116-137) by walter bigges"--nuc pre-1956 imprints. imperfect: print show-through with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng drake, francis, -sir, 1540?-1596. west indies -discovery and exploration. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-11 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the voyages of the ever renowned sr. francis drake into the west indies . viz. his great adventures for gold , and silver , with the gaining thereof , and an account of his surprising of nombre de dios. a large account of that voyage wherein he encompassed the world. his voyage made with francis knollis , and others ; their taking the towns of st. jago , sancto domingo , carthagena , and saint augustin . his last voyage ( in which he died ) being accompanied with several valiant commanders , and the manner of his burial . collected out of the notes of the most aproved authors . to which is added , an account of his valorous exploits in the spanish invasion . london , printed for thomas malthus , at the sign of the sun , in the poultry , 1683. to the reader . in the following sheets are presented to thy view the long and dangerous voyages , with the heroick exploits of the famous sir francis drake , more concise than they were formerly published . that i may not seem haerere in limine , i shall forbear digressing etiher in giving a particular account of the passages herein mentioned ; or in apologizing for the defects that may be found in this treatise ; hoping the courteous reader will rather look upon the design than critically inspect the imperfections , or escapes hereof . that which moved me to the undertaking hereof , was ( next to the reviving the memory of this renown'd gentleman , the eccho of whose praises sometimes resounded all the world over , and to whom we owe the discovery of a great part of what we now possess of foreign plantations ) to divert that spirit of contention that is now arisen in every one almost against his brother , and to excite , in the spirits of young people especially , an aemulation of this worthy patriot in advancing the glory of their country by foreign conquests . books lately printed for & sold by tho. malthus , at the sun in the poultry . bentivolio and urania in six books , by nathaniel ingelo d. d. the fourth edition , with large amendments , wherein all the obscure words throughout the book are interpreted in the margin , which makes this much more delightful to read than the former editions . mr. james janewayes legacy , to his friends , containing twenty seven famous instances of gods providences , in and about sea-dangers and deliverances , with the names of several that were eye witnesses to many of them . an historical account of the heroick life and magnanimous actions of the most illustrious , protestant prince , james duke of monmouth , containing an account of his birth , education , places and titles , with his great and martial achievements in flanders and scotland , his disgrace and departure , both from court and kingdom , with the most material circumstances that have occurred since his return . the compleat statesman , demonstrated in the life , actions and politicks of that great minister of state , anthony earl of shaftsbury , containing an historical account of his descent , his administration of affairs in the time of oliver cromwel , his unwearied endeavours to restore his most sacred majesty , his zeal in prosecuting the horrid popish plot , several of his learned speeches , his two commitments to the tower , the most material passages at his tryal , with many more considerable instances , unto his lordships going for holland . catastrophe mundi , or merlin revived , in a discourse of prophesies , and predictions , and their remarkable accomplishments , with mr. lillies hieroglyphicks exactly cut , and notes , and observations thereon , as also a collection of all the antient reputed prophecies that are extant , touching the grand revolutions like to happen in these latter ages . historical memoirs of the life and death of that wise and valiant prince , rupert , prince palatine of the rhine , duke of cumberland , &c. containing a brief but impartial account of his great and martial achievements , during the time of the civil wars , together with his several engagements in the wars between his majesty and the states general of the united provinces . fifteen real comforts of matrimony , in answer to the late fifteen shain comforts , together with satyrical reflections on the whoring and debauchery of this present age. written by a person of honour , of the female sex. sir francis drake revived , giving an account of his surprizing of nombre de dios , and of several other notable atchievements performed by him in those parts . on whitsun-eve , may 24. 1572. captain drake in the pascha of plimouth of 70. tuns , his admiral , with the swan of the said port of 25 tuns , his vice-admiral in which his brother john drake was captain , set sail , having in both of them of men and boys 73. sufficiently provided with necessaries for such a voyage . the wind continuing at n. e. gave us very good passage , so that in five weeks after , we had sight of the island of guadalupe , one of the west-indies islands . the next morning june 29th . entring between dominica and guadalupe , we descried 2 canows coming from a rocky island 3 leagues off dominica . landing on the south side of it , we remained three days there to refresh our men , and to water our ships . there we saw some poor cottages built with palmito boughs and branches , but no inhabitants ; the cottages ( probably ) serving only for the use of those that came thither at certain times to fish . july 1. being the 3d. day after , about 3 in the afternoon wé sailed thence for the continent of terra firma , and the fifth day we saw the high land of sancta martha ; but we directed our course for a place , called by our captain in his former voyage , port phesant , by reason of the great store of those fowls , he and his company had there , where we arrived in six days . it is a round bay , and safe harbour , not past half a cables length over at the mouth , but within 8 , or 10 every way , of 10 , or 12 fathom water , full of good fish , and of a fruitful soil . at our entrance here , our captain having left his brother to attend the ships , with some few of his company went to land . but as we were rowing ashore , we saw a smoke in the woods near the place our captain frequented ; therefore our captain thought fit ●o take more strength with us , suspecting some enemy there . but this smoke was occasioned by a fire , which one mr. garret of plimouth and his company had made , and had continued at least five days before our arrival . this john garret left a plate of lead nailed to a huge tree of near five fathom about , in which were engraven these words : captain drake , if you fortune to come to this port , make haste away ; for the spaniards which you had with you here the last year , have bewrayed this place , and taken away all that you left here . i departed from hence this present 7th . of july , 1572. your very loving friend , john garret . yet our captain resolved to tarry here still he had built his pinnaces ; and therefore caused the pinnaces to be brought ashore for the carpenters to set up , employing the rest of his company in fortifying a place he had chosen out to work in , being 3 rudes , which he did , with trees , thirty foot in height , round , leaving only one gate to issue at , near the water-side , which was every night shut up with a tree drawn cross it . the plat was of a pentagonal form ; two angles were towards the sea , and that side between them left open for launching our pinnaces ; the other four sides were firmly closed up . without the ground was rid fifty foot round . the rest was very thick with trees , of which many were of those kinds , that are never without green leaves , till they are dead at the root , ( but there is one kind among them like our ash , which when the sun is vertical to them , and causeth great rains , casts all its leaves in three days , and in six days again becomes all green ) of a prodigious height , supported with six buttresses growing out of their body , in each of which three men may be so hid , that they who stand in the next buttress shall not see them . the wood of those trees is as heavy as brasil , or lignum vitae , and is of a white colour . the day after our arrival , there came an english bark of the isle of wight , james rawse captain , and john overy master , with thirty men . they brought in with them a spanish carvel of sivel ( taken the day before ) and a shallop taken at cape blanch. this captain was desirous to joyn with ours , and was received accordingly . july 20. seven days after his coming , having dispatched our business , we departed from that harbour towards nombre de dios ; within three days we arrived at the isles of pinos , and found two frigates of nombre de dios lading timber thence . by the negroes in these frigats we were informed of the state of the town , and of a report , that certain soldiers were daily expected from the governour of panama for the defence of the town against the symerons ( a black people , who fled from the spaniards their masters , by reason of their cruelty , and since grown into two kingdoms , the one to the east , the other to the west of the way from nombre de dios to panama . ) our captain set those negroes ashore , that they might joyn themselves to their countreymen , the symerons , or at least that he might prevent their going to alarm the town with news of his arrival , nombre de dios being far distant from that place by land ; and himself resolved to go thither with all speed and secrecy . and so disposing of his companies , according as they inclined , he left the three ships and carvel with captain rawse , and chose into his four pinnaces , fifty three of our men , and twenty of captain rawses , well armed . july 28. thus parted from our company , we arrived at the island of cativaas , being twenty five leagues distant , aug. 2. where our captain trained his men , delivering to each their several arms , encouraging them with certain hopes of success . the same day we sailed for nombre de dios. before sun-set we reached rio francisco . thence he led us hard aboard the shore ( that we might not be descried ) to within two leagues of the point of the bay , where we rode till it was dark . when our captain , finding those of our company proposing difficulties , resolved to take the opportunity that night ; and so we arrived there at three of the clock after midnight . about the same time a ship of spain had arrived there , who suspecting us , sent her gundeloe to alarm the town , which our captain perceiving , prevented , so that we landed without any difficulty , and seized upon six pieces of ordnance , the gunner having fled , whereby the town was alarm'd . our captain left twelve men to keep the pinnaces , that we might safely retreat in case of danger , and securing the platform , he thought it best to view the mount on east side the town , fearing lest there might be ordnance planted there , whence we might be annoyed ; but seeing no fear of danger thence we returned to the city , where we parted ; john oxnam and 16 of his men going about behind the kings treasure house , entred the east end of the market , and our captain by the broad street passed to the market place with sound of drum and trumpet . the fire-pikes were equally divided betwixt them , and proved no less advantageous to our men than frightful to the enemy . yet the inhabitants had put themselves in arms , and drew up their companies in some order at the south-east end of the market place . and to make a shew of far greater numbers of shot , they had hung lines with matches lighted athwart the west end of the market place , between the church and the cross , but perceiving their stratagem by us discovered , they fled . but the soldiers presented us with a volly of shot , levelling so low , that their bullets oft times grazed the sands : and we having once fired upon them , and feathered them with our arrows ( made on purpose ) came to push of pike , when our fire-pikes did us great service , where our men some with their pikes , and some with the butt-end of their muskets so annoyed the enemy , that they threw down their arms to provide for their safety by flight . in the chase several of our men were hurt with the arms which the enemies had let fall as they fled , which caused us to desist the pursuite ; so we returned to the midst of the market place . our captain having taken 2 , or 3 spaniards , commanded them to shew the governours house where the treasure was kept . at our coming thither , the great door ( where the moyls usually unlade ) was open , a candle lighted on the top of the stairs , and a gennet ready sadled : by means of this light we saw a huge heap of silver , being a pile of bars about 70 foot in length , 10 in breadth , and 12 in heighth ; but our captain forbid any to touch it , but to stand on our guard. there was in the kings treasure near the water-side , more gold and jewels than all our four pinnaces could carry . when we were returned to our strength , we were alarm'd with news , that our pinnaces were in danger to be taken , and that if we got not quickly aboard , we would be overpowered with multitudes of soldiers and towns people . our captain therefore sent his brother and john oxnam to search out the truth of it , who found our men in the pinnaces much frighted , by reason of great companies they saw running up and down , some with matches lighted , some with other weapons from the out-parts of the town , who came often near us , and , firing , retreated . presently after there fell a mighty shower of rain with thunder and lightning , so that before we could recover a shelter , some of our bow-strings were wet , and some of our match and powder dammaged ; which while we were refurnishing , several of our men were muttering on the foresaid reports of the strength of the town ; whereupon our captain told them , he had brought them to the mouth of the treasure of the world , if they would want it , blame themselves only ; and therefore when the storm was over , unwilling to give his men longer leisure to demur , or the enemy further respite , he stept forward , commanding his brother with john oxnam and their company to break the kings treasure-house , the rest to follow himself to keep the strength of the market place , till they had dispatch'd their business . but as he stept forward , he began to faint through much effusion of blood out of a wound in his leg , he received in the first encounter , which though it smarted , he concealed , till his fainting discovered it , the blood having filled the prints our footsteps made , to the great dismay of all our company , thinking it incredible , that one man should lose so much blood , and live . and therefore tho' they would have hazarded much for such a booty , yet would they not endanger their captains life , but having given him some cordial , and tied up his leg , they entreated him to go aboard , that his wound might be drest , and then return ashore , if he thought fit . this , when they could not perswade him to ( as knowing , that if they went aboard , they could never recover that state again , in which they now were , and thinking it more honourable to jeopard his life for so great a prize , than to leave such an enterprize unaccomplished ) they with force and entreaty carryed him aboard his pinnace , abandoning a rich spoil to preserve their captains life . thus we embarkt , july 29 by break of day ; many of our men besides our captain were wounded , only a trumpeter slain ; whereupon our chirurgions were busie in dressing their wounds , but especially our captains . and before we departed the harbour , we took the aforesaid ship of wines belonging to the spaniards . but before we had her free of the haven , they of the town shot at us . but notwithstanding we carried our prize to the isle bastimienses , or the isle of victuals , where we staid two days to cure our wounded men , and refresh our selves . at our arrival here , the governour sent to our captain a principal soldier of the late sent garrison , to view us , who at his coming protested he came of meer good will , for that we had undertaken so great an attempt with so few men ; and that at first they feared we had been french , of whom they expected no mercy , but perceiving us to be english , their fears were the less , knowing , that tho' we took the treasure , yet we would use no cruelty towards their persons . but notwithstanding this fair pretence , his governour had sent him aboard , by reason divers of the town had affirmed they knew our captain , who had been often on their coast last two years ; he desired to know , 1. whether our captain was the same captain drake or no ? 2. whether our arrows , which many of their men were wounded with , were poisoned ? and 3. how they might be cured ? lastly , what victuals or necessaries we wanted , promising to supply us . our captain , though suspecting him a spie , yet answered his demands ; that he was the same captain drake , that it was not his manner to poison arrows , and that the wounds might be cured by ordinary chirurgery ; as for wants , he told him , he wanted nothing , but some of that special commodity that country yielded , and therefore before he departed he meant to reap some of their harvest they got out of the earth . to this the gentleman replied , what then was the reason we departed the town at this time , where there is above 360 tun of silver ready for the fleet , and a greater value of gold ; but when our captain had declared the cause , he acknowledged our wisdom in departing , was no less than our courage in attempting . thus with courteous entertainment , after dinner , he was dismissed in such sort that he protested he was never so much honored in his life . after his departure , the negroe aforementioned confirmed his report of gold and silver , and told us how we might acquire store of it by means of the symerons , whom though he had very much incensed , yet if our captain would undertake his protection , he durst hazard his life , as knowing our captains name was most precious among them . whereupon we further consulted , and because this place seemed not safe , next day we sailed for port-plentie where we had left our ships and recovered it next night . at our return to our ships , captain rause doubting of our safe continuance upon that coast , departed : our captain in the mean time having put all things in readiness resolved with his 2 ships and 3 pinnaces to go to carthagene . aug. 13 we came to an anchor in 3 fathom water , between the islands of charesha and st. bernards . our captain led the pinnaces about the island into the harbour of carthagene ; where he found a frigate at anchor , & one man only aboard , who being askt for the rest of his company , told they were gone ashore that evening ; that 2 hours before night there past by a pinnace making all speed they could , and askt him if any english or french had been there lately , and upon answer that none had been , they bid them look to themselves : that after this pinnace was come to the out-parts of carthagene many great pieces were shot off ; whereupon one going to the topmast espied over the land diverse frigates bringing themselves within the castle . this report our captain credited ; and having further examined this old mariner , he understood that there was within the next point a great ship of sivel ready to sail next morning for domingo , and taking this old man into the pinnace he rowed towards this ship , which we boarded . as soon as we were on the decks we threw down the gates and spare-decks to prevent the danger of closs fight ; and then we cut her cables , and towed her with our three pinnaces without the island , without danger of their great shot . which when the town heard of , they put themselves into readiness , and came down to the very point of the wood , against us . the next morning we took two frigats , in which were two of the kings scrivano's with 7 mariners and 2 negroes , come from nombre de dios , and bound for carthagene , to certifie them of our aforementioned exploit at nombre de dios. yet our captain at the scrivano's entreaties set all the company a shore , and then bare up to the island of st. bernards , three leagues off the town . our captain now considering that he was discovered , found that he must wait some time before he could accomplish his design , and likewise that his pinnaces must be well mann'd ; in order to which he had a design to burn one of the ships and make the other a storehouse ; but finding that his company would be loth of that , he thought of another expedient ; and therefore sent for thomas moon ( carpenter in the swan ) and desired him to bore several holes in the well of that ship as near the keel as he could , and that with all secresie . he was very averse from doing it , but having heard our captains reasons , he was at last perswaded , and did it accordingly . the next morning our captain designed to go a fishing , and going aboard the swan he desired his brother to go with him , who desired him to stay alittle and he would immediately attend him . our captain perceiving the carpenter had fulfilled his desire , demanded of them why their bark was so deep ? whereupon his brother sent one down to the steward to know what was the matter ; who going down immediately alarum'd them with news that the ship was full of water . whereupon all hands were set to work , but all in vain ; our captain consulting with them about it , found , that despairing of saving her they referred to him what should be done : and therefore he proposed to them that he would go into the pinnace till such time as a frigate were provided , and that his brother should be captain in the admiral , and the master should be also there with him instead of this ; which seeing she could not be saved he would have fired that the enemy might not have her , but first that every one should take out of her what they lacked or liked . this was put in execution that night , and so our captain had his desire , having now men enough for his pinnaces . the next day we resolved to seek out a fit place in the sound of dorienne where we might leave our ship at anchor undiscovered by the enemy : that so the enemy imagining us departed we might better follow our purposes with our pinnaces . and accordingly we departed for the said sound , and in 5 days reached it , where we stayed 15 days , keeping very close , that our enemies might think we were departed . here we were not idle , but besides our trimming and fitting our pinnaces , he caused us rid a plat of ground to build us houses for our lodging , wherein the negroe was serviceable to us . as also at spare times we had several sorts of recreations as every man fancied . after the fifteen days expired , our captain leaving the ship with his brother took 2 pinnaces for rio grand , and passing by carthagene , when we were within 2 leagues of the river we landed to the westwards on the main . where seeing some indians , they asked us what we would have ? and knowing we desired fresh victuals they brought us some ; for which courtesie our captain sufficiently rewarded them . thence we departed to rio grand , where we entred at 3 in the afternoon . from thence till night we rowed up the stream , making but small progress . we moared our pinnaces to a tree that night , by reason of a huge shower of rain with terrible claps of thunder , ( which is usual there and continues about three quarters of an hour ) after which it was very calm , and then we were infested with flies called mushitos ( like our gnats ) which bite spitefully ; our best remedy against them was juice of lemons . at break of day we departed up the river ; where we espied a canow with 2 indians fishing in the river , but we spoke not to them for being descried , nor they to us , thinking us spaniards . afterwards we espied certain houses on the other side the river . and a spaniard which kept those houses thinking us his country men , made a smoke , for a sign to us to turn that way , but when we drew near him , he saw his mistake , and so fled from his houses , which were 5 in number full of white rusk , bacon with several other provisions , to serve the fleet returning to spain . with store of this we loaded our pinnaces , and hastned our departure , by reason of intelligence we had of certain indians , that the frigats ( 30 in number which usually transport merchandise out of spain to cartagena , & thence to these houses , and so in canows up to nueva reyno , and return in exchange , gold treasure and commodities of that kingdom ) were not returned from cartagena since the first report of our being there . sep. 10. as we returned to our pinnaces the spaniards sent down the indians of villa del rey , with bows and arrows against us , but we rowed down the stream , one league , and anchored till the morning , then we got to the mouth of the river , where we unladed our provisions , cleansed our pinnaces , and took it in again , and then went westward . sep. 11. between cartagena and tolou we took 5 or 6 frigats laden with victuals ; we set the men at liberty , having heard all we could of 'em , keeping only two of the frigats well stored with victuals . three days after , we arrived at port-plenty , where we built 4 store-houses , to keep our provision in , several leagues asunder , that if the enemy should surprize any one , we might