die mercurii, 11 octobr. 1643. an ordinance of the lords and commons in parliament assembled for the upholding the government of the fellovvship of merchants adventurers of england, to the better maintenance of the trade of cloathing, and woollen manufacture of the kingdome. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83287 of text r205442 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[50]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83287 wing e2067 thomason 669.f.7[50] estc r205442 99864821 99864821 161031 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83287) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161031) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[50]) die mercurii, 11 octobr. 1643. an ordinance of the lords and commons in parliament assembled for the upholding the government of the fellovvship of merchants adventurers of england, to the better maintenance of the trade of cloathing, and woollen manufacture of the kingdome. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] imprint from wing. signed: john browne, cler. parliamentorum. h. elsyng cler. parl. dom. com. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng clothing trade -england -early works to 1800. wool industry -england -early works to 1800. a83287 r205442 (thomason 669.f.7[50]). civilwar no die mercurii, 11 octobr. 1643. an ordinance of the lords and commons in parliament assembled, for the upholding the government of the fellov england and wales. parliament. 1643 493 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die mercurii , 11 octobr. 1643. an ordinance of the lords and commons in parliament assembled , for the upholding the government of the fellowship of merchants adventurers of england , to the better maintainance of the trade of cloathing , and woollen manufacture of the kingdome . for the better incouragement and supportation of the fellowship of merchant adventurers of england , which hath beene found very serviceable and profitable unto this state ; and for the better government and regulation of trade , especially , that ancient and great trade of cloathing , whereby the same will be much advanced to the common good , and benefit of the people : the lords and commons in parliament , doe ordaine that the said fellowship shall continue and be a corporation , and shall have power to levy monies on the members of their corporation , and their goods , for their necessary charge and maintenance of their government : and that no person shall trade into those parts , limited by their incorporation , but such as are free of that corporation , upon forfeiture of their goods . provided , that the said fellowship shall not exclude any person from his freedome and admission into the said fellowship , which shall desire it by way of redemption , if such person by their custome be capable thereof , and hath beene bred a merchant , and shall pay one hundred pounds for the same , if he be free , and an inhabitant of the city of london , and trade from that port , or fifty pounds , if he be not free , and no inhabitant of the said city , and trade not from thence ; and that the faid fellowship shall have power to imprison members of their company in matters of government , and to give such an oath , or oathes to them , as shall bee approved of by both houses of parliament . provided , that all rights confirmed by act of parliament , or ancient charters , shall be hereby saved . and the said lords and commons doe further ordaine , that with all convenient expedition , a bill shall be prepared in order to an act of parliament to be passed in this present parliament for the further setling and full confirming of the priviledges