be furnished by another , our negroes being very useful to us in this work. at this time captain john drake fortunately found out the symerons as he rowed aloaf the shore , by the direction of our aforesaid negroe , diego , who calling to the symerons , dealt so effectually with them that he gave and received two men , as pledges of fidelity , appointing a meeting next day at a river , midway , between the cabezas and our ships , called rio diego . these two being well qualified men , did with all reverence , declare to our captain their great joy conceived by his arrival , as knowing him to be an enemy to the spaniards , and therefore were ready to assist him against their enemies to the utmost : and that their captain did then stay at the mouth of rio diego to attend his pleasure , and that they would have come by land to this place , but that the way is very troublesome , by reason of steep mountains , deep rivers and thick brakes ; desiring therefore our captain would take order about it : our captain weighing their speech with former intelligence , and comparing it with their great kindness towards his brother ; resolved with his brother and the two symerons , in his two pinnaces , to go towards the river , which he did that night ; ordering the rest of their company to follow them next morning , because there was a place of great safety . the safety of it consisted not only that it was a fruitful countrey , and that no spaniards were there , but especially that it lyeth among a great many goodly islands full of trees , where , though there be channels , yet there are such rocks and shoals that no man can enter by night , nor by day without discovery : whereas our ship might lye hidden within the trees . sep. 14. the next day we met with them at the aforesaid place , the rest being at a miles distance . after we had entertained them , and received testimonies of their good will , we took 2 more of them into our pinnaces , leaving our 2 men with them , appointing a meeting with them and some more at the river guana . so we departed towards our ship. sept. 16. two days after we found her , being much damnified by tempest . and having repaired her , sept. 18. our captain sent a pinnace towards the bottom of the bay , to found out the channel , for the bringing her in , and the next day got her safe into the best channel ; it was 5 miles distant from the cativaas betwixt the island and the main , being very narrow , and full of bushes . we had scarce setled there when our 2 men with the troup of symerons came in sight of our ship , whom we brought aboard . our captain desiring they would put him in a way to procure gold , they told him if they had known of it before , they could have given him store of it ( as having taken a great quantity from the spaniards which they sunk into the river ) which now they could not do , because the rivers in which it was thrown were very high , and that the spaniards in these rainy months use not to carry their treasure by land. this answer satisfied us of their honest meaning towards us . therefore our captain resolved for these 5 months to stay a shore , and so sept. 24. we built houses for our aboad that time , and a fort triangle wise , 13 foot high . but after 14 days repose here , our captain purposing to go to cartagena with 3 pinnaces , left his brother to govern those left behind with the symerons to finish the fort begun . oct. 7. thus we set sail and came that night to an island ( which he called spurkite , from great store of birds in that shape . ) the next day we were clear of these islands , and about 4 days after , near the island of st. bernards we chased 2 frigates ashore , and recovering one of the islands we stayed there 2 days to wash our pinnaces and catch fish . oct. 16. thence we went towards tolou and landed in a garden where certain indians delivered us their bows and arrows and gave us such fruit , as the place yielded , for which we requited them . our captains design in taking those places was to learn the true state of the country and the fleets . thence we went towards charesha the island of cartagena , where we let fall our grappers betwixt the island and the main over against the goodly garden island . our captain , would not suffer us to land there , knowing it would have proved dangerous ; and within 3 hours after , passing by the point of the island , we had a volly of 100 shot from them ; and yet but one of our men was hurt . oct. 17. this evening we departed to sea , and the next morning we took a bark , which we easily boarded , for that the captain with most of the passengers had gone ashore . she had in her great store of sope and sweet-meats bound from st. domingo to cartagena . oct. 18. the next day we set all the men ashore ( save a young negroe we kept ) but kept the bark , and in her bare to the mouth of cartagena harbor , and anchored . that , afternoon some horsemen came down with the scrivano aforementioned to the point , and held up a truce flag , desiring safe conduct to our ship ; which granted the scrivano came a board , and thanking our captain for former courtesies , he promised that night to procure us store of victuals , whatever displeasure he might incur thereby . but we found this only a device of the governor 's to delay time till they were of sufficient strength to entrap us ; and therefore we put to sea. oct. 20. the next day in the afternoon we took 2 frigates come from cartagena , the one of 50 the other of 12 tuns , having only ballast in them ; we kept the frigats but set the men ashore in the great frigats gundelow . the next morning they came down to the wester point with a truce flag ; & our captain manned one pinnace and rowed ashore ; when we were near the shore the spaniards fled into the wood as afraid of us , but indeed 't was only to draw us on ; as we reached the land our captain leaped ashore in their sight , but made no stay ; when he was come aboard again , we haled off and rode a while ; they came forth again , and sent a youth to demand what was our intent to stay thus upon the coast ? our captain answered , for traffick ; he sent him again to shew him that 't was prohibit , to traffick with foreign people for any thing except powder . he answered he was come to exchange his commodities for gold and silver and was purposed to effect it . however he gave this messenger a shirt for his reward . we heard no answer all that day but kept in our frigats , keeping good watch all night . the next morning the wind turned easterly , and we-saw two sails ( which were sent from cartagena to fight us ) coming to us ; whereupon our captain went to encounter them , and approaching them we saw many men aboard them . the spaniards on the shore thought to recover their frigats ( being left unmanned ) while we were busied with the other . but our captain prevented it , for leaving john oxnam to treat those two ships , he made speed to his frigats , and caused the spaniards consult to save their lives by flight , leaving several of their weapons behind them . and seeing he could not man them , he burnt the one and sunk the other . this done he returned to john oxnam ( who all this while lay silent by the men of war ) and the wind blowing from sea , we were forced to bear into the harbor before them , they supposing we fled ; but as soon as we felt smooth water , getting the wind , we fought them at advantage , so that they were willing to press no nigher : and as they let fall their anchors , we droped ours in the wind of them . they seeing no gain to be had of us retired to the town ; but we by reason of bad weather rode there 4 days . octob. 27. a frigat came from sea , and seeing us , ran her self ashore , unhanging her rudder and throwing away her sails ; when we were come up to her , a party came down to the point of the main , whom we by our shot caused quickly retire into the woods . whereupon we went to sea with intent to ride at the rock called las serenas 2 leagues off , but through tempest were forced to return into the harbor . but the spaniards had a new device ; for they sent forth a party against us , who at our encountring them fled with intent to draw us after them , having an ambush set for us ; besides , 2 pinnaces well mann'd came towards us and attacqued us boldly ; and seeing us bear from them , they concluded of victory : but our captain commanding his other pinnace to be brought a head of him , and to let fall their grappers each a head the others , environed both the pinnaces as for a close fight . we ( as well as they ) spent powder apace , but had but one of out men wounded ; what they had we knew not , but their pinnaces were shot through in diverse places and the powder of one of them took fire ; whereupon we bore towards them , which they seeing , betook themselves to their old sanctuary . nov. 3. thus seeing little hopes off success in this place , our captain thought it best to go eastward towards rio grand to furnish our selves with victuals , being now scarce of them , and 2 days after we came to the villages of store , where before we had furnished our selves sufficiently , but now found nothing , to our great grief ; the spaniards having caused the people to fly to the mountains , and driven away their cattel that we might not be relieved ; afterwards we saw a frigate at sea , and made quickly towards her , hoping to be relieved thence , but when we had boarded her we found she had neither meat , nor money . thus we endured scarcity for 7 or 8 days , bearing room for santa martha in hopes to find shipping there , and finding none we anchored under the western point ; which the spaniards having notice of , conveyed 30 or 40 shot among the clifts , which so annoyed us that we were forced to be gone with all speed . then we entred into consultation what to do , the company being for landing somewhere eastward to get victuals ; but our captain thought it better to bear towards rio de haca or carizao . the company of the other pinnace answered , that neither their pinnaces could hold out , nor they themselves subsist with so slender provision . he answered they had more than he had , and therefore doubted not but they would trust providence . and so he hoysed his fore-sail and set for carizao , which they perceiving followed him . as we had sailed 3 leagues we espied a sail plying westward , and so joyfully bare towards her ; she , being a spanish ship above 90 tun , shot her ordinance at us . we durst not attempt boarding her , it being stormy , but attended her , and 2 hours after it being calm , we boarded her , and furnished our selves sufficiently with provision . all things set in order , & the wind arising , we plyed off and on all night ; when it was day the captain sent edward hixom to search out a good harbor , who having found one returned , and we came in with our new prize : our captain promising liberty and all their apparel to the spaniards if they would procure us fresh water and victuals , which they did ; and towards the evening we came all aboard again leaving , our late prisoners , the spaniards ashore according to our promise to their great joy , and so set sail. at this time a sickness raged among us , and charles club one of our quarter-masters died of it to our great grief : we impured it to cold , men had taken lying in the pinnaces . but however it pleased god , that all the rest of our company recovered . nov. 15. next morning our captain commanded the minion , his lesser pinnace , to hasten before him toward his ships at fort diego within the cabeza's , to acquaint them of his coming , and prepare all things for our land journey , if so be they heard any thing from the symerons of the fleets arrival . when we came to our ship we were surprized to our great grief , with the news o● the death of john drake our captains brother and one richard allen , both slain in attempting to board a frigate : the manne● thus : having seen this frigate at sea , the company were very importunate on him to set upon her ; he told them he wanted weapons to assail with , and knew not how strong the frigate might be . but this not satisfying he told them that they should not through hi● cowardise lose any prize . thereupon every man shifted as they could , and emptyed thei● boats of the planks ( that were therein fo● carrying on their fort , ) they took such poo● arms as they had , and so made towards the frigate , and boarded her . but they found her armed round about whith a close figh● of hides full of pikes and calivers which were discharged in their faces ; of which there were several wounded , and john drake and richard allen mortally ; but notwithstanding they got free of the frigate and recovered their ship , where those 2 died . thus having moared our ship our captain resolved to lie hid , expecting to hear of the spanish fleet , and therefore supplied his company with the symerons out of his aforesaid magazine , besides wild beasts out of the woods . after a months sail most of our men fell sick of a calenture , and several died , of whom joseph drake , another of our captains brothers , was one , whom for the discovering of the nature of that disease , our captain caused be opened by the surgeon , who found his liver swollen , his heart as it were sodden and his guts all fair . within 4 days the surgeon that cut him up died also , by reason of an over strong purgation he had taken . the symerons during our absence ranged up and down the country to learn what they could for us ; now they bring us news that the fleet was arrived at nombre de dios. our captain sent the lyon to descrie the truth thereof ; who espying a frigate , boarded and took herladen with maiz , hens and pompions from tolou . the men therein , who assured us of their arrival , our captain used very courteously , guarding them from the cruelty of the symerons who were thirsting after their blood. and when he prepared for his journey to panama , he gave ellis hixom charge of his ship and company , and especially of those spaniards . all things thus ordered , our captain conferred with the symerons about provision for this journey ; they told him that great store of shoes were necessary , by reason of the many rivers with stones and gravel they were to pass . all things provided we took our journey on shrove tuesday , feb. 3. by this time 28 of our men had died , and a few healthy men were left aboard with ellis , who had strict charge not to trust any messenger that should come in our captains name without his handwriting . we were in all 48 , 18 english , and the rest symerons , who , besides their arrows bore our provision and victuals , and because they could not carry enough , by the way they provided us store with their arrows . they have each 2 sorts of arrows ; the one to defend himself , and offend the enemy ; the other to kill his victuals . these for fighting are somewhat like the scottish arrows only somewhat longer and headed with iron , wood or fish-bones . but the arrows for provision are of 3 sorts ; the first serveth to kill any great beast near hand , and hath an iron head of a pound and a half , shaped like the head of a javelin , as sharp , as a knife : the second for lesser beasts , and hath an head of three-quarters of a pound . the third for all manner of birds , and hath a head of an ounce weight . these heads tho of iron , yet kept their edge long . for these and such uses iron is of more value here than gold : and he that can temper it well is most esteemed . every day we marched at sun rising , continuing till 10 in the forenoon , then resting ( near some river ) till past 12 , we marched till 4 a clock at night , when we reposed our selves in some convenient place . when we came to the place we intended to lodge at , the symerons laid aside their burthens , to cut down poles and palmito boughs or plantain leaves , and with speed set up six houses ; first fastning 3 or 4 great posts with forks , deep into the ground , upon them they laid one transome ( about 20 foot ) making the sides like the roofs of our country houses , thatching it close with the aforesaid leaves , so that it would keep out rain a long time . we found near the rivers several fruits , as mammeas , guyavas , palmitos , pinos , oranges , limons , &c. the 3d. day of our journey they brought us to a town of their own , situate upon the side of a hill near a river , encompassed with a dike 8 foot broad , and a thick mud wall 10 foot high . it had one long and broad street from east to west , and two cross streets narrower ; there were in it fifty or sixty households , which were so cleanly , ( that not only the houses , but streets were pleasant . their apparel is somewhat after the spanish fashion . this town is distant from nombre de dios 35 leagues , and 45 from panama , it is sufficiently stored with beasts , fowls and several fruits . as for their religion , they have no kind of priests , only they hold the cross in great reputation : but at our captains persuasion they were contented to leave their crosses and learn the lords prayer , and be instructed in some measure in gods true worship . they keep a continual watch in 4 parts within 3 miles of the town , for fear of the spaniards , who sometimes by the conduct of some symerons , captives to them , have come in upon them . we stayed there all night , during which time they related unto us several broils betwixt them and the spaniards , particularly one : a gentleman entertained by the governor of the country undertook last year , with 150 souldiers to put them , young , and old to the sword , being conducted by one of them that had been taken prisoner ; he surprized it half an hour before day , whereby many of the men escaped , but many women and children were killed : but the same morning by sun rising ( their guide being slain ) the symerons assembled themselves and behaved in such sort , that they drove the spaniards to such extremity , that partly by the disadvantage of the woods , having lost their guide , and partly by famine , not above 30 of them returned . their king dwelt in a city 16 leagues south-east of panama , wherein are supposed to be 1700 fighting men. our captain was kindly entreated by them all , and was desired to abide with them some time , but he being intent on his journey , thankt them for their kindness , and marched on in his intended journey . the order of our march was thus ; four of the symerons as knew the way best went a mile before us , breaking off boughs of trees and throwing them on the way for a direction to those that followed , 12 of them were our vantguard , and 12 our rereward , we in the middle . our way through woods by reason of the shade was cooler than it is in most parts in england , in the summer time . feb. 11. we came to a high hill , mid-way where was a great tree whence we might see both the north and south atlantick ocean ; one of the symerons took our captain by the hand and led him up thither who likewise called us up to it . the tree was cut , and several steps made in it to ascend ; near unto the top was made a convenient bower , wherein 10 or 12 men might easily sit . being throughly satisfied with the sight , we descended , and continued our former journey ; when we came to the champion country we found the grass of an extraordinary height . the inhabitants are forced to burn it thrice a year that their cattel may feed on it ; after which it springs up fresh in 3 days ; its stalks are as big as a wheaten reed , and though cattle feed on it , yet in a few days it grows so high that they cannot reach it . after we were come within a days journey of panama , for fear of being discovered , we went out of the ordinary way , and came to a grove within a league of panama ; thence we sent a symeron who had been formerly at panama , in habit of a negroe , to learn on what night ( for they travel from panama to venta cruz by night , by reason they have no shades there , but from thence to nombre de dios by day , for that the country there abounds in woods ) they were to carry their treasure to nombre de dios ; who returning certified us that the treasurer of lima was to go that night with 8 moyles laden with gold , and one with jewels . and further , that there were 2 recoes , 50 moyles in each , laden mostly with victuals , with some little quantity of silver , to come forth that night after the other . hereupon we marched till we came within 2 leagues of venta cruz ; two of our symerons sent before , found a spaniard , whom they brought to us ; who examining him were confirmed of the truth of that our spy had told us . this souldier having learned who our captain was , prayed him to preserve him from the fury of the symerons , and that seeing he was a souldier , and assured him of more gold that night than they could dispose of , besides jewels , &c. that he would please to let him have so much as might suffice him and his mistress to live upon . being at the place appointed , our captain with half his men lay on one side of the way about 50 paces off in the long grass ; john oxnam with the captain of the symerons and other half on the other side of the way , the like distance ; but so far distant that by that time the one company could seize on the foremost moyles , the other might take the hindmost , and likeways that if we should have any skirmish that night , we might not endamage our own men . we had not lain thus , much above an hour , when we heard the recoes coming , and going betwixt panama and venta cruz. and though strict charge was given that none of our men should stir as any passed from venta cruz , as knowing they had nothing but merchandise ; yet robert pike , one of our men forgot himself and entising a symeron with him , went hard by the way side , and a cavalier from venta cruz coming by , stood up to see what he was , and though the symeron pull'd him down again , yet the gentleman took notice of him , seeing one all in white , ( for we had put our shirts over our cloaths that if we should happen to skirmish with them we might know our own men in the night ) and presently put spurs to his horse . this alteration of his horses pace was observed by our captain , who therefore suspected we were discovered , but could not imagine by whose fault . yet supposing it might be by reason of the danger of the place , we lay still in expectation of their coming , who by this time were within half a league of us , and had come , but that this gentleman meeting them reported what he had seen , and persuaded the treasurer it was either captain drake , or some from him , who , having been frustrate of their hopes of treasure from nombre de dios , were resolved to have it here , and thereupon he prevailed with him to turn his recoe out of the way , and to let the other recoes which were laded mostly with victuals to pass on , in regard the loss of them would not be considerable . thus were we disappointed of a most rich booty . the other two recoes coming up we seized upon them . one of their chief carriers told our captain how we were discovered , and withal advised us to shift for our selves betimes . whereupon pedro , the chief of the symerons , told us that there were but two ways for escape , either to travel back the same secret way we came , for four leagues , into the woods ; or else to make a way through venta cruz by our swords ; the latter of which notwithstanding the dangerousness of it , our captain chose , as being the shortest way . therefore commanding all to refresh themselves , he told them his resolution , asking pedro if he would give him his hand , not to forsake him , which he willingly did , vowing that he would rather dye at his feet than leave him to the enemies fury , if he held this course . thus we took our journey to venta cruz with help of the moyls , till we came within a mile of the town , where we turned away the recoes , charging their conductors not to follow us . there the way is cut through the wood , so as two recoes may pass by one another . for those woods grow as thick as our thickest hedges in england . a company of soldiers came out against us to the middle of this wood , with whom a convent of fryers joyned ; our captain informed of their coming , by two symerons sent before , gave charge that none of us should shoot till the spaniards had first fired . when they came up , their captain charged ours to yield our selves prisoners , which our captain refusing , they immediately fired , doing us no considerable hurt , save only john harris one of our company was killed . but our captain perceiving their shot slacking , gave us a sign to discharge upon them , and then march or wards with intent to close with them . they retired to a place of greater strength , and we hastened our pace to prevent it . which the symerons perceiving ( though frighted with the shot they had stept aside ) rushed forwards with their arrows ready in their bows , leaping and dancing , and singing yó pehó , yó pehó , and so continued till we overtook some of the enemy , who conveyed themselves within the woods to have taken their stand at us . but our symerons brake in through the thickest of them , forcing them to flye ; diverse of our men were wounded and one symeron killed , who yet revenged his own death before he died . thus we entred the town , being about 40 or 50 houses , having both a governor and other officers , and some fair houses , with some store-houses , besides he monastery . we found here 3 gentlewomen lately delivered of children who were come hither from nombre de dios to bring forth their children ; because it hath been observed that no spaniard , or white , could ever be delivered at nombre de dios , but the children died within 3 days ; yet being brought up here or in panama 5 or 6 years , and then brought to nombre de dios , if they escap't sickness six weeks they lived as healthy as any where . these gentlewomen at our first coming were in great fear , yet , our captain having charged the symerons to hurt none save those that were armed , they received no harm . having set our guards on all passages to prevent danger , we stayed in this town an hour and a half refreshing our selves , and our company and the symerons had got some pillage . a little before we departed 12 horsemen come from panama , supposing we had been gone , entred the town , but were forced quickly to retire . thus having dispatcht our business in this town we marched over the bridge , observing the same order as formerly , and our captain longing to be at his ships hastned his journey as much as possible , by reason whereof we marched with hungry stomachs . in our absence the symerons we left with our men had built a little town 3 leagues off where our ship lay , where our captain at their entreaty made some stay , and supplied us with shoes , which had been wore out in our journey . these symerons were very serviceable to us , being to us guides , intelligencers , purveyors , &c. and when any of our men was wearied , two of them would take him up and carry him 2 miles together , and likewise shewed themselves very valiant . at our first entrance into this town our captain dispatcht a symeron with an order and token to the master of our ship , who being come was quickly set aboard ; and shewing a tooth-pike of gold , which he said our captain had sent for a token to edward hixom with charge to meet him at such a river , tho the master knew it was the captains , yet by reason of his former order he demurred , which the symeron perceiving , told him , that because it was night when he was sent , our captain could not send a letter , but with the point of his knife wrote upon the tooth-pike ; whereupon the master looking upon it , read it , and being confirmed of the truth of it , prepared accordingly , and repaired to the mouth of the river of tortugos , where we met to our mutual rejoycing . we seemed to those who had been at rest aboard , strangely metamorphosed , which might probably be through our long fasting and travel , but our inward grief for being frustrate of our design , was no doubt the main cause . thus returned from panama , our captain purposing further to attempt the same journey , he would not suffer the edge of his men to be rebated . and therefore having a design to attempt in some other places , and particularly veragua , a rich town lying between nombre de dios and nicaragua where is the richest mine of gold on this north side , he asked his company their opinions . some thought it best to procure more victuals , that we might keep close till a convenient time , which might easily be done , seeing the victual frigates were not well defended , whereas the treasure frigats were well manned . others were for intercepting frigats laden with treasure , both because we had store of victuals , and that they might be had at any time , whereas treasure was only to be found when the fleet is there , which was now . the symerons being askt their opinion , declared that near veragua sinnior pezoro ( their master , from whom they had fled ) had dwelt in a strong store house , above 19 years , who seldom went abroad ; and that he keeps 100 slaves in the mines ( each being obliged to bring in daily of gain 3 pezoes of gold for himself , and two for his women ( 8 s. 3 d. the pezoe ) whereby he had gathered a vast treasure , being cruel and covetous , and never went abroad with 5 or 6 men in his guard , although he was always in fear . and that if our captain were so resolved they would so conduct him thither as he should not be descried , but might surprize them , and that although his house were very strong yet they could easily procure him access to his treasure . our captain having heard all their opinions , concluded to reconcile the 2 first opinions , and therefore sent john oxnam eastwards to provide for victuals , he himself resolving to go westwards in the minion , to lye off and on the cabezas to attend the frigats that transported the treasure : but disliked the symerons proposal , lest our men might thereby be wearied , whom he designed to strengthen for his next service . therefore he dismissed such of the symerons as were desirous to go , with such gifts as were most pleasing , entertaining still aboard those that were willing to stay , and so they steered their course as is said . the minion about the cabexas met with a frigate of nicaragua , in which was some gold , having a genoway pilot , who being civilly used , certified our captain of the state of the town , and harbor , and of a frigate wherein was a million of gold , ready to depart in a few days , offering to conduct him to it , if he would do him his right , for that he know the channel so well that he could enter safely by night , and utterly undescried , and that because the way by land from the point is far and difficult , and by sea but 5 leagues , though we were discovered , we might dispatch our business before the town could have notice . he likewise told he heard of drakes being on the coast , whereby they were greatly afraid , but had not as yet provided themselves against him . our captain hearing this , had a mind to return to his ship , to have been better informed of the place by some symerons there ; but the genoway urged to lose no time , promising success if we delayed not , and therefore our captain following his advice , set in for to enter the harbor . but when we came to the mouth of it , we heard a report of 2 chambers , and about a league off , 2 answering them , whereby our genoway suspected we were discovered , assuring us that this order was taken since his departure . but not only this , but providence likewise crossed our designs . for the wind that formerly was easterly turned to the west ; whereupon we returned to our ship , where on sheer thursday we met according to appointment with our bear , who had emproved his time better than we , having taken a frigate wherein were 10 men , great store of maiz , 28 fat hogs , and 200 hens . our captain unladed her and made her up for a man of war , having heard by the spaniards , that they were building 2 little gallies in nombre de dios to waft the chagro fleet to and fro , but not yet lanched , wherefore he purposed to take that fleet , and , to encourage his company , feasted them sumptuously that easterday being mar. 20. the next day with this new frigat and bear we set for cativaas , and landed 2 days after , staying till noon , when seeing a sail to the westward , we plyed towards her , and she bare with us till they saw we were no spaniards , and their catain supposing us those english men he had heard of he made towards us . he was a french captain of new-haven and being distrest he prayed our captain to help him to some water , for that he had nothing but wine and sider aboard , which had greatly empaired the health of his men . our captain sent him some relief for the present , willing him to follow us to the next port where he should be better supplyed . he sent our captain a case of pistols and a guilt symeter ( which had been the late k. of france's whom mons . mongomery hurt in the eye , and was given him by mr. stroffe ) and our captain requited him with a chain of gold , and a tablet . this captain reported to us the first news of the massacre in paris at the k. of navarres marriage on st. bartholomews day last , of the admiral of france slain in his chamber , and divers others of the popish cruelties . he told what famous reports he had heard of us ; and he desired to know of our captain what way he might compass his voyage . tho' our captain was jealous of him , yet upon consultation he resolved to take him and divide his men and put them with ours proportionably , so as we needed not fear much hurt of them , so that we might both gratifie them and serve our own turn . having thus agreed with him we sent for the symerons ; two of them were brought aboard our ship , to give the french assurance of this agreement . as soon as we had furnisht our selves and refresht the french , which was done in five or six days , taking twenty of the french and fifteen of ours , with our symerons , and leaving both our ships in safe road , we man'd our frigat and two pinnaces , and went toward rio francisco , and because it had not water enough for our frigat we left her at the cabezas , man'd with english and french , to robert doble , to stay there till our pinnaces return'd ; and then bare to rio francisco , where our captains landed , and ordered them , that had the charge of the pinnaces , to be there the fourth day following . and thus knowing that the carriages went now daily from panama to nombre de dios , we went secretly through the woods , towards the high-way , betwixt them ; it is reckoned five leagues by sea but the way we went was seven . when we were come within an english mile of the way , we past the night in great silence , in a convenient place , where we heard the carpenters working in their ships , as they usually do by reason of the heat of the day there . the next morning upon hearing the great number of bells , the symerons rejoyced , as having that opportunity again , of which we were disappointed before ; now they assured us we should have more gold than we could bear away , as in truth it fell out : for there came three recoes , one of fifty moyls ; the other two of seventy each , which carried in all near thirty tun of silver . we put our selves in readiness , and went down near the way , where we stayed not long till we saw them , and took such hold on the foremost and hindermost moyls , that all the rest stayed and unladed , as their manner is . they were guarded with about forty five soldiers , which occasioned some small skirmish , in which conflict the french captain was dangerously wounded , and one symeron ; but in the end we put them to flight , and then we unladed the moyls . and being weary we were content to take a little with us as we could easily carry , hiding the rest in convenient places . but when we had disposed of all our matters ( being about two hours ) and were ready to march back , we heard both horse and foot coming , as it seemed to the moyls , for they did not follow us , after we entred the woods ; and the french captain disabled by reason of his wounds stayed , hoping thereby to recover his strength . but after we had marched two leagues , the french souldiers complaining that they wanted one of their men also ; and it was found upon examination that he had drunk too much wine , and over-lading himself with pillage , and hasting to go before us , lost himself in the woods ; and , as we afterwards knew , he was taken by the spaniards that night , and upon torture shewed them where we hid our treasure . we marched all that day and the next , to rio francisco to meet our pinnaces ; but when we came thither we saw seven spanish pinnaces . whereupon we were afraid that they had taken or spoiled ours , our captain having given them strict charge to repair thither . but the night before there having fallen much rain , and the wind contrary and boysterous , our pinnaces could not come thither , whereby they were preserved from the danger of falling into the spaniards hands , who had been sent on purpose to take our pinnaces , upon their hearing that we intercepted the treasure ; our captain fearing lest having taken our pinnaces they had forced our men by torture to confess where his frigat and ships were ; yet he comforted us when we were fearing the worst , & said to us ; it is no time now to fear , but rather to hast to prevent that which is feared : and suppose the enemy to have taken our frigats , yet it would require time to examine mariners , and to execute their resolution , before which time we might get to our ships , tho not by land , yet by water . let us therefore make a raft with trees that are happily brought down the river this last storm , and put our selves to sea ; i will be one , who will be the other ? john smith offered himself , and two frenchmen that could swim well , and a symeron , especially pedro ( who was left behind because he could not row. ) the raft was fitted and a sail of bisket . sack prepared ; an oar was shaped out of a young tree to serve for a rudder . our captain at his departure promised , that if it pleased god he got safe aboard his frigat , he would in despite of the spaniards get them all aboard . thus they sailed three leagues sitting continually up to the waste in water , and at every surge of the waves to the armpits , whereby their skins were much fretted . at last they see the two pinnaces , to our captains great joy , who knowing them , chearfully declared to the rest , that they were our pinnaces , and that all was safe . but the pinnaces not seeing the raft , nor suspecting any such matter , and night and wind growing on , were forced to turn into a cover behind the point to stay that night . which our captain seeing put his rafter a shore , and ran by land about the point , where he found there , who upon sight of him made as much hast to have him aboard , as being afraid he was chased by the enemy , seeing him thus running , and attended by so few . but when he was got aboard he rid them of their doubts , shewing them a quoit of gold , thanking god that our voyage was made . and he told the frenchmen that their captain , with two of his men , were left behind , sore wounded , but it should be no disadvantage to them . that night our captain rowed to rio francisco , where he took in the rest with the treasure ; and by dawning of the day sailed back to our frigat , and from thence to our ship , and then divided the gold and silver equally betwixt the french and english . about a fortnight after , having taken all necessaries out of our ship , into our frigat , and given her to the spaniards , we had detained all this time , we set out with the french ship , riding some days by the cabezas . in the mean time our captain s●●… twelve of our men with sixteen symerons , to try if they could liberate the french captain that was taken , or at least , bring away the treasure we had hid , john oxnam and th● sherwell were intrusted with it ; for they would by no means hazard our captain who yet conveyed them ashore at rio francisco , where he received one of the frenchmen , who having escaped the spaniards , wa● now coming towards our pinnace , he told us that within half an hour after our departure the spaniards overtook them , and took his captain , and his companion ; but that he escaped by reason he cast away all his carriage , and that thereby he made himself fit for flight . as for our silver we hid , he thought it was all carryed away , for near 2000 spaniards and negroes were digging up all the ground thereabout for it . notwithstanding this , our men went to the place , and for all the narrow search that was made , brought back to our frigate 13 bars of silver , and some quoits of gold. now we purposed to go homewards , and our captain in order thereunto designed to look for a sufficient ship to carry so much victuals as might serve for our voyage . the french-men having formerly gone from us , met with us again , and were very loth to leave us , but accompanied us to st. bernards , and would further ; but that we heard the fleet was ready to sail for spain , riding near cartagena . thus we departed from them passing by cartagena in fight of all the fleet , with a flag of st. george in the main top of our frigate , with silk streamers and ancients down to the water , sailing forwards till night , when we lay off and on , bearing small sail. about midnight we took a frigate come from rio grand , of 25 tuns , laden with maiz , hens , and hogs , with some honey , ( which was then very useful , as reviving our crazed people . ) the next morning we set the prisoners ashore , and without stop sailed to the cabezas , where we hove all our lading ashore , and brought our frigats on the carine , and new tallowed them . being ready to depart we burnt our pinnaces , that the symerons might have the iron work ; and our captain desired pedro with some others of them , to take what they had a mind to in the ship , promising to with-hold nothing from them , without which we could subsist in our voyage , and that he would look out some silks and linnen for their wives ; which while he was choosing out of his trunks , pedro espyed the cymeter the french captain had given him , and had a great mind to it , and being loth to ask our captain for it himself , he desired another to do it for him , promising him a quoit of gold for his pains , and that he would give our captain 4 other great quoits . our captain being accordingly moved for it , though unwilling to part with it , yet willing to gratifie him that had deserved so well , gave it him . he was exceedingly rejoyced hereat , declaring , that he would present his king with it , who he knew would make him a great man for it , and in requital he desired our captain to accept four pieces of gold. our captain received it in most kind sort , but put it not to his own private use , but caused it to be cast to the whole adventure , saying that it was reason that they which bare part of his burthen in setting him to sea , should share in the profit . thus we took our leave of that people setting over to the islands of — , and thence towards cape st. anthony ; but being to stand for the havana we plyed to the windward several days , at which time , we took a small bark in which were 200 hides , and a pump which we set in our frigat . the bark , as not useful for us , we gave them again , and afterwards came to cape st. anthony , where we refreshed our selves , and took 250 turtles by night , which we powdered and dried for our use . there were at this time belonging to the several plantations of the spaniards above two hundred frigates some of 120 , some of 12 , but most of 30 or 40 tuns , most of which during our abode in those parts we took , and some of them twice or thrice , and yet never burnt or sunk any of them unless men of war sent against us , or set to entrap us . the men we used very civilly , either immediately dismissing them , or if we kept them any time , providing for them as for our selves , and sheltered them from the rage of the symerons . we set sail from this cape of st. anthony , and performed our voyage very prosperously . for whereas our captain intended to touch at new-found-land there to have watered , being very scarce of it , it pleased god to give us such store of rain water that we were sufficiently furnished , and within 23 days , we past from the cape of florida to the isles of silley , and so arrived at plimouth on sunday about sermon-time , august 9th . 1573. sir francis drake his voyage about the world . captain francis drake having in a former voyage in the year 1572. and 73. had some view of the south atlantick and thereupon conceiving a desire of being better acquainted with it , tho he was crossed in his design for several years , partly through secret envy , and partly by his serving here for his prince and country ; at length in the year 1577. by gracious commission from his soveraign and by help of divers friends adventurers , he fitted himself with 5 ships , viz. the pelican , admiral , burthen 100 tuns , captain general francis drake ; the elizabeth vice-admiral , burthen 80 tuns , captain jo. winter ; the marigold , a bark of 30 tuns , captain jo. thomas ; the swan , a fliboat of 50 tuns . captain jo. chester ; and the christopher , a pinnace of 15 tuns . these ships he mann'd with 164 able men , and furnished them with all necessaries , not forgetting ornaments and delights , having with him several expert musicians ; he likewise made some pinnaces , but carried aboard in pieces for to be set up when occasion served . thus furnished , we set sail from plimouth , nov. 15. 1557. at 5 a clock in the afternoon ; but meeting with contrary wind we were forced to put in at falmouth . the next day there arose such a storm , that the admiral and marigold were fain to cut their main mast : and therefore when the storm was over we returned to plimouth to repair our damages ; which done we put to sea again , dec. 13. when we were out of sight of land we easily conjectured whither our general intended , by his course , and his appointing mogadore our place of meeting if any of our ships should be parted from the fleet. the first land we had sight of , was cape cantine in barbary on christmas-day in the morning . the shore is white sand , the in-land mountainous , in 32 deg . 30 min. north lat . coasting from hence 18 leagues southward , we arrived at the island mogadore before named . it is under the king of fess , in 31 deg . 40 min. a mile off the shore making a good harbor between the land and it . it is uninhabited , but a league in circumference , overgrown with shrubs not unlike our privet , full of doves , and much frequented by ravenous birds . at the south side of it are 3 hollow rocks , under which are store of wholesom , but ugly fish . we sent a boat to sound the harbor , and finding it safe , we brought in our ships , dec. 27. and continued there till the end of the month , setting up one of our pinnaces . the inhabitants perceiving us , gave us signs of their desire to be brought aboard , to whom our general sent a boat , in which two of the moors were received , one of ours being left ashore as a pledge . we entertained them very courteously that they might thereby understand that we came in peace , offering to traffick for their country commodities . to this they agreed , promising , to bring such things as they had to exchange for ours . it is a law among them to drink no wine , notwithstanding privately they taste it liberally , as we found . at their return they restored our pledge . the next day they brought with them camels in shew loaden with wares ; and therefore according to order ( our general being then ashore in the island ) we shut off a boat. our boat being come to land , john fry one of our men mistrusting no danger , stept out of the boat , but was presently laid hold of , and carried away . the cause of this was a desire the k. had to know whence our fleet was ; whether it were a forerunner of the k. of portugals ; but he having declared who we were , was immediately sent back with a present to his captain . but in the mean time our captain resenting it , landed his company , and marched into the country without resistance ; wherefore having provided some wood , and viewed an old fort built by the k. of portugal , now ruined by this k. we departed , dec. 13. for cape blank , so that when fry return'd we were gone , yet the k. sent him home to england in an english merchant . till jan. 4th . we had foul weather ; yet we reached cape de guerre , where we took 3 spanish fishermen , and carried with us to rio del oro under the trop . of cancer where we took a carvel ; from thence we sailed to cape barbas , and took another carvel , and jan. 16. to blank . this cape lyeth in 20 deg . 30 min. on the north side resembling the corner of a wall ; the land betwixt it and barbas is low and sandy . here we observe the south guards ( called the crosiers ) 9 d 30 m. above the horizon . we took a spanish ship riding here ; all her men having fled save two , and carried her with the rest into the harbor 3 leagues within the cape . here , being a plentiful place , our general purposed to stay a while to refresh his men . during our aboad he was visited by the people of the country , who brought down a woman a moor , with an infant hanging by her dry dug , having scarce life in her , to be sold as a cow and calf , but our general would not deal in such goods . they also brought ambergreece and gums to exchange for water , of which they are very scarce ; our general gave them water , but would take nothing for it , as also some of our victuals ; their manner of eating whereof was inhuman . having trimmed our ships and discharged the spaniards , save one we took with us , we departed for the islands of cape de verde , intending there to take in water , for that from thence we intended straight for brazil without touching land. and having the wind at n. e. and e. n. e. trade winds being usual in those places , we coasted bonavista , and the next day , jan. 28. we came to anchor in the west part of the island maio in 15 deg . being high land , save only the northwest part , a league from the sea very low , and is inhabited by the portuguese . landing here we found a great many ruinous houses with a poor naked chappel . the springs and wells were stopped up , and we could have no water for our use , wherefore we marched up to seek some , or at least to see if the people could be prevailed with to help us . in this journey we found the soil very fruitful , full of fig-trees , and in the valleys , where their cottages were , vineyards bearing ripe grapes , tho now in winter , ( the sun scarce ever withdrawing himself from them . ) there were also coco trees , no branches sprouting forth but at the top , with several others . we found good water in several places , but being far off the road , we could not carry it to our ships . the people would not come near us , keeping themselves close in their houses . this island hath great store of goats , hens , and salt made naturally by the suns heat , so that of the product thereof , they keep continual traffick with the adjacent islands . we departed thence jan. 30. next day we passed st. jago 10 leagues west in the same latitude , inhabited by portugals , and moors . the portugals being formerly sole lords of that country , used that rigor towards their slaves , that they were forced to try some means of help , and thereupon fled to the mountainous parts , where by continual escapes encreasing to a great number , they now live in that terror of their oppressors that they endure no less bondage in mind than formerly in body ; besides the damages in their goods and cattel , they suffer dayly from them . on the south-west of this island , we took a portuguese laden with wine , wollen and linnen cloath , &c. bound for brazil . as we passed by in sight of 3 of their towns , they shot off 3 great pieces , which we answered . twelve leagues south of st. jago lies that island called by the portuguese fogo , the burning island , in which riseth a steep hill 6 leagues high , within the bowels of which is a constant fire , which breaketh out with violence 4 times an hour . herein is engendered a great quantity of pumice stones , which being by the vehemency of the fire , carried up into the air , fall down upon the hill , and many times into the sea. the rest of the island is fruitful , and inhabited by portugals . two leagues to the south of this island , lies a pleasant island , full of trees , which are always green , whence it is called the brave island , being a storehouse of many fruits , as figs , coco's plantons , oranges , &c. full of pleasant streams of water : but there is no convenient road for ships . for after long sounding , we could find no ground at any hand , neither was it ever known that any line would fetch ground in any place about the island . so that the top of fogo , burneth not so high in the air , but that the root of brava is buried as low in the seas . the only inhabitant of this island is an hermite , as we suppose , for we saw but one house , built as it seems for such purpose ; and he was so delighted in his solitary life , that he would by no means abide our coming , but fled , leaving behind him a cross with a crucifix , and such other idolatrous trash . here we dismissed the portugals , taken at st. jago , and gave them for their ship our new pinnace , with provision to carry them home . having thus taken in fresh water , we departed , feb. 2. and fell with the coast of brazil , apr. 5. 1578. during which voyage , where we saw nothing but sea and air ; as we beheld the wonderful works of god in his creatures , so likewise we did tast the goodness thereof , for relief of our necessities . we often had adverse winds , and sometimes calms , and also terrible lightnings and thunder , yet with a mixture of comforts ; for it pleased god that ( whereas we were but badly furnished with water ) when we were within 4 degrees of the line on this side , and past it so many on the other , we had every day some rain , whereby our want of water was much supplied . this was also observable , that notwithstanding the badness of the passage , and storms we sometimes had , yet not one of us lost our company save only the portugal prize for one day , but next day found us again . among the many strange creatures we saw , we took particular notice of a flying fish , as big as the ordinary pilchards , its fins are of the length of its whole body , resembling and supplying the use of wings ; for therewith , when it is chased by bigger fish , and cannot escape by swimming , it lifteth it self above the water , and flyeth a pretty height , sometimes lighting on boats or barks : the quils thereof are proportionable , set together , with a thin film , so that they would serve for a longer or higher flight , but that the dryness of them is such , that unless moistned every 10 or 12 strokes , they grow stiff and unfit for motion . the encrease of this creature is wonderful , which if it had not been so , their kind could not have been continued , they being a prey to so many creatures . and when they flee into the air , in shunning one hazard , they commonly incur another by some ravenous foul. when we came within 3 leagues of brazil , in 31 deg . 30 min. south latitude , having 12 fathom water , we were descried by the inhabitants , and we saw huge fires made by them in several places , which custom though it be universal among christians and heathens , yet is differently used by them , to wit , for a sacrifice to devils , with many other conjurations , casting up heaps of sand , &c. that if any ships stay upon their coast , their ministring spirits may make wrack of them , which the portuguese have found to their loss . but this devilish intent of theirs was of no effect to us , for though we had great storms , yet we sustained no damage but the separating our ships . and seeing we could find no harbor thereabout we coasted along southward , till april 14 in the morning we passed by cape st. mary in 35 deg . near the mouth of the river plate , and running within it 6 or 7 leagues we came to anchor under another cape which our general after called cape joy , because the second day after our anchoring here , the christopher , we had lost in the former storm , came to us again . the cares our general took besides the main care of effecting our voyage , were these ; to keep our whole fleet together ; to get fresh water for our men ; and to refresh them when wearied . and therefore at our departure from cape verde , the next place of meeting , if we should be dispersed , or for watering , was appointed to be the river of plate . the country thereabout is temperate , of a sweet air , and fruitful soyl : and hath among other things , plenty of large deer . we removed hence 12 leagues further , where was a long trace of rocks , not far from the main , making a commodious harbor , especially against the south-wind , and rode till the 20th day , where we killed store of seals . we weighed again hence and sailed further up the river till we had but 3 fathom , and were in fresh water , but because the winds were strong , and we could have no safe harbor there , we went to sea again , apr. 27. the land here lieth , s. s. w. and n. n. e. with shoal water some 3 or 4 leagues off into the sea ; it 's in 36 deg . 20 min. or better , south . latitude . at our coming to sea the swan lost company of us . and therefore our general to prevent the like in those that remained , knowing that the coast ( it drawing now toward winter ) uses to be subject to tempestuous weather , determined to seek out some convenient harbor , and searched all that coast from 36 to 47 deg . but found none . and may 8. by another storm the caunter was severed from us . may 12 we saw land in 47 deg . where we came to anchor in such road as we could for the time . our general named the place cape hope , by reason of a bay within , which promised a convenient harbor . but by reason of the many rocks lying off it , we durst not hazard our ships into it , without trial first made . our general ( who never was wont in matters of importance to trust to other mens care ) went himself with some others in a boat , may 13. to sound it out : and being now nigh the shore , suddenly a thick fog arose with a great tempest ; our general thought it now best to return to his ship but the fog was so thick that , they could see none of us . captain thomas out of love to our general , hazarded in with his ship , where he found him , and received him aboard , and then dropt an anchor there , and lay safe during the storm , while we were tossed at sea. the next day the weather being fair , our general went ashore , that he might by making of fires gave signs to the dispersed ships to come together again , whereby at last they all met except the swan and our portugal prize , the mary . in this place ( the people being fled for fear of our coming ) we found near the rocks , in houses made for that purpose , 50 ostriches at least , with other foul , some dryed and some drying for their provision . the ostriches thighs were as big as ordinary legs of mutton ; they cannot flie , but run so swiftly that a man cannot overtake them , nor come within shot of them : we found the instruments the people use to take them with : among others this is one ; they have a large plum of feathers tyed together upon the end of a staff , in the fore part resembling the head , neck and bulk of an ostrich ; in the hinder part , spreading it self out so large as to hide the body of a man : with this they drive them into some neck of land by the sea , where spreading long nets , with their dogs , they overthrow them . the country is very pleasant , and of a fruitful soil . being afterwards driven to this place again , we had great familiarity with the people , who rejoyeed at our return , because we had done no hurt this time : but because this place was not fit for our purpose we departed may 15. and held our course s. and by w. in 47 deg . 30 min. we found a bay convenient for us , in which we anchored may 17. and the next day went further in , where we abode 15 days . the first day of our arrival here , our general sent captain winter southward , he himself going to the north , in search of the 2 ships , and it pleased god he met with the swan , which he brought with him into the harbor ; where being unladen , she was cast off , and her iron work and other necessaries reserved for use , the remainder being made fire-wood . the other ship we could not as yet hear of . after a little stay here , some of our men being ashore , in an island near the main , the people of the country shewed themselves to us , with leaping , dancing , shouting , &c. after their manner ; our general sent a boat straight to them , with knives , bells , bugles and such things , whereupon they assembled on a hill near the water-side & sent 2 of their company , running one after the other with great grace , but when they drew near , they halted , refusing to come to our men ; which our men perceiving sent such things as they had , and laid them in their view , and as soon as our men were departed they came and took them , leaving in exchange thereof feathers , and bone made in fashion of a toothpike , carved about the top , 6 inches long . whereupon our general with divers others at low water went over to the main . against his coming they remained still on the hill setting themselves all in one rank , ordaining one of them to run from one end of it to the other , and back again , east and west , holding his hands over his head , and yielding forward his body toward the rising and setting of the sun , and every 2d or 3d turn erecting it towards the body of the people after their ridiculous manner . when they saw us ascending the hill to them , they seem'd afraid . which our general seeing retired , whereby they were confirmed we had no design to injure them , and came down with great speed after us , and trafficked with us . the wares we had from them were arrows of reeds , feathers , and bones as aforesaid . they go naked , except a skin of fur they cast about their shoulders , when they sit in the cold ; but when they are doing any work , they gird it about their loins . they wear their hair long , and when they travel they put it up with a roll of ostrich feathers , using these rolls likewise for quivers , and for carrying provision , some on either side within these rolls ( for a sign of honor ) have a large and plain feather shewing like horns a far off . they paint their bodies , with divers colours : some wash their faces with sulphur ; some paint their whole bodies black leaving only their neck white ; some one shoulder black another white , and their sides and legs after the same manner , the black part hath set upon it white moons , and the white black suns , the marks and characters of their gods. this advantage ( i conceive ) they have of painting their bodies ; that it armeth them against the nipping cold , for the colours being soakt into the inner part of their skin , fills up the pores so close that no cold can enter . they have clean , comely and strong bodies , they are swift of foot and active . it 's strange to think how they having never before known christians , in a short time were so kind , judging us a people they ought to serve , not injure , esteeming our general as a father , us as brethren . one of the chiefest of them receiving a cap of our generals went a little from us , and pierced hie leg with an arrow till the blood streamed , hereby signifying his unfeigned love. they were in all , that conversed with us , about 50. in the southermost part of this bay there is a fresh water river wherein are a great many islands , of which some have such store of seals as would mantain an army of men : others are in like sort replenished with foul. we could not perceive that people had any boats , or canows to come to these islands . their victuals for ought we saw they eat raw . they go all armed with bows an elve long , with arrows of reeds , and headed with flint-stone artificially cut and fastened . this bay by reason of plenty of seals we called seal bay ( for we killed 200 in one hour . ) and being now well provided , we sailed thence june 3. towards the pole antarctick . june 12. we anchored in a little bay and stayed 2 days , discharging our caunter the christopher , which we laid up here . june 14. we departed and kept our course till the 17th . then we anchored in a bay in 50 deg . 20 min. distant not above a degree off the mouth of the streights , through which lay our way to the south sea. here our general altered his course , and steered northward , to seek after our ship we had lost , because that if we entred the streight without them , it would go hard with them . and next day being june 19. towards night , within a few leagues of st. julian we found her : and because both ship and men were distressed by weather , our general bare into st. julian , june 20. that he might repair her , and refresh them . it standeth in 49 deg . 3 min. south . lat. and hath on the south side of the harbor picked rocks , and in the harbor many islands . being come to anchor , our general with some of his company , rowed further in a boat , to find out a place for watering . at his landing 2 of the inhabitants ( by magellane called patagous or pentagours from their huge stature , and strength ) visited him , seeming to rejoyce at his arrival : taking great pleasure in seeing mr. oliver ( master gunner of the admiral ) shoot an english arrow , trying to shoot with him , but were far short of him . another of these came up , and checkt his fellows for their familiarity with us , and dealt with them to become our enemies ; which our general and his men not suspecting , used them as before , and one robert winter shooting an arrow at length , his bow-strings broke ; which they seeing , fearing that more than our other weapons , took courage , and coming behind them , while they , suspecting nothing , were going towards their boat , shot at him who had the bow , that he might not string it again , and wounded him in the shoulder , whereupon he turning about was with another arrow shot through his lungs , yet he fell not . and the master gunner discharging his calliver , which miscarried , was slain outright . in this extremity our general , behaving himself wisely and couragiously , ordered his men to shift from place to place , encroaching upon the enemy , and to use their targets and other weapons for their defence , and to break as many arrows as they could come by ; knowing that their arrows being spent , they could have them at their pleasure . and he himself shooting off the calliver , dispatched the beginner of the quarrel , who had killed our master gunner , whereby the courage of his partners was abated , so that they were glad to save themselves by flight . our general chose rather to depart , than take revenge , that he might save one of his men who was dangerously wounded , who notwithstanding dyed 2 days after he was carried aboard . our gunners body being left ashore that night , our general next day with his boat well manned , went ashore to fetch it , which they found lying where it was left , but stript of his outer garment and an arrow stuck in his right eye . both these bodies were decently interred in one grave . magellane , rightly termed them giants ; for they differ from the common sort of men , in stature , bigness , strength of body and hideousness of voice , but they are not so monstrous or giant like as reported , there being some english men as tall as they . but the spanish cruelties have made them more monstrous in mind than they are in body , and inhospitable to strangen . notwithstanding , the terror they conceived of us , so quench't their heat , that they forgot revenge , and seeming to repent of the wrong done us , suffered us to do what we would for 2 months space without molestation . to this evil received of them , a greatr was devised among our selves , but it was detected and prevented in time , which if it had taken , our general and his faithful friends , had been murthered , to the final frustrating of our whole design . this plot had been contrived at plimouth , and was discovered to our general there , yet our general gave no credit to it , as being a person he had such affection to . and therefore afterward he not only continued his favour ( to this suspected person ) but used him as his bosom friend . and he was often offended at them who discovered the treachery to him . but at length perceiving his lenity did no good , and that his ambition was not allyed , he resolved to call his practices in question before it were too late . and therefore assembling his captains he had him before them , where the gentleman knowing himself guilty , shewing great remorse for his unkind dealing , besought them to execute justice upon him . whereupon they all adjudged him worthy of death . this judgments was held ashore in one of the islands of that port , which in memory of that was called the island of true justice and judgment . he desired to receive the sacrament before his death , which was granted . and john fletcher , preacher of the fleet administred it to him : our general likewise communicating with him : afterwards they dined together as lovingly as ever they had done , and took their farewel as they had only been going a journey . after dinner the sentence was executed upon him , he shewing great remorse for that heinous crime , and great signs of devotion at his death . afterwards we buried him , setting a mill-stone we found there , broke in two , at his head and feet , and engraved thereod the names of our men that were buried , and a memorial of our captains name in latine . after he was executed , our general discharging the mary , our portugal prize , ( being leak ) defaced her ; and having watered and trimmed our ships , and reduced our fleet to 3 ships , besides our pinnaces , we departed this port , aug. 3. and set our course for the streight , s. w. aug. 20. we fell with the cape , near which is the entrance into the streight , by the spaniards , called capo virgin maria , appearing at 4 leagues distance , with steep gray cliffs full of black stars , against which the sea beating represents the spouting of whales , the highest cape being like cape vincent in portugal . at this cape our general caused his fleet in homage to our soveraign lady the queens majesty , to strike their top-sails : and in remembrance of his honourable friend , sir christopher hatton , he changed the name of his ship from the pelicane to the golden hind . which being ended with a sermon , and prayers , and thanksgiving for her majesty , &c. we continued our course into the said frete , and came into a narrow strait exceeding dangerous , it lyeth w. n. w. and e. s. e. and having lost it we came to a large sea ; the night following , we had an island in sight equal to fogo in height , and burning like it . it hath formerly been reported as truth , that the seas have a continual current from east to west in this streight , but we found it otherwise , the ebbings and flowings being as orderly here as on other coasts . aug. 24. we fell with 3 islands bearing triangle wise one from another , in one of them , being large and fruitful , our general with some of his men landed , taking possession of it in her majesties name , and called it the elizabeth island . in the other 2 , which were not so large , we found good store of strange birds , which could not fly at all , nor run so fast as to escape us ; they are less than a goose , and bigger than a mallard , short , and well set together , having no feathers , but in stead thereof a sort of hard and matted down : their beeks are like the bills of crows , they lodge and breed on land , where making earths as coneys do in the ground , they lay their eggs. they feed on the sea , where they swim incredibly swift . in one day we killed 3000 of them . these 2 islands our general named , the one st. bartholomew's the other st. george's . in the island of st. george we found the body of a man so long dead before , that his bones fell asunder , being moved out of the place they lay in . from these islands to the entry of the south sea the frete is very crooked . and though it be true that magellane reporteth of this passage that there are many fair harbors and store of fresh water , yet when any contrary winds arise , it is extremely dangerous . the land on both sides is high and mountainous , having on the north and west the continent of america , on the south and east nothing but islands , among which lye innumerable fretes into the south sea , the mountains are prodigious for height , being still encreased with congealed clouds , and frozen meteors , which are scarce ever diminished by the heat of the sun. yet the plain grounds are fruitful , the grass plenteous , herds many of very strange sorts , the trees for most part always green , the air temperate as ours . when we approached the entrance of the south sea , we were so shut up to the northward , and had such large and open fretes to the south , we knew not what way to pass , without further discovery ; and that our general , anchored the fleet under an island , went with some others in a boat , to find the passage , which having done they returned , meeting with a canow under the same island , which was made of the bark of diverse trees , having a prow and stern standing up , and semicircle wise yielding inward : the body of most excellent workmanship : so that our general concluded that it was not contrived by the art , nor for the use of such rude people as these : it had no other caulking in the seams but stitching with thongs made of skins , and yet kept out the water , the people are of a low stature , but compact , they paint as the others do . within the island they had a mean cottage of poles covered with the skins of beasts . their vessels and cups are of barks of trees . their working-tools they use are knives made of huge and monstrous mussel shels , which after they have broke off the thin and brittle substance of the edge , they grind upon stones , till they have put such an edge on them that they will cut the hardest wood , yea the hardest bones . sept. 6. we got free of these islands and entred the south sea ; at the cape whereof our general intended to have gone ashore , and there after a sermon preached , to have left a monument of her majesty , engraven in mettal ; but could not conveniently . by all our observations we conluded that this strait was 150 leagues in length , the bredth in some places more , in others less ; and in the end found it to be no strait , but only islands . when our general saw that our men were not able to endure the cold he intended to have returned toward the line , lest our men by the excessive cold might contract some grievous distemper ; but it pleased god to thwart his design . for the 2d . day after we entred mare pacificum , a furious storm with contrary winds arose , whereby we were in great jeopardy of our lives , in the time of this storm , sept. 15. the moon was eclipsed in aries , and darkned about 3 points for 2 hours ; but our storm continued 52 days . and sept. 30th . in the night , the storm encreasing , the marigold was separated from us ; whom we never met again , altho our general had ordered , that if any of our fleet lost our company , we should meet again on the coasts of peru in 30 deg . or thereabout . from sept. 7. ( when the storm began ) till oct. 7. we could not recover land ( being driven to 37 deg . of south . lat. ) and this day toward night entred a harbor , on the aforesaid streight toward the south sea , hoping to shelter till the storm were over , but had not been there 3 hours , till by violence of the storm , our admiral lost an anchor by the violence of the flaw , and also lost sight of our vice-admiral the elezabeth , which we never saw more , for she arrived in england , june 20. next year . so that now our admiral was left alone , and altho our general sought the rest of his fleet carefully , yet could by no means find them . thus parted from our friends , we were driven back into 55 deg . south lat. among the islands aforesaid . and after we had been there 2 days , and alittle refresht our selves , of a sudden a tempestuous storm arose , whereby we were in extreme hazard of our lives , and expected to be swallowed up every moment . but it pleased god of his infinite mercy , when all our hopes were gone , miraculously to deliver us . being thus delivered , we were necessitated to seek for some place of refuge , both to provide necessaries , and refresh our men . we returned among the said islands , where we hoped for better rest , and the rather because we found the people of that country travelling from one place to another , with whom we trafficked for several commodities , and had respite for 3 days , being in continual fear of the imminent dangers , the troubled seas , and blustering winds threatned us ; which accordingly happened ; for we were assaulted by a more vehement storm , leaving behind us our anchor , and a great part of our cable , driven betwixt wind and water , till we fell with the uttermost part of the land , towards the south pole , when we discovered how far the same reacheth south ward from the coast of america aforenam'd . the uttermost cape of these islands lyes in 56 deg . where no mainland nor island is to the south , but the atlantick and south sea met . it was hitherto dreamed that these islands were a main , and that it was terra incognita , and truly it might be so called before this time , for before this it was never discovered , that we heard of . and here we may refute that error , held by many , that it is impossible to return out of mare del zur into the ocean , by reason of the supposed eastern current , and levant winds ; for neither did we meet with such current , nor had such winds to carry us through , but always in our passage found it easier to return into the west ocean than to go forward into mare del zur ; whereof we had much experience , being glad oft times to alter our course , and fall a stern again , with frank wind , further in one afternoon , than we could fetch up again in a whole day with a reasonable gale . they are no less mistaken in alledging the narrowness of the frete ; for we found the quite contrary . as we reached the utmost part of these islands , oct. 28. our storm ceased . here we found the night in the latter end of octob. not above 2 hours long , so that it seems , when the sun is in the tropick of caprioorn they have little or no night . the inhabitants manners apparel , &c. are , the same with those aforementioned , before we entred the streights . our general called these islands elizabethides . oct. 30. we departed thence steering our course north-west , to coast along peru ( being the appointed place for our fleet to reassemble ) the next day we came to 2 islands , wherein were great store of birds , whereof we were sufficiently furnished with victuals ; thence , steering still north-west , we found our selves , like to have been deceived in taking our rules by the common maps , which set down the coast of peru to lye 12 deg . northwards from the supposed streight when it is quite contrary , and therefore we altered our course . that part of peru all along to the height of lima being 12 deg . south of the line , is mountainous and barren , except a few places inhabited by the spaniards and some others . being thus fallen with the land , we coasted along till we came to 37 deg . and finding no convenient place , nor likelyhood of hearing of our ships , we ran off with an island in sight called by the spaniards mucho , where we anchored nov. 25. and found it to be a fruitful island , well stored with all necessaries , as sheep , and other cattel , maiz , a kind of grain they make bread of , potatos and such other roots besides it is plenteous of gold , &c. the inhabitants are such indians as by the cruelty of the spaniards , were driven from the main . with them our general intended to traffick for victuals and water ; and for that end the same night we arrived , he and some others went ashore , to whom the people shewed respect , making a present to our general ; we also presented them such things as we had , signifying that we came to traffick , and recruit our selves with fresh water ; and they promised to furnish us with such things as they could afford . the next day our general repaired to the shore , and sent 2 of his men , with their baricoes to the watering place assigned , who having past half of the way , were traiterously slain by the people ; who having likewise set an ambush for our general and the rest of our men that were in the boat , behind the rocks , suddenly wounded most of our men , before they could free themselves ; our general besides several wounds on the face and head , had one passing through his nose into the basis cerebri . but the worst of all was , we had none to cure our men save a surgeons boy , yet it pleased god they were all cured . the cause of this barbarity of these islanders was their hatred to the spaniards ( whom they suspected us to be . ) our general tho he might have revenged this with small loss , yet valuing the loss of one of his more than 100 of theirs , he desisted , committing his cause to god. the weapons this people use in their wars are arrows of reeds with heads of stones very brittle and indented , and darts of a great length headed with iron , or bone. the same day that this happened we departed thence , and because we were nownear the appointed place of meeting , and partly because our men were crasie , we set in for some convenient place in the main , and coming to the bay called philips-bay in about 32 deg . we dropt anchor , and sent our boat to discover , if the place could furnish us with such things as we needed ; they after long travel , could see no appearance of relief , either as to victuals or water , seeing nothing save huge heads of wild buffs ; but in their return , they espied an indian fishing in his canow , whom they brought aboard . who being courteously entertained , after we had shewed him what we had , and made him understand what we needed , we sent him away with our boat and his own canow to land him where he would ; who at his landing , willed our men to stay till his return , and anon met 2 or 3 of his friends , to whom he shewed his gifts ; which gave such content , that a little after , he with their governour and others came to us , bringing with them hens , eggs , hogs and such like , and ( that they might remove suspicion of evil ) they sent it in a canow by it self , and their governor entrusted himself to our men , and came to our general . by him we understood , we could not be relieved here , but he offered to conduct us to a harbor not far distant to the southward , where we might have all necessaries ; which our gen. accepted of ; and dec. 4. departed hence , and next day came to an anchor in that harbor . it is called by the spaniards valperizo , and the town adjoyning st. james of chinly ; it is in 35 deg . 40 min. here we had all necessaries in abundance : amongst other things we found in the town , diverse store-houses of the wines of chinly , and in the harbor a ship called the captain of morial , or the grand captain of the south , admiral to the islands of salomon , laden mostly with the said wines , and besides , some fine gold of baldivia , &c. we spent sometime in refreshing our selves , and easing this ship of her burden , and dec. 8. being furnished with necessaries we departed , returning back to the line , with our indian pilot , whom our general rewarded to his own content , and set him ashore again where he desired . being thus provided our general was for seeking after our ships ; and considering that we could not conveniently run in with our ship to every harbor , and that our boat could not carry men enough , to encounter the violence of the spaniards , if we happen'd to meet them , we determined , as we went toward the line to seek out a convenient place , where we might trim our ship , and build a pinnace . dec. 19. we entred a bay to the southward of the town of cyppo inhabited by the spaniards , in 29 deg . 30 min. and having landed 14 of our men to search , we were discovered by the spaniards , who sent out 300 men , 100 of them being spaniards , well mounted on horses , the rest indians running as dogs at their heels all naked . but our men seeing them come , made all their escape , save one richard minivy , who being too bold , would not be entreated to escape with the rest , but chose either to out-brave them , or die in the place ; which he did . his body was by the spaniards beheaded , his right hand cut off , his heart pluckt out , all which they carried away in our sight , the rest of his body they caused the indians to shoot full of arrows made of green wood , and left it , which we buried next day . finding but bad entertainment here we departed , and next day came to a convenient harbor to the northward of it , in 27 deg . 55 min. south lat. where we trimmed our ship , and built our pinnace ; which done our general , with some of his company went in the pinnace , in search of our ships , but after a days sailing , were forced to return by contrary wind . jan. 9. we left this place , and jan. 22. came to an island in the same height with the north cape of mormorena ; here we met with 4 indians in their canows , who promised to bring us to a place where we might water , but when we came thither , we scarce found any . as we were searching for water , we lighted on a spaniard sleeping , who had by him 13 bars of silver , weighing 4000 spanish duccats which we took . not far from hence we met with another spaniard with an indian boy , driving 8 peruvian sheep , each sheep bearing 2 leathern bags , in each of which was 50 pound weight of fine silver , which we likewise took . beyond the cape aforesaid we passed several indian towns , the people whereof came to us in boats made of several skins , of which 2 being joyned together of equal length in form of a boat , having in each of them a small gut , or some such thing blown full of wind , whereby it floateth , and is rowed very swiftly ; they exchanged with us fishes for knives , glasses and such like , great rarities to them . not far hence lies mormorena in 22 deg . 30 min. where tho 2 spaniards governed , yet we exchanged with them for several commodities : among other things sheep which were as big as a cow , with strength proportioned ; on one of their backs at one time 3 men and a boy might sit without touching the ground by a foot , without any trouble ; their wool is very fine , their flesh good , and they serve in stead of horses for burdens . here & toward the province of cusko , 100 l. of common earth yieldeth 25 s. of pure silver , after the rate of a crown an ounce . feb. 7. we came to arica in 20 deg . which stood in the fruitfullest soil in all that coast ; it is inhabited by the spaniards in 2 barks here we found forty and odd bars of silver , each weighing about 20 l. which we took ; and so went to chowley , feb. 9. and in our way to lima we took a bark loaden with linnen : feb. 15. we arrived at lima , and tho the spaniards had 30 ships in the harbor , we anchored among the midst of them . lima is in 12 deg . 30 min. here we heard of a ship that had 1500 bars of silver in her besides other things we boarded her and took what we had a mind to . here also we had news of the ks. of portugal , of morocco and fez all dead in one day at one battel ; also of the death of the k. of france and the pope . lastly here we had notice of a rich ship laden with gold and silver for panama , that had set sail from this haven : whereupon feb. 16. we went in pursuit of her . feb. 20. we fell with the port of paita in 4 deg . 40 m. with st. helen and the river gutaquil , feb. 24. we past the line 28 , and mar. 1. fell with francisco , where about mid-day we descried a sail , and when we had made up with her and boarded her , we found her to be the ship we were pursuing : we found in her some fruits , conserves , sugars , &c. and a great quantity of jewels , and precious stones , 13 chests of ryals of plate , 80l . weight of gold , 26 tun of uncoyned silver , &c. valued about 360000 pezoes . we gave the master a little linnen for these commodities , and after 6 days departed . and being now come to cape francisco in 1 deg . n. lat. and hearing nothing of our ships all the way , tho we enquired diligently , we concluded they were not before us ; and considering that now was the only time ( summer approaching ) for the discovery of what passage there was to be found about the northern parts of america from the south sea into our ocean , which our general chiefly designed , we all willingly consented to seek out a convenient place for furnishing our selves , and trimming our ship in order thereto . and so we set on march 7. to the island of caines at which we arrived march 16. and settled in a fresh river for our purpose aforesaid . in our journey hither , we met with a ship laden with linnen , and china silk and dishes , and a faulcon of gold with a great emerauld in its breast . we departed hence march 24. for our intended discovery , and passed by the port papagaia , and diverse others , and some gulphs which continually send forth violent winds . and understanding that if we did not run off to sea we should be troubled with calms , our general determined to go into some port to furnish our selves with all necessaries , that we might go to sea. and accordingly april 15. 1679. we entred guatulco , in 15. deg . 46. min. inhabited by the spaniards , where we had necessaries , as also a pot as big as a bushel full of ryals of plate , with a chain of gold and jewels . from thence we departed to sea apr. 16. and sailed 500 leagues for a wind , and until june 23. 1500 leagues in all , till we came to 42. deg . of north. latitude , where in the night time we were opprest with extreme nipping cold , whereby several of our mens health was impaired , and the day following notwithstanding the heat of the sun , the cold was nothing abated , so that the ropes of our ships were frozen , and the rain which fell was a kind of icy substance . and when we came 2 degrees further it was in that extremity , that our men could not make use of their hands , not to feed themselves ; and our meat as it was removed from the fire was in a manner immediately frozen , whereby our men were extremely discouraged ; yet by our generals persuasions , they resolved to endure a little extremity to obtain agreater glory . the land in that part of america lying nearer the west , than we imagined , we were nearer it than we were aware ; and the nearer it we came the colder it was . june 5. we were driven on the shore by contrary winds , and cast anchor in a bay , where we were in danger by reason of extream flaws that beat upon us , and upon their intermission were troubled with thick , stinking fogs . in this place we could not abide , by reason of cold , and therefore were forced to go southwards again . from the height of 48. to 38. coasting along the land , we found it to be plain ; every hill ( which were many but not high ) though it was june , was covered with snow . june 17. in 38. deg . 30. min. we found a fit harbor and anchored therein , continuing till july 23. and were still molested with cold . we conjecture upon several reasons that either there is no northern passage , or at least not navigable , for to pass by others this seems to confirm it , that tho we searched the coast diligently even to 48. deg . yet found we not the land to trend so much as one point in any place towards the east , but rather running on towards the northwest . june 18. the countrey people sent out a man in a canow to us , who directed his discourse to us all the way as he came ; and being come near us , he had a tedious oration , using many motions ; which ended with great shew of reverence he returned : he came again the 2d . time as also the 3d. after the same manner , and brought with him , as a present , a bunch of feathers artificially gathered on a string , made for those who guard the kings person to wear on their heads , he brought also a basket made of rushes , filled with an herb , called tabak . our general proffered him several things , but he would receive nothing save a hat. june 21. our ship being leaky we put in to the shore to repair her ; ( but to prevent all danger , our general landed all his men , with necessary provisions to build tents , and make a fort for us ; which the country people seeing , came down in great hast to us with such arms as they had , yet with no intent to hurt us , their intent being rather to worship us as gods. and being willed by signs to lay from them their bows and arrows , they did it instantly . to the intent therefore that this peace which was desired might be more confirmed , our general treated them very courteously , bestowing upon them shirts , linnen , and other things , to cover their nakedness , withal signifying unto them , that we were but men as they were , which notwithstanding , we could hardy persuade them of . they in recompense bestowed on our general and others of our men , feathers , cawls , and quivers of their arrows , made of fawns skins , and skins of beasts their women wore ; and so departed with joy to their houses ; which are digged round within the earth , having clefts of wood set up and joyned close at the top , like our spires ; they are very warm and without chimneys ; their door is like an ordinary scuttle in a ship slope-wise , their beds on the ground with rushes strewed upon it . their men for most part go naked ; they are of a tractable and loving nature ; their only weapons are bows and arrows , with which tho they are skillful they do but little execution , they are so slight , being more fit for boys than men ; they are prodigiously strong and swift . their women make themselves loose garments of a kind of bulrushes to cover their lower parts : about their shoulders wearing the skin of a deer ; they are very obedient to their husbands . when they were returned home they emitted lamentable cryings , which we heard tho about an english miles distance . notwithstanding their submissive demeanor , our general thought it best not to trust them too much , and , therefore with expedition we set up our tents and entrenched our selves with a stone-wall , that so if they proved perfidious we might be able to repel them . two days after a great multitude of them came to us , bringing presents with them as before , or rather sacrifices , they deeming us to be gods. when they came to the top of the hill at the bottom whereof we stayed , they stood , where one with strange gestures delivered a tedious oration , at the end whereof all the rest bowing their bodies cried oh , ( as a sign of their assent ; ) after which their men came down , leaving their women and children , with their bows on the hill , with presents to us , glad that we would receive them of them : in the mean time their women fell a crying , shreeking , and tearing their flesh from their cheeks , with a fury casting themselves on the ground , dashing themselves on hard stones or any thing it was in their way , those that were big with child not abstaining from this madness . which our general seeing fell a praying with hands lifted up to heaven ( shewing that god , whom we served , and they ought to worship , was above ) and sung psalms , and read in the bible : to all which they were very attentive , and took such delight in our singing of psalms , that every time they came to us they desired us to sing . three days after the greatest part of all that people thereabouts assembled , with the king attended with his guard. before his coming he sent 2 ambassadors to signifie it to us ; in delivery of their message , the one spoke low the other the same word for word more audibly , which done our general understood by their signs that they desired a present of him to their hioh or king ; which he sent . as their king was coming to us , they cried after a singing manner ; and as they drew near their carriage was more grave . in their front a man bare the scepter ( a certain kind of black wood a yard and a half in length ) before the king , whereon hanged 2 crowns with 3 long chains , and a bag full of the herb tabah . next him that bare this scepter was the king : on his head was a cawl of knitwork somewhat like a crown : on his shoulders to his wast a coat of coney skins ; his guard had coats of other skins , some having cawls with such feathers , or covered with a down , which groweth on an herb like lettice : this herb is not permitted to be wore by any but those that are about the king , and the seed of it is used only in sacrifice to their gods. after these came the common people , naked , whose long hair was tied in a bunch behind , in which stuck plumes of feathers , but in the fore part had but one feather like a horn. every one had his face painted , but of different colours . their women and children came last , the women had baskets in their arms , wherein were bays of tabah and other presents : their baskets were made of rushes , yet in such sort that most part of them would hold water ; they were hanged with pieces of pearls shells , and with 2 or 3 links of the chains , signifying they were vessels dedicated to the use of their gods. our general assembled all his men and ordered them to be in a posture of defence , that if they attempted any thing against us might we prevent it . when they came near us they gave us a general salutation ; after which he that bare the scepter spake aloud what another whispered him in the ear for half an hour , which was ended with a general amen ; and all the rest , save the children , came down the hill setting themselves in their former order . being come near us the scepter-bearer with a stately carriage began a song , dancing thereto , as also did the king and all the rest , save the women , who danced but did not sing . our general perceiving their simple meaning ordered that they might have free entrance ; they entring continued their song and dance a pretty while , their women following with their baskets , their faces &c. torn as aforesaid . afterwards they made a sign to our general to sit down , and the king with others made several speeches , esiring him by signs to take upon him the kingdom , and afterwards with one consent they set the crown upon his head , with other ceremonies , honouring him by the name of hyoh , ending the solemnity with songs and dances . these things our general accepted of , taking them in the name and to the use of her majesty . the ceremonies ended , the common people of them leaving the king with our general , went among our people , and finding such as pleased their fancies ( which commonly were the youngest of us ) they enclosing them round offered sacrifices ; crying with lamentable shreeks , weeping , scratching , and tearing the flesh off their faces . after our necessary businesses were dispatched , our general with some of his company went up into the land , to be better acquainted with the nature and commodities of their country . the inland we found to be of a very fruitful soyl , stored with all things fit for man , particularly fat deer in great numbers . there were likewise a strange sort of conies , their heads and bodies like other conies , but smaller ; their tails like that of a rat , and their feet like the paws of a mole . under their chins on each side they have a bag into which they gather their meat when their bellies are full , to feed their young , or sorve themselves another time . their skins are of great account , for their kings holy-days coat is made of them . this country our general called albion , from the white banks which lye toward the sea. before our departure thence , our general caused to be set up a plate of brass nailed to a post , with her majesties name and picture , and arms on a sixpence , the day and year of our arrival , and of their resigning the kingdom into her majesties hands , as a monument of her majesties right and title to that kingdom . and now the time of our departure approaching , those people , who had formerly so much joy in our company , were now sorrowful and dejected beyond all measure , all their former joy being metamorphosed into mourning at the report of our departure . july 23. they took a sorrowful welfare of us , entreating us to remember them in our absence , and to return to them , and immediately ran up to the tops of the hills to keep sight of us as long as they could , making fires on all hands . near this place lye some islands , which we called the islands of st. james , where we had a great many seals and birds . our general now considering , that the cold encreased , the sun being now nearer the south , left off his design of finding passage through the northern parts , and therefore with consent of the rest bent his course for the moluccaes and sailed without sight of land for 68 days space , and sept. 30. came to some islands , lying in 8 deg . north. lat. as soon as we were perceived , a great number of canows came towards us , bringing with them coquo's , fish , potato's , &c. their canows , as most of the moluccaes are made of one tree hollowed within with great art , very smooth ; their prow and stern were of one fashion , yielding inward , very high , and hanged full of glistering shells ; on each side their canows lay out 2 pieces of timber to keep them from overwhelming . the people have the nether part of their ears cut round hanging down on their cheeks ; the nails on some of their fingers were an inch long , and their teeth black as pitch , the colour whereof they use to renew with a certain powder . the first company of those canows , began to traffique with us peaceably , entreating us to go nearer the shore , that they might easilier prey upon us . but these passing away , others came that discovered their natures , for when they got any thing in their hands , they would neither give recompence nor restore it ; and being rejected for their bad dealing , they began to resent it , throwing stones at us which they had brought on purpose ; whereupon our general caused let fly a great gun ; at the noise of which they , frightned , leapt out of their canows into the water , and diving under the keel of their boat stayed there till we were gone a good way from them , and then recovered their canows and made hast to the shore . notwithstanding we were afterwards troubled with others of the same gang , and could not be rid of them , till we made them smart . and so we left this island octob. 23. naming it the island of thieves , and octob. 16. fell with 4 islands in 7 deg . 5 min. north. lat. octob. 21. we anchored at the biggest of them called mindanao . oct. 25. we passed by the island talao , and to the northward of it saw 3 islands , teda , selan , saran : and nov. 1. we past the isle suaro in 1 deg . 30 min. and nov. 3. came in sight of the moluccaes . they are 4 high picked islands very fruithful , yielding abundance of cloves . east from them lyes a great island , called gillola . we intended to go to tidore , but coasting an island of the king of terenat's his deputy came off to us , who entreated our general to stay at terenate , for that his king would be glad of his coming , and would assist him to his utmost power , whereas if he went to tidore , ( inhabited by portugals ) he would find them deceitful ; and besides , that then his king would not receive us , as being at enmity with them . hereupon our general next morning came to an anchor there , and sent a messenger to the king , with a velvet cloak for a present : signifying to him , that he desired to be supplyed with necessaries , for which he would give him other goods , and likewise that it was by persuasion of his viceroy that he came thither . but before this the viceroy had spoke to the king on our behalf , shewing how beneficial an alliance with us would be to him , and how discouraging to his enemies . whereupon the king immediately sent the viceroy with others of his nobles to our general , to shew him that he was ready to do any thing for us that lay in his power , upon our prince's account ; and that he would shortly visit us in our ship. by that time they came to us , our messengers were at court , who were honorably conducted to the king , and most graciously by him entertained . whereupon the prince hastened his before promised visit ; the manner of his coming was thus : first , he sent before 3 great canows wherein were some of his nobles of all ages , attired all in white lawn , or cloath of calecute , but with some difference , their canow covered from one end to t'other with fine mats , bore up by a frame of reeds . the rest were souldiers standing orderly on both sides , without whom were the rowers , in 3 galleries on each side , lying off the side 3 or 4 yards , one built lower than the other ; in each of which galleries was a like number of banks that the rowers sate upon : on the forepart of each canow sate 2 men , one holding a tabret , the other a piece of brass , who striking therewith by the sound directed the rowers to keep their strokes ; and the rowers ending their strokes with a song , gave warning to the others to strike again . they had in each canow one small piece ; besides every man had his sword , dagger , and target , &c. these canows coming near our ship rowed round us one after another , and the men as they passed did us homage , the greatest persons beginning ; afterwards putting our messenger aboard , they told us that their king had sent them before him to conduct our ship into a better road. not long after the king came up with 6 grave fathers and did obeysance to us in humble manner . he was of a tall stature , corpulent , of a princely countenance . his respect among his subjects was very great , none of his councillors daring speak to him but on their knees . we received him in best sort we could , as with discharging of ordinance , and great store of small shot , sounding of trumpets , and other instruments of musick , wherewith the king was extremely delighted . besides , our general gave him some presents . his brother likewise made us a visit , and was also courteously entertained by our general . the king when we came to anchor , departed , promising to come aboard next day , and in the mean time to send us necessaries : which the same night and next morning we had by way of traffique , as hens , rice , sugar canes , liquid sugar , a fruit they call figo the same which the portugals name plantanes , cocoes and a kind of meal they call sago , made of the tops of trees , tasting like sour curds , but melting like sugar . the inhabitants make a kind of cake thereof which will keep good ten years : we had also some cloves . our general having all things provided , expected the king at the time appointed ; who came not , but sent his brother with his apology , entreating our general to come a shore ; that his brother in the mean while should remain aboard as a pledge for his safety ; but the company would by no means permit him , especially for that his brother had dropt some words aboard which gave suspicion of ill intent . our general therefore in his stead sent some of his gentlemen with the kings brother to court , detaining the viceroy for a pledge . they being come near the castle were received by another of the king ; brothers and persons of quality , and conducted honorably to the castle ; where being brought into a stately house , a great multitude was there , the greatest persons being placed round the house according to their degrees , the rest remaining without . the house was four square , covered with cloath of diverse colours , born up on a frame of reeds , the sides being open , and furnished with seats round ; this it seems was their council house . at the side of this house next the castle , was seated the chair of state , with a large canopy over it ; the ground also for 10 or 12 paces round it was covered with cloath of arras . there were seated 60 ancient noblemen , of the kings council ; at the nether end of the house , were a great company of young men in good attire ; without on the right side of the house were 4 old men attired in long red garments , their heads after the turkish fashion , who lived as lidgiers there , to keep continual traffique with this people , with several others of foreign nations . the king at last coming attended by 8 or 10 grave senators had a rich canopy born over him , guarded with 12 lances , the points downwards ; our men with his brother met him , and were graciously entertained . the kings attire was very sumptuous ; from his waste downwards was all rich cloath of gold , his legs bare , on his feet shoes of cordivant died red ; on his cap were diverse rings of plated gold , an inch and a half broad ; a great chain of gold about his neck ; on his left hand a diamond , an emerald , a ruby and turky ; on his right hand rings set with rich stones . as he sate in his chair of state , a page stood by him with a fan , richly embroydered with saphires . our gentlemen having delivered their message , and received answer were safely conducted back again . the castle was of no strength , there being only 2 cannons there , and those unmounted , which were left by the portugals by whom the castle was built : who by their tyrannies exercised both on their king and people , which they did to confirm themselves , so incensed the people that they were forced to leave it with their furniture in it . the people are moors very superstitious in observations of new moons , and fastings ; for on those days the viceroy when aboard of us , would neither eat nor drink in the day , though in the night he ate very largely . while we stayed here a goodly gentlemen of a discreet behaviour came aboard to view our ship , and discourse our captain . he was born in the province of baghia in china , whose predecessors had reigned there 200 years . the cause of his coming from home , was , that being accused of treason , and tho innocent , yet could not make it appear , and knowing the strictness of the law there , he petitioned the king that he would please to commit his trial to gods providence , and permit him to travel , with condition that if he brought not home some considerable intelligence , the king had never before heard of , he should die ; the king granted his sute , and he had been now 3 years at tidore . he earnestly entreated our general to declare unto him such if he could , and likewise all occurrences happening in his long and dangerous voyage ; wherein our general satisfied him ; he likewise informing our general of all things worth notice in their country , withal entreating him to go along with him to china , but our general could not be persuaded thereto . oct. 9. we set sail thence , and considering our ship needed reparation we determined to seek for a convenient place for that purpose , and nov. 14. we arrived at an island south of celebes , in 1 deg . 40 min. south . lat. which place being uninhabited gave us more encouragement ; and so we anchored , and in dispatching our business spent 26 days . the whole island is overgrown with wood ; the trees are large , high and straight , the leaves whereof are like our broom ; among these trees were a multitude of worms ( no bigger than flies ) which by night did cast great light . there was here also a great number of bats , of the bigness of a hen , with flie wonderfully swift , but their flight is short , and when they light they hang by the boughs with their backs downwards . there was here likewise a kind of cray fish , of such size that one would satisfie 4 men , being very wholesom food . they do not live in the sea , but dig themselves caves under the roots of trees , lodging by companies ; when we came to take them they climbed up trees to hide themselves . this island we called crab island . dec. 12. we put to sea , and on the 16 had sight of celebes or sillebis ; but having a bad wind , and being entangled with islands , and other difficulties and dangers , we could not recover the north of sillebis , or continue or course further west , but were necessitated to steer southwards , finding that course very dangerous by reason of the many shoals ; and jan. 9. when we thought we were past all danger , and had a prosperous gale of wind , of a sudden , when we were sailing with full sail , in the beginning of the first night watch , our ship was laid fast on a desperate shoal ; where we expected nothing but present death . notwithstanding having first recommended our selves to god by prayer , we endeavoured to use the means , and in the first place plying our pumps , we found the leak nothing encreased , which was some , tho small encouragement to us . our next essay was for good ground and anchor-hold to seaward of us , whereon to hale , by which means , if by any , our general told us there was some hope left ; but when we sounded , we found that even a boats length from the ship we could not find ground ; so that our hopes quite vanished , and nothing but present death , or at least a lingring death was before us . in those fears and perplexities we spent this night ; next morning we tryed to see if we could now find any anchor-hold , but this succeeded no better than the former . but it pleased god miraculously to deliver us , so that we got clear of it . this shoal is 3024 leagues in length , & lyes in 1 deg . betwixt 56 and 57. min. south . lat. this was the greatest danger we met with in our whole voyage . yet we were tossed with several storms for 3 weeks after . jan. 12. being not able to bear sail , we dropt our anchors upon a shoal in 3 deg . 30 min. jan. 14. we again anchored at an island in 4 deg . 6 min. south . lat. after this we had foul weather , so that we were weary of the coast of celebes . the farthest cape of celebes is in 5 deg . south lat. jan. 20. we were forced to run with a small island not far thence , and sought for a place where we might anchor ; when suddenly a storm arose out of the southwest , whereby we were in fear of being cast away on a lee shore ; and had if the merciful goodness of god had not wrought our delivery . having escaped this danger we continued our course till 26 day , when , the winds arising , we could bear no sail till feb. 1. at which time we saw very high land , and would willingly have got in there , but that the weather was so bad . feb. 3. we saw a little island , but could not fetch it . feb. 6. we saw 5 islands , one to the east and 4 to the west of us , at the biggest of which we anchored , and watred . feb. 8. we departed thence , and descried 2 canows , who having seen us before came willingly to us , conducting us to their town , not far off named baratina ; it is in 7 deg . 13 min. south lat. the people are gentiles , of handsom body , comely stature , civil demeanor , just in dealing and courteous to strangers . the men go naked save their heads and secret parts , having pendules at their ears . their women are covered from the middle to the foot , wearing bracelets upon their arms , for most part of horn or brass , each at least weighing 2 ounces . with this people linnen cloath is the best merchandise , as also margareta's and such other things . their island is rich and fruitful , abounding in gold , silver , tin , sulphur &c. fruits are likewise plentiful as nutmegs , ginger , long-pepper &c. here we spent 2 days , and departed , feb. 10. in 8 deg . 4 min. feb. 12. we espied a green land to the southward , and a little after 2 islands on the same side , and one more on the north , all which we past : feb. 14. we saw other big islands ; and feb. 15 past between 4 or 5 big islands in 9 deg . 40 min. feb. 18. we anchored in a little island , and departed next day . feb. 22. we lost sight of some islands on our star-board side . after this we steered westward , seeing nothing considerable , till mar. 9. in the morning we espied land , some part thereof very high , in 8 deg . 20. min. and bearing farther north , mar. 10. we anchored ; we first took in water , and afterwards sent our boat ashore , and traffiqued with the people of the country , and next day brought our ship nearer the town ; our general sent linnen and woollen cloath , and some silks as a present for the king , in requital whereof he returned rice , cocoes , hens , and other victuals . this island we found to be java , the middle whereof is in 7 deg . 30 min. south lat. mar. 13. our general with others went ashore , and complemented the king with his musick , shewing him likewise the manner of our exercising arms ; we were courteously received , and dismissed with promise of more supplies . in this island there is one chief but many under-governors , whom they call raias , who live in great love . marc. 14. we received victuals from 2 of them , and on the 15. three of these petty kings visited our general , who were highly satisfied with what they saw , and with our entertainment , and on their return related what they saw to raia donan the chief king , who next day came aboard us , bringing victuals with him for our relief . few days past but one or more of these kings visited us , so that we were acquainted with most of them ; and our general always entertained them to the utmost of his power ; especially with our musick wherewith they were extremely delighted . the people of this place , as also their princes , are a loving , and just dealing people , which we found in our traffiquing with them . taking our leaves of them . marc. 26. we set our course w. s. w. directly towards the cape of good hope , and may 21. we espied a part of the main of africa . we coasted along till june 15. and past the cape within shot of it . july 15. we fell with land again about rio de sesto . jul. 22. we came to sierra leona , and watered in the mouth of tagoine , and put to sea again ; here we had oisters and plenty of lemmons . aug. 15. we were under the tropick of cancer having the wind at n. e. and were 20 leagues off land . aug. 22. we were in the height of the canaries . and sept. 26. it pleased god we safely arrived at plimouth , after we had spent 2 years , 10 months and odd days , in seeing the wonders of the lord in the deeps , in discovering so admirable things , and escaping so many dangers and difficulties in our encompassing the world. soli rerum maximarum effectori , soli totius mundi gubernatori , soli suorum conservatori , soli deo sit semper gloria . finis . a relation of sr. francis drakes west-indian voyage : wherein were taken the towns of st. jago . st. domingo , cartagena and st. augustin . capt. drake having prepared his fleet , being 25 ships and pinnaces , and assembled of souldiers and mariners 2300 embarqued at plimouth , sept. 12. 1585. these after mentioned bearing charge . mr. christ . carleil lieut. gen. anth. powel serj. major , capt. mat. morgan , and capt. jo. sampson corporals of the field , these were over the land-captains , whose names follow : capt. anth. plat , capt. edw. winter , capt. jo. goring , capt. rob. pew , capt. geo. barton , capt. jo. merchant , capt. will. cecil , capt. wal. bigs , capt. jo. hannam , capt. rich. stanton . capt. mart. frobusher , vice-admiral in the primrose , capt. fran. knollis , rere-admiral in the gallion , leicester ; mr. tho. venner , capt. in the elizabeth bon-adventure , under the generals ; mr. edw. winter , capt. in the ayde ; mr. christ . carleil , lieut. gen. capt. in the tyger ; henry white capt. of the sea-dragon ; tho. drake capt. of the thomas , tho. seelie capt. of the minion ; — baily capt. of the bark talbot ; rob. cross capt. of the bark bond ; geo. fortescute capt. of the bark bonner ; edw. careless capt. of the hope ; jo. erizo capt. of the white-lyon ; tho. moon capt. of the francis ; jo. rivers capt. of the vantage ; jo. vaughan capt. of the drake ; jo. varney capt. of the george ; jo. martin capt. of the benjamin ; edw. gilman capt. of the skout ; rich. haukins capt. of the galliot , called the duck , and — bitfield capt. of the swallow . we departed the 14. sept. and being on that part of the coast of spain , called the moors , we espied some ships ; the general sent the vice-admiral to see what they were ; they being frenchmen bound homewards with salt , on sight thereof deserted most of their ships , and our general having a fancy for one of them , called the drake , took her along with him , but payed for her at his return : the rest were dismissed . afterwards putting off to sea we met with more french ships , returning with newland fish , whom our general , after speech with them dismissed , without doing them any hurt . the next day we descried another ship of 240 tun , and mr. carleil lieut. gen. took her ; the admiral coming up , the master and principal men of her were examined apart , and she was found to belong to spain , tho most of the seamen belonged to st. john de luce ; this ship was laden with newland fish , ( we call it poor john ) which was distributed amongst our ships . two days after we put in at the isles of bayon , the winds crossing us , and anchored . but the general ordered all the pinnaces and ship-boats to be manned , and every man to be furnished with sit arms ; which done , the general went into his galley rowing towards the city of bayon with intent to surprise it ; but we were met by an english merchant , sent from the governor to discover us ; after our general had spoke with him , he sent capt. sampson with him to the governor , desiring to be resolved of 2 points : to wit , whether there were wars between spain and england ? and , why our merchants were arrested . our general with advice of the lieut. gen. purposed to get as near the city as they could , that upon capt. sampsons return , if need were , they might make a sudden attempt before it were dark . capt. sampson returned with this answer , that the governor said he knew of no wars ; and as for the stay of the merchants , that it was the kings pleasure , but with no intent to injure them , and that afterwards by the kings order they were discharged , for confirmation of which he sent such merchants as were in town of our own nation : upon which it was advised , that night to land our force . the governor sent us some refreshment . about midnight a storm arising , we went aboard , and before we reached our fleet , several of our ships were driven from their anchor holds , of which one was driven back to england , but all the rest came up to us again . the storm lasted three days , which being over our lieut. gen. was sent with his and 3 other ships to vigo , where he took many boats , and some carvels , laden with things of small value , mostly household stuff , and among the rest he found one boat laden with the principal church-stuff of the high-church of vigo , where also was their great cross of silver , of embossed work , double gilt all over . all we had in this place amounted to 30000 duckets . the next day the whole fleet went up to a harbor above vigo , where the lieut. gen. stayed our coming . in the mean time the governor of galisia had raised 2000 foot , and 300 horse , and marched from bayon to this place , and sent to parly with our general , which was granted ; at their meeting it was agreed , that we should have water and other necessaries , paying for the same . afterwards we departed for the canaries ; and fell with palma with purpose to have landed there , but by reason of the many guns , that were planted there , which were discharged upon us , and other inconveniences , we were forced to alter our resolution , and determined to land in the isle of ferro ; and when we had landed 1000 men there , and stayed two days , the inhabitants accompanyed with an englishman , came to us , declaring their state to be so poor , that they were ready to starve ; which was not untrue ; and therefore that night we put to sea again . nov. 13. we fell with cape blancke , and put into the bay , where were some french men of war , whom we entertained courteously , and afterward departed to the isles of cape verde , and nov. 16. we saw the island of st. jago , and in the evening anchored the fleet between plaie or prdie and st. jago , and landed 1000 men under the leading of the lieut. general , who kept us marching till we came to a convenient plain , and when we were all gathered there , he thought it best to make no attempt till day ; after we had taken a little respite , he divided the army into three parts . by that time we were well ranged daylight appeared , and having advanced hard by the wall , and seeing no enemy to resist , the lieut. gen. ordered capt. sampson and capt. barton with 30 shot apiece , to enter the town , which stood in the valley under us , and after them was sent st. georges cross to be placed towards the sea , to give advertisement to our fleet ; and that day , being nov. 17. all the great ordnance about the town , being above 50 pieces was shot off in honour of our queens coronation day . in the mean while the lieut. gen. stayed upon the hill with most of his forces till the town was quartered out for lodging the army , which done every captain took his own quarter , and in the evening kept susficient guard to prevent danger . here we stayed 14 days taking such spoils as the place afforded , but found no treasure . the situation of st. jago is in form like to a triangle , having on the east and west sides 2 rocky mountains , on the top of which were built some fortifications ; one the south side is the main sea , and on the north a valley between the aforesaid mountains , the valley and town grow very narrow between the 2 clifts . in the midst of the valley cometh down a brook of fresh water , which hard by the sea maketh a pond very convenient for watering . the valley at the towns end is wholly converted into gardens , and orchards , wherein are diverse sorts of herbs , fruits and trees , among which are the cocoes and plantens ; the cocoes have a hard shell and green husk over it , bigger than a mans 2 fists ; of the shell drinking cups are made , within this shell is a white rine resembling the white of an egg when it is hard boyled , and within that a water whitish and clear , about a half pint , which are very cool , and as some say restorative . the planten groweth in cods like to beans , but bigger , and when it is ripe , the meat of it becometh yellow , and is very pleasant . while we abode here a portugal came hither with a flag of truce , to whom capt. sampson and goring were sent ; as they came to him , he asked of what nation they were , and being told , he asked if there were wars between england and spain , they answered , our general could best satisfie him in that , and proffered him safe conduct if he would go to him ; but he refused , pretending he was not sent by his governor . then they told him , that if his governor would consult his own or his countreys good , his best course were to present himself to our general , sir fancis drake , whereby he might assuredly find favour , otherwise within 3 days we would march over the land , and prosecute them with fire and sword. nov. 24. the gen. lieut. gen. with 600 men marched to sancto domingo , a village 12 miles within the land , where the governor , bishop , and better sort lodged but found it abandoned . after we had stayed a while , we marched homewards ; as we were on our way , we saw the enemy both horse and foot , though not of such force as to encounter us . nov. 26. our general ordered the army to be embarqued into their ships , and capt. goring and lieut. tucker , with 100 foot were ordered to make a stand in the market place , till our forces were all embarqued , the vice-admiral waiting to take them aboard . and also our general ordered capt. sampson with a party to seek out such munition as was hidden in the ground at the town of praie , having been promised to be shewed it by a prisoner taken the day before . when they came thither , the prisoner failed of his promise ; and they searching all suspected places , found a piece of ordnance of iron , and another of brass . in the afternoon our general anchored the fleet before praie , and went ashore , and caused us burn the town , and afterwards embarqued the same night , and put off to sea southwest . before our departure from st. jago the gen. administred the oath of supremacy to the souldiers , as also an oath for every man to do his utmost for the service of the action , and to obey the orders of the gen. and his officers . all the time of our being here none of the spaniards came near us : the cause of which , we conjecture , was the fresh remembrance of injuries they had done some of our countreymen , by reason whereof we left tokens of our discontent . from hence we put over to the west indies , and in our way were afflicted with a grievous distemper , whereof above 300 died in a few days : this sickness seised our people , with extream heat and a burning ague ; and those that escaped , suffered a great diminution in their strength and wits . in 18 days space we had sight of the island of dominica , which is inhabited by a savage people , who go all naked , their skin is coloured with paint of a reddish tawney ; personable and strong men ; they admit little converse with the spaniards ; yet they used us very kindly , helping us with necessaries ; they brought us store of tobacco , as also a kind of bread , called cassado , very white and savory , made of the roots of cassania ; for which we gave them glass , coloured beads , &c. from hence we went to the westwards of st. christophers island , where we spent some days of christmass , but could see no inhabitants . here it was unanimously resolved , to proceed to hispaniola . and by the way we met a small frigat , bound thither , which we took , and having examined the men , one of them informed us , that it was a barren haven , and the land well fortified with a castle , so that we could not land within 10 miles of the city ; to which place he promised to conduct us . hereupon we went on all this night in our voyage , and the general put himself into the bark francis , as admiral , and in the morning , we came to the aforesaid place , 10 miles westward of domingo . when we were landed , our general returned to his fleet , committing the charge of us to the lieut. gen. we marched at 8 a clock , and at noon we approached the town , where those of the better sort , about 150 horse , began to present themselves , but we so played upon them with our small shot , that they soon retreated , so that we had leave to proceed towards the two gates of the town , that were next the sea. they had manned them both , and planted their ordnance , and also some troops of small shot in ambuscado by the way side . we divided our whole force , being 1200 , to attack both the gates . their ordnance was no sooner discharged on us , doing but small execution , but our lieut. gen. advanced with all speed , to prevent their recharging , and notwithstanding their ambuscadoes , we quickly entred the gates , and forthwith repaired to a spacious square before the great church ; whither also came capt. powel with the other party . this place we fortified and stayed here all day . after midnight they that were in the castle hearing us at the gates , forsook it , some flying others taken prisoners . next day we quartered through the town , and kept this town a month. one day as we stayed here , the gen. sent on message to the spaniards a negroe boy , with a flag of white ; this boy meeting unhappily with some spaniards , they struck him through the body with one of the horsemen staves ; the boy notwithstanding returned to our general , and after he had declared it to him , died forthwith in his presence . whereat our general was so incensed , that he caused two friars , then prisoners , to be led out to the same place and hanged , and also dispatcht a messenger to the spaniards , declaring that unless the party who had killed the boy were delivered up , every day 2 prisoners should be hanged so long as any were left . whereupon the day following , he was brought to the towns end to be delivered up , but our general ordered them to dispatch him : which they did . during our abode here many treaties past between them and us for ransom of their city , but upon disagreement , all the morning we fired the outmost houses , which was hard to perform , they being strong stone houses ; and tho for 14 days 20 mariners spent the whole forenoon in firing houses , yet not one third part of the town was consumed , so that in end being weary of this , we were content to accept of 25000 duckets ( 5 s . 6. d. per ducket ) as a ransom for the rest of the town . i cannot omit the relation of a notable instance of the insatiable ambition of the spanish king : as we entred his house there , over against us we spied a large scutcheon , the kings arms ; in the lower part thereof is described the globe of the earth , and a horse standing , his hinder part within the globe , and his forepart without , lifting up as it were to leap , with this motto : non sufficit orbis , the world is not enough . which some of the wiser spaniards , when they were treating with us , were even ashamed of . now tho this is naturally a rich place yet we had no treasure here . the reason is , because the indians were long ago consumed by the spaniards tyranny , and for lack of people to work , the golden and silver mines are quite given over , instead thereof using copper . their chief trade consisteth of sugar , ginger , and hides of oxen and kine , bred here in infinite numbers and of vast bigness . here also we had plenty of strong wine , sweet oyl , vinegar , olives , excellent wheat meal packed up in wine pipes , woollen and linnen cloath , silks , &c. all which were brought out of spain . we found but little plate , because they use much china wair . hence we put over to the main land , and came in sight of cartagena , standing hard by the sea. the harbor mouth lyes 3 miles westward from the town , which we entred about 3 a clock in the afternoon . in the evening we landed near the harbor mouth , under the leading of our lieut. gen. and afterwards about midnight marched forwards easily , keeping close by the sea side . but as we came within 2 miles of the town , their horsemen met us , and taking the alarm , retired upon the first volley of our shot . at this time we heard some pieces of artillery discharged , with small shot towards the harbor , whereby we understood , that , according to our generals order the night before , the vice-admiral , with captain venner , and white , and crass &c. with boats and pinnaces did attacque the little fort on the entry of the inner haven , though to small purpose . in which attempt the vice-admiral had the rudder of his skiff shot through . the troops being now in their march half a mile this side the town , the ground grew streight having the main sea on one side , and the harbour on the other . this streight was fortifyed with a stone wall , and ditch . there was only so much unwalled , as might serve for passage , and that was well barricado'd . this wall had 6 great pieces planted on it , which shot directly on our front. on the inner side of the streight , they had brought 2 gallies to the shore , wherein they placed 11 pieces of ordnance and 400 small shot , which flanked our coming on , and on the land side in the guard only of this place 300 shot and pikes . they discharged many shot both great and small , but our lieut. gen. approached by the lowest ground , so that most of their shot was in vain ; he also forbid us to shoot till we were come to the wall side . the first place we came to was the barricado's , where we discharged our shot just on our enemies faces , and joyned with them , and made them quickly retire ; our lieut. gen. slew the chief ensign bearer of the spaniards . we followed them into the town , and won the mercate place . at every streets end they had made barricado's , but we quickly took them with small loss . they had set indians in several corners with poysoned arrows ; they had also stuck small sticks sharply pointed , and poysoned , in the ground in our way ; but we coming close by the shore shunned most of them . we stayed here 6 weeks , and the sickness aforesaid still continued ; few escaping , and those that did escape , scarce ever recovered their strength , or their wits ; so that when any spoke foolishly , it was usual to say he had been sick of a calenture ; the cause of it was supposed to be the evening air ( they term it la serena ) which they say produces this distemper to any then abroad who is not a native . by reason hereof we gave over our design for nombre de dios and panama , where all the treasure was , and thought of returning home . while we were here one day our watch espied 2 small barks at sea making towards the harbor ; whereupon capt. moon and varney with others embarqued themselves in 2 pinnaces ; that they might take them before they knew of our being there ; but they having notice of it ran themselves ashore , and the men hid themselves in bushes : our men immediatly boarded them , and were suddenly shot at by the spaniards out of the bushes ; whereby capt. varney died presently , and capt. moon died of his wounds some days after ; and so we returned disappointed , having had but few men , far inferior to them in number . in this time diverse courtesies past between the spaniards and us , and among others , the governor , and bishop of cartagena with others came to visit our general . we began to fire this city as we had done others , but at last they ransomed it for 110000 duckets . a far greater ransom than domingo , because it is a place of greater traffique ( whereas the other is chiefly inhabited by lawyers and gentlemen , being the chiefest court of judicature of the islands about it . ) yet having warning of our coming they had carried away their treasure and principal substance . the ransom aforesaid being only mentioned for the town , on payment thereof we left it , and drew part of our souldiers into the abby a quarter of a mile below the town , on the harbor . whereupon they offered us a ransom for the abby and the castle on the mouth of the harbor ; and when we asked alike for both ; they proffered us 1000 crowns for the abby , and to dispose of the castle as we pleased ; and therefore we delivered them the abby , and blew up the castle , and so departed to our ships , which in the mean while were making all preparations for their voyage . this island is very fruitful , bearing many pleasant fruits ; it is but 2 or 3 miles about . after 6 weeks stay here we put to sea , and 2 or 3 days after our ship we had taken at st. domingo , fell into a great leak , and lost company of us ; but next morning our general missing her cast about , and at last found her in great distress : whereupon we returned to cartagena , where she was unladed , and her goods and men disposed in other ships : after which we departed , and arrived at cape st. anthony , and finding no water there , we put to sea ; but were forced to return ; and then our scarcity of water being greater we were more diligent in seeking after it , and had it in abundance : in taking in of which our general wrought as hard as the meanest of his company , to his unspeakable praise . after 3 days we departed , and touched no where , but coasted along florida , and may 28. we saw a place , on the shore built like a beacon in 30 deg . we manned our pinnaces , and went ashore , and marched up the river side , to see what place the enemy held , our general marched with the companies , the lieut. gen. led the vantguard , and when we had gone a mile , we saw a fort on the other side the river , built by the spaniards , and a little town without walls 3 miles above it . we prepared ordnance for the battery , and about evening our lieut. gen. shot off a piece , which stroke through their ensign . in the night the lieut. gen. took a little rowing skiff , and 12 men well armed , as capt. morgan , sampson , and others , to view what guard the enemy kept ; the enemy seeng him come , took the alarm , and being fearful , that all our force was coming , abandoned the place when they had shot off some pieces . whereof a frenchman ( a prisoner ) informed us ; thereupon our gen. and lieut. gen. with some souldiers , put over to the fort. in our approach some that stayed behind shot off 2 pieces ; yet we entred , finding no man there . we found here 14 great pieces of brass ordnance , and of money to the value of 2000 l. next day we essayed to go to the town , but could not by reason of rivers and broken ground , and therefore were forced to go up the river in our pinnaces . when we approached the land , they discharged some shot on us , and presently withdrew . and the serjeant major finding one of their horses ready , mounted , and followed the chase , and outrunning his company he was shot through the head , and afterwards stabbed in several parts of his body by others , to our great grief . in this place , called st. augustin , the king kept 150 souldiers , and at st. helena , 12 miles northward the same number , to keep other nations from inhabiting any part of that coast . here it was resolved to assault st. helena , and then to seek out our countreymen in virginia , in their plantation distant thence 6 deg . northwards . but when we came by st. helena , the shoals appearing dangerous , and we having no pilot that would undertake to guide us , durst not hazard in , but coasted along , and june 9th . on sight of a great fire , the general sent his skiff to the shore , where they found some englishmen , and brought them aboard , who directed us to their port. but some of our ships being of great draught , we anchored all two miles from the shore . our general wrote to mr. ralph lane the english governor , shewing how ready he was to supply their necessities . next day mr. lane with others coming to him , our capt. proffered either to leave a ship , a pinnace , and some boats , with sufficient masters and mariners , with a months victuals to stay and make further discovery of the country , and so much , as would bring them into england after such time , if they thought fit ; or if they desired to return into england now , he would give them passage ; they accepted the former . whereupon the ship being received into charge by some of their own company , before they had received their provision a storm arose , and continued 3 days , which put all our fleet in disorder , besides the loss of anchors , &c. and that ship was driven quite away , and never saw us again till we came to england , with several other losses notwithstanding our general proffered them another ship , tho not so good as the other , nor the same provision . whereupon mr. lane , requested our general , that they might have passage for england ; which being granted , and the rest sent for out of the country , and shipped , we departed that coast june 18. and arrived safely at plimouth , july 28. 1586. the total value of what we got in this voyage was 60000 l. whereof the companies that travelled in the voyage were to have 20000 l. the adventurers the other 40000. we lost 750 men in the voyage . the men of note that died were , capt. powel , capt. varney , capt. moon , capt. fortescute , capt. bigges , capt. cecil , capt. hannam , capt. greenfield : tho. tucker , alex. starkey , mr. escot , mr. waterhouse , lieutenants : mr. nicholas winter , mr. alex. carleil , mr. rob. alexander , mr. scroope , mr. ja. dier , mr. peter duke , with some others . the ordnance gotten in all were 240. whereof 203 were brass , the rest iron , and were found in these places ; in st. jago , 53 pieces . in st. domingo 80 , whereof was very much great ordnance , as whole cannon , demi-cannon , culverins , &c. in cartagena 63 , and good store of the greater sort . in the fort of st. augustin 14 pieces ; the rest was iron ordnance , of which the most part was gotten at st. domingo , the rest at cartagena . a short and true relation of another voyage , made by sir francis drake , and others to the west-indies . this worthy person , accompanied with those here mentioned undertook this voyage : sir francis drake , sir jo. hawkins chief generals , sir tho. baskerfield coroner general , sir nich. clifford lieut. gen. capt. arnold baskerfield serj. maj. capt. nich. baskerfield , capt. barkley , capt. grinstone , capt. rush , capt. boswell , capt. platt , capt. chichester , capt. stanton , capt. fenton . in the 37. year of the reign of queen elizabeth , aug. 28. 1595. we embarked at plimouth ; thence we sailed towards the grand canadoes , and sept. 6. we espied a french man of war , in the northern cape , whom we overtook . sept. 9. we espied 20 french men of war , who chased us , but could not fetch us up , and therefore left us . sept. 25. we descried 2 islands , hamseroth , and forta-fontura , both standing w. and by s. in 28 deg . distant one from the other , 4 or 5 leagues , and from the grand canadoes 10 leagues . sept. 26. we anchored in that part of canadoes otherwise called , st. john decrus , where we endeavoured to get to land in small boats , but the enemy knowing our design , entrench'd themselves at the place where we should have landed , discharging their great and small shot from the town and castle , forcing us to retire with loss of men , the enemy being near 400. the same day we departed to a place where we watered ; it lyes w. and by n. of this town . the inhabitants of it are savages ; and some of our men stragling here were slain , and others bitten with dogs , they keep on purpose to destroy strangers . this island yields much canadoe wine , diverse sorts of grain , conies and partridges . there is another island ( 20 leagues from this ) called the tenereffe a very high land. sept. 28. we departed towards the west indies , taking our course s. w. and by w. on the 29. we sailed s. w. and by s. the 30. s. w. the first of october w. and by s. the 13. w. in the height of 16 deg . the 25 of this month , the hope and adventure fell foul on each other , about ten at night , they of the adventure were forc'd to cut their misson , and throw it over-board . octob. 27. we espied martinino , an island inhabited by a barbarous people , called canibals ; 10 miles from this island is another , called dominica , where is much tobacco ; the people traffiqued with us in exchange for their tabacco . the weapons they use are bows and arrows , made of reeds , with sharp pieces of braseil on the ends ; they wear their hair long , cut round by their shoulders . octob. 30. we came to gordelowpa ( distant from this ten leagues ) where are many rivers issuing from the mountains with great force into the sea. from whence we sailed toward the river della-hatch , n. w. and by n. and nov. 7. we descried three islands of the trigonies , viz. mononalla , rotmido , and savoa . nov. 10. we set sail for john de portrizo , w. and by n. these islands ( belong to virginia ) in some of their harbours 1000 ships may ride at anchor . novem. 12. we anchored within 4 miles of portrizo , against a great fort , where was placed a piece of ordnance , which plyed us divers times with shot . this day sir john hawkins died ; the same night also ( as sir francis drake , sir thomas baskerfield , and others sate at supper , ) sir nicholas clifford , capt. stratford , and mr. brut browne , were wounded with the same piece of ordnance from the fort ; and as sir francis drake was drinking a cup of beer , his stool was struck from under him , but he received no hurt ; sr. nicholas clifford died instantly of his wounds . the same night also we went against the town , and anchored . nov. 13. our general called a council . next night 500 men went with shot and fire-works to burn the 5 men of war , which rode within the harbor , one of which held 400 tun , the rest smaller . in this ship was planted much ordnance , besides small shot , which played on our men , and also great store of shot from the shore . tho we were no gainers by this assault , as having lost a ship and several men , yet it was a valiant attempt . all those that were in that great ship were slain and drowned save 4. we took up : they told us , that by reason they had notice of our coming our design was marred : they told us also , that this town had in it 3000000 of the king of spains treasure : and that they kept our men they had taken in the little francis , whereupon our general wrote to the governor to use them civilly . this town stands on a small island , encompassed with the sea on one side , and a great . river on the other . nov. 15. sir jo. hawkins , and sir nich. clifford were thrown over board : the same day we espied a spanish carvel , coming towards st. jo. de portricho , and our general sent off some men to take her , but those in the castle perceiving it shot off a piece , whereby they had warning , and ran ashore . nov. 16. we departed thence , and sailing 36 leagues , came to st. jermans bay : there we landed some companies to guard the carpenters that built out pinnaces . near this is a house , called an ingeneroide , where sugar is made . this day captain brut died . nov. 23. john standly was had before a court marshall . nov. 22. sir tho. baskerfield took 2 men of this island a negroe and clemeronne : nov. 24. the ship , the john of frollony of plimouth , was burnt in the bay : the same day we departed for crusao , distant from st. jermans 150 leagues , & stayed but three or four hours . nov. 29. we espied the main land , called the west-indies n. n. e. from us , we sailed along the coast to della hatch , and the same day anchored within 10 leagues of it . dec. 2. we sailed to the town all that day , and entred it at one a clock at night , the enemy had fled , leaving about 12 souldiers in the town , who gave us a volley , and then all fled save 2 we took prisoners . they had carried all away , so that we found nothing in the town . dec. 3. the spaniards parlyed with us for a certain sum to ransom the town , and on the 4th , they brought pearl , &c. but less in value than we compounded for ; our general refused it , and ordered to burn the town , which was accordingly done , at our departure . dec. 16. the governor came to parly : our men went to seek for victuals , and met with the governor . we took more prisoners , and found some of their goods and carried them away . at our departure we lest the town all on fire , save a religious house not finished , and another house the treasury used to be kept in . in it we found some of their treasure and merchandise . this country yieldeth store of cattle and fowl. the people are indians and negroes , they are wild and savage people , ( save those the spaniards keep in subjection ) and war against the spaniards . there is a mountain 10 leagues , hence whereon snow remaineth constantly . dec. 19. we came to sancta martha ; the inhabitants had fled to the mountains , but we pursued them into the woods , and found some treasure ; the same day we took the governors deputy . dec. 20. we departed , leaving it on fire ; we were told , that we were within 3 leagues of a gold mine . on christmass day we sailed to nombre de dios , and on the 27th . anchored before it ; this day the serj. major died . we landed our men a mile from the town , and marched towards it ; the enemy gave us a bravadoe of shot and fled into the woods , their goods and treasure being sent before . they had but 3 pieces of ordnance , and one of them broke with a shot . we found some treasure in the woods . our general had notice of the governors going to panama , and sir tho. baskerfield went with 500 men to surprize him ; in this journey we were in great hazard of our lives , we went but 9 miles , and could get no farther , being stopt by a fort the enemy had on the top of a rock through which we behoved to march ; the passage was so narrow that but one man at once could go up , so that we were forced to retire with loss . several both commanders and soldiers were hurt . returning to nombre de dios , we saw it all on fire , and thereupon hasted to our ships . in this march a pair of shoes were sold for 30 s. and a bisket cake for 10 s. our want was so great . jan. 5. we departed , and on the 10th . came to scoday , it is n. and by w. from nombre de dios ; the same day we chased a spanish frigat , and on the 11th brought it to our general . the same day our general commanded all our sick men to be carried ashore , and to be lookt to in best sort we could . jan. 22. we departed back towards nombre de dios , and came to porta vella jan. 27. on which day sir francis drake died , whose death was much lamented . his interment was thus : his corps being laid in a coffin of lead , he was let down into the sea , the trumpets in doleful manner sounding all the while , and all the cannons in the fleet were discharged . we stayed here till feb. 8. in this harbor they were beginning to build houses again . the day before we departed the enemy took 6 of our men. feb. 18. we departed hence , we took our course for gemico north and by west . feb. 2. we descried some islands called gourdanes , distant from porta vella 200 leagues , and west from gemico . to the east they are high land , to the west low ; we sailed to the cape of corenthus ; feb. 27. we passed the shoals to the west of this low land , one of our ships being in danger , and mar. 1. we saw 20 of the kings men of war , and afterwards fought with them 2 hours , and worsted them : we plyed the vice-admiral so hard , that if she had not fled , she had sunk ; and another that was with her , her powder took fire . next day we sailed to cape st. anthony , thirteen of them following us , when they came nigh us , we sent 2 ships to them , but they made away . may 4. we came to st. anthony , distant from cape corenthus 18. leagues ; thence to havana 80 leagues ; thence to the gulf. the same day we saw cape florida , n. w. and by n. from us , and afterwards entred the gulf in length 100 leagues , and passed it next night . march. 9. we past the barmuthies . april 8. 1596. we came to the islands of flowers and cores , inhabited by portugals ; here we watered , and in short time after arrived at england . a brief relation of the spanish invasion . to conclude , we shall give you a brief account of the defeat of the spanish armado , being this worthy gentlemen served in her majesties fleet set out against it . the king of spain being importuned by the pope , and some english fugitives to attempt a conquest of england , entred into consultation about the manner of it : the marquess of st. cruce , who was to command the armado , and the prince of parma , were for first surprizing some sea port town in holland or zealand . but others alledged that it would be easier to seize some port in england , which latter was approved of . and in order thereto he set forth the armado , being in all 130 ships , containing 57808 tun , wherein were 845 mariners , 19295 souldiers and 2088 galley slaves : and were provided with 220000 of bullets and great shot , of powder 4200 kintals , ( each kintal 100 l. weight ) of lead for bullets 1000 kintals , of match 1200 kintals , 7000 musquets , 10000 halberts and partizans , with store of murthering pieces , double cannon and field pieces , with all other provisions necessary for accomplishing their design . the marquess of sancta cruce dying , don lodovicos peros duke of medina sidonia , was made general in his place : joh. martinez de richalde was admiral ; don francisco bovadille mareschal : don martin alcaron was vicar-general for the inquisition , attended with 100 jesuites : cardinal allen was appointed superintendent of ecclesiastical affairs in england . the prince of parma also built flat bottomed ships in flanders , for carrying of horses , with bridges fitted to ship and unship the horses : he set men at work to make the river navigable from antwerp to gaunt and bridges , and laded 300 boats with munition and victuals : 200 more not so big as the former lay ready at newport haven , and 37 men of war at dunkirk , with all other provisions requisite to carry on the design . he had lying near newport under the command of camillo 30 companies of italians , 2 of walloons , and 8 of burguignons . at dyxmew he mustered 80 companies of netherlanders , 60 of spaniards , and 60 of high-dutch , and 700 fugitive english commanded by sir william stanley , who were in great contempt : nor was stanley , nor the earl of westmorland and others , who offered their service , heard , but barred all access and rejected , as traiters to their countrey . at conick also he had 4000 and at watene 900 horse commanded by the marquess of guast . to this land service came the duke of pastrana , the king of spain's supposed base son , the marquess of bourgon , one of duke ferdinands sons , with others of like quality . pope sixtus quintus was very forward in this design , dispersing his indulgences and pardons to all that contributed thereto : and promised likewise to give a million of gold , the one half presently , the other when any notable haven in england should be won : but with this proviso , that england should be held as feudatory to the see of rome . queen elizabeth hearing of these great preparations , having first represented her case to god , and implored his protection , she provided what force she could . the charge of her navy she committed to charles howard of effingam lord admiral of england : her vice-admiral was the famous sir francis drake , who were sent to the west of england . she appointed henry lord seimour , second son to the duke of somerset , to lye upon the coasts of flanders with 40 ships , to prevent the prince of parma's joyning his strength with the armado . she ordered the land-forces to be mustered , appointing duilley earl of leicester lieut. 20000. whereof were disposed along the south coast . she had also 2 armies ; one consisting of 1000 horse and 22000 foot , encamped near the mouth of the thames ; where the enemy purposed to land ; the other led by the l. hunsdon consisting of 34000 foot , and 2000 horse , which were to guard her person . arthur lord grey , sir francis knolles , sir rich bingham , and sir roger williams , were appointed to consult for managing the land service . they advised that all commodious landing places should be manned and fortified ; and that the trained bands throughout the coast shires should meet upon signal given to hinder the enemies landing . and in case they should land , that they should lay all the countrey about waste , that the enemy might have no food but what they brought from their ships , and that they should continually busy the enemy with alarms , but not hazard a battle till greater force were got together . some also suggested that the papists at home were more to be feared than the spaniards abroad ; whereupon some of them were imprisoned . directions also were sent to the deputy of ireland , how to demean himself in this imminent danger . in the midst of these preparations , the king of spain , to cast a mist over her majesties eyes , importuned for a peace , and at last prevailed so far , that a treaty of peace was entred upon , our queen notwithstanding resolving to treat with her sword in her hand . and in febr. she sent her commissioners into flanders , to treat with the prince of parma , who pretended a commission for that effect , but they were delayed from time to time , and when they proposed any thing , by one pretence or other it was delayed , till at last they heard of the spanish fleets being near england , at which time they , having safe conduct from the prince of parma , were glad to return in safety . this armado , which had the popes special blessing , in token of its holy warfare , had 12 of its ships called by the names of the 12 apostles , their ships being of such size that they floated like castles upon the waves , set sail may 20. out of the river taye , steering its course towards the groin in galizia , the place appointed for assembling , but whilest they were sailing thither , a storm arose , whereby they were dispersed , several of them were disabled , besides 3 portugal gallies , which were driven on the coasts of bayon in france , and by the valor of one david guin an english slave , and the help of other slaves were delivered into the hands of the french. about the same time the english fleet , in all about 100 ships , whereof 15 were victuallers and 9 voluntiers of devonshire gentlemen , hearing that the spaniards were ready to sail , set forth of plimouth , to meet and fight them by the way , but before they reached the syllies , they were driven back by tempest to plimouth ; only some of their scouts descried some of the spanish ships , that were dispersed . news being brought that the spaniards were in distress , the lord admiral howard taking advantage of the first fair wind , lanched forth , july 8th , and bore his sails almost within sight of the coast of spain , purposing to surprize their ships ; but the wind suddenly turning south , and he , wisely foreseeing the disadvantages of his staying there , returned to plimouth . at the same time it was confidently reported , that the spanish fleet could not set forth that year : and our queen was so confident thereof , that she ordered 4 of her biggest ships to be brought to chatham : but our admiral foreseeing the hazard of it , wisely retarded it ; which was a singular providence , for the spanish fleet entred the channel , july 11th , where anchoring , they sent to the prince of parma to signifie their arrival , and require him in the kings name to forward his charge for that service . july 20. at noon they were descried by the english ; which was a surprizal to them , most of their men being ashore . nevertheless our undaunted admiral towed forth such ships as he could get in readiness into the sea. when they were got out , they saw the spaniards ships with lofty towers , in front like a half moon : they seemed to make for plimouth , but yet steered their course by towards calice , the english suffering them to pass by , that they might chase them in the rear with a fore-right wind. july 21. the english admiral sent before him a pinnace to denounce war by discharging her ordnance ; himself following in the ark royal set upon ( the admiral he thought , but ) alonzo de leva's ship , where they had a fierce encounter . soon after drake , hawkins , and forbusher came up , playing with their ordnance on the hindmost squadron of the enemies , commanded by rechalde , who did all he could to stay his men from flying , till his own ship battered with shot with difficulty was drawn into the main fleet. at which time the duke of medina gathered together his fleet , and kept on his intended course towards callice , and caused them to gather themselves up close in form of a half moon . but our english admiral having maintained a hot fight for 2 hours , thought it best to desist the pursuit , there being not above 30 of their ships come up yet . in this fight the katharine a spanish ship , being sorely battered , was taken into the midst of the fleet to be repaired ; and an huge ship biscaie of don oquendo's , in which was a great part of the kings treasure , was fired by a flemish gunner , for being misused by them ; but the fire was quickly quenched . all this while the spaniards declined fighting , walling in the rest with their strongest ships , in which posture they made a flying march towards calice : and a great gallion , wherein was don pedro de valdez , vasquez de silva , alenzo de saias , and other noblemen , being battered with english shot , in avoiding it fell foul of another ship , whereby she lost her fore-mast , and could not keep up with the rest , and was cast behind . but night coming on , our admiral past her , supposing there was nothing left in her , and fearing to lose sight of the spaniards , he followed the lanthorn of the spaniards , which he thought was carried , as was appointed , by sir francis drake ; but he was pursuing 2 ships he thought spanish , but when he came up to them , he found they were friends , and so dismissed them . yet by this mistake of his the greatest part of the fleet wanting his light was forced to lye still so that he and the rest could not fetch up our admiral till next day . july 22th sir francis drake espied the aforesaid gallion , and sent forth a pinnace to command them to yield : valdez answered that they were 430 , and himself was don pedro , and stood on his honour : the other replyed if he did not yield forthwith , he should know drake was no dastard ; pedro hearing that it was sir francis drake , instantly yielded himself , and coming aboard sir francis ship protested , they would have died , before they had yielded to any save him , whom mars and neptune alwaies attended , and whose civility to the conquered had often been experienced . sir francis to requite his complements , placed him at his own table , and lodged him in his own cabine ; the rest he sent to plimouth , where they remained prisoners till their ransom was paid . the same day michael de oquendo vice-admiral of the fleet , his ship was on fire , the upper part of it being burnt ; but the gunpowder in the hold not taking fire , the ship fell into the hands of the english , and was carried in to plimouth . all this day the admiral spent in setting his fleet in order , appointing every ship his station , commanding them , on pain of death not to desert it , and sent one to the prince of parma to acquaint him with his condition . july 23. early the spaniards taking the benefit of a northerly wind turned about against the english ; but the english being nimbler than they turned westwards , and quickly recovered the wind of them , and all that day battered those wooden castles : the fight was variable , whilst on the one side the english bravely rescued the london ships , and on the other the spaniards ; as stoutly delivered richalde ; most of the spanish shot flew over the english without hurting them , but the english never discharged a shot on the spaniards but did execution . the english admiral would not hazard a fight by grappling with them , as some had advised , knowing they had a strong army in the fleet , besides the strength of their ships , which could not but at extreme disadvantage be boarded . this day besides other remarkable losses the enemy sustained , a great venetian ship with other smaller were taken by the english , and the spaniards gathered themselves into a round , their greatest ships standing outmost to guard the battered ships . july 24th , the 4 great galliasses fought with some english ships , who galled the enemy with their shot : but our men wanting powder , the admiral sent some ships to fetch supply . in the mean while it was ordered by a council of war that the english fleet should be divided into 4 squadrons , and the admiral was chief , sir fracnis drake led the 2d , capt. hawkins the 3d , and capt. forbusher the 4th . july 25th , at the isle of wight there was a sharp encounter . the st. ann , a portugal gallion was set upon by some english frigates , to whose rescue came 3 galliasses , which the admiral and lord tho. howard charged so that they could scarce save her . it was reported , that this day the spanish admiral was grievously rent with great ordnance , and had been near taken , had not 2 ships come up to her ; after whose coming they set upon the english admiral , but she made her escape . the spanish admiral sent again to the prince of parma to joyn his fleet with them , and send them supply . july 26. the english admiral to encourage his captains bestowed the order of knighthood , on several that had behaved themselves courageously ; and it was resolved by all , that they would no more assail the enemy till they came to the strait of calice , where the lord henry seimour with his ships waited their coming . and so far was this armado from terrifying the english coasts , that , they hired ships from all parts on their own charges , and came to our supply ; of whom were , the earl of oxford , northumberland , cumberland , with several other gentlemen . july 27. the spanish fleet setting forward , anchored before calice , intending to joyn with the prince of parma's forces at dunkirk . the english followed hard upon them , and cast anchor within culvering shot of them , consisting now of 140 sail , the lord hen. seimour , and capt. winter having joyned them . from hence once more the d. of medina sent to the prince of parma , and several of the spanish nobility went ashore , among whom was the prince of ascoli the kings base son who returned no more ; his ship was afterwards cast away on the irish coast . the prince of parma being by them persuaded , that the spaniards had the better , conceived great hopes of his future advancement : yet his joy was but short , for the next evening he had news of the spaniards bad success . and indeed he could not in that juncture assist them ; for his boats leaked , his provisions failed , and his seamen withdrew from him : as also he could not get out by reason of a considerable fleet of dutch well furnished , that lay before dunkirk and newport . in the mean while queen elizabeth ordered the lord admiral to take 8 of his worst ships , and fill them with combustible matter , and to charge their guns with bullets , stones , chains , &c. which was accordingly done ; and on sunday july 28. at 2 a clock in the morning they were let drive amongst the spaniards under the guidance of yong and prowse ; who having fired their trains and returned , such a sudden thunderclap was given that the poor spaniards were wonderfully amazed : and to avoid this danger had no other remedy , but to cut their cables and drive at random , where they had several disasters , some of them fell foul upon another , others ran aground on the sands , and some of them fell into the english's hands . in this surprizal the duke of medina ordered the whole fleet to weigh anchor to avoid the danger , which done , to return to their station ; and he accordingly gave a signal to the rest to do it by discharging his great guns ; but in this consternation the warning was heard but by a few , the rest being scattered . july 29. after this disaster , the spaniards in the best order they could came over against graveling , where the english deprived them of the conveniency of calice road , and kept them from supply out of dunkirk : and drake and fenner incessantly discharged their guns on them , as also the lord admiral and others : on the other hand the duke of medina , leva , &c. at last got clear of the shallows , yet most of their ships were pitifully torn and shot through , besides several that were sunk . the gallion st. matthew coming to rescue the st. philip was together with the other miserably torn with shot by seimour and winter ; and afterwards driven near ostend , and at last taken by the dutch. francisco de toledo , a colonel over 32 bands , his ship proved so leaky , that he with some others left her ; the ship afterwards was taken by the flushingers . the spaniards disappointed of their brave designs , were now content to defend themselves , and the wind turning s. w. they passed dunkirk , the english following them close . and the english admiral dispatched the lord henry seimour to the coast of flanders , to stop the prince of parma's coming out , and to joyn with the hollanders there . july 31. early , the n. w. wind blew hard , and the spanish laboured to recover the narrow strait , but were driven towards zealand . the english gave off the chase , as seeing them near ruin. but the wind turning s. w. and by w. they got clear of the shallows , and that evening called a council , wherein it was resolved to return into spain by the northern passage . and thereupon they directed their course northward , and the english followed them to prevent their landing in scotland . yet most thought they would return again ; whereupon our queen with a masculine courage , viewed her army at tilbury , and walking through the ranks with a truncheon in her hand , wonderfully encouraged all of them . but the spaniards betook themselves to an absolute flight , and bended their course towards norway ; and being now freed of the english , consulted seriously what to do : they were tender of the popes credit , feared the wrath of king philip ; that the glory of the spaniards would be laid in the dust ; the invincible armado became a scorn , if they returned so into spain . on the other hand they considered , that 5000 souldiers were slain ; many maimed ; 12 of their greatest ships sunk , lost , or taken ; their cables , masts or sails , cut , rent and broken ; their provisions failing , &c. which things considered , they concluded to go quickly to spain . and knowing that the king of scots would not supply them , nor the king of norway , they cast all their horses and mules over board , to spare their fresh water . and so steering their course to sail about cathenes , and the coast of ireland , they steered between the orcades and the isles of farr unto 61. deg . north. lat. from whence the duke of medina , with his best stored ships , took westwards over the main towards biscay , and at last arrived in spain : where he was deposed from all his authority , discharged the court , and commanded to live private . the rest of the ships being 40 , fell nearer with the coast of ireland , where many of them were cast away , such as escaped there , some of them were driven into the channel , where some of them were taken by the english , others by rochel men , and some of them arrived at new-haven in normandy : so that of 134 ships that set sail out of lisbon only 53 returned into spain : of the 4 galliasses of naples but one : of the 4 gallions of portugal but one : of the 91 gallions and great hulks from diverse provinces but 33. in short , they lost in this voyage 81 vessels , 13500 souldiers , prisoners taken above 2000 : in england were taken , don pedro de valdez , don vasquez de silva , and don alonzo de saies , and others ; in ireland don alonzo de luzon , and roderigo de lesse , and others ; in zeland was don diego piementelli : yea , there was not a noble family in spain , but in this expedition lost a son , brother , or kinsman . in the aftermentioned wracks above 700 souldiers and sailers were cast ashore on scotland , who on intercession of the prince of parma , were after a years time sent over into flanders : but more unmercifully were those dealt with who were driven into ireland ; some of them being put to death by their old friends , the irish , others by the command of the lord deputy , who feared lest they might joyn with the irish , to disturb the peace of the nation . the remainder being terrified therewith committed themselves to sea in their shattered vessels , and were many of them swallowed up by the waves . queen elizabeth lying one night in her army at tilbury , the lord treasurer burley came thither , and delivered to the earl of leicester , the examination of don pedro , who was taken and brought into england by sir francis drake ; which examination ( saith dr. sharp ) was thus : don pedro being asked by some lords of council , what was the intent of their coming ? answered , what , but to subdue your nation , and root it out ? what ( said the lords ) meant you then to do with the catholicks ? we meant ( said he ) to have sent them ( good men ) directly to heaven , as you that are hereticks to hell. but ( said the lords ) what meant you to do with your whips of cords and wire , you have such store of in your ships ? what , ( said he ) we meant to whip you hereticks to death that have assisted my masters rebels , and done such dishonour to our catholick king and people . but what would you have done ( said they ) with their young children ? they ( said he ) that were above 7 years , should have gone the same way their fathers went , and the rest should have lived . only , we would have branded them in the foreheads with the letter l. for lutheran , and reserved them for perpetual bondage . this i take god to witness , ( saith my author ) i received of these great lords as on examination before the council , and by their commandment published it to the army . the next day ( saith he ) the queen rode through her army , attended by leicester , essex , and norris , and diverse other great lords , where she made an excellent oration to her army , and commanded a publick fast to be kept . after this great deliverance queen elizabeth ( who ever held ingratitude base , especially towards her almighty protector ) as she began with prayer , so she ended with praise and thanksgiving , commanding publick thanksgiving to be celebrated in the cathedral of st. pauls , on sunday sept. 18. at which time 11. of the spanish ensigns were hung upon the lower battlement of that church . queen elizabeth her self on sunday sept. 24. came to st. pauls , and humbling her self on her knees , with audible voice she praised god for that wonderful deliverance wrought to her and her people . at southwark fair also the spanish flags were hung upon london bridge . but the solemn day appointed for thanksgiving through the nation was nov. 19. being tuesday , which accordingly was observed with great joy and praising of god. this admirable deliverance was congratulated by most other nations , especially reformed , and several learned men celebrated the same in verse , among which i only mention two : the first is that poem made by reverend dr. beza , which is this : straverat innumeris hispanus classibus aequor , regnis juncturus sceptra britanna suis . tanti hujus rogitas quae motus causa ? superbos impulit ambitio , vexat avaritià . quam bene te ambitio mersit vanissima ventus ; et tumidae tumidos vos superastis aquae ! quam bene raptores orbis totius iberos mersit inexhausti justa vorago maris ! at tu , cui venti , cui totum militat aequor , regina , o mundi totius una decus : sic regnare deo perge , ambitione remota , prodiga sic opibus perge juvare pios , ut te angli longum , longum anglis ipsa fruaris , quam dilecta bonis , tam metuenda malis . spains king with navies great the seas bestrew'd . t' augment with english crown his spanish sway . ask ye what caus'd this proud attempt ? 't was lewd ambition drove , and avarice led the way . it 's well ; ambitions windy puff lies drown'd by winds and swelling hearts , by swelling waves : it 's well ; those spaniards who the worlds vast round devour'd , devouring sea most justly craves : but thou , o queen , for whom winds , seas do war , o thou the glory of this worlds wide mass , so reign to god still , from ambition far , so still with bounteous aids the good imbrace : that thou maist england long , long england thee enjoy , thou terror of all bad , thou good mens joy . the other is that made by mr. samuel ward of ipswich . octogesimus octavus , mirabilis annus clade papistarum , faustus ubique piis . in eighty eight , spain arm'd with potent might , against our peaceful land came on to fight : the winds and waves , and fire in one conspire to help the english , frustrate spains desire . finis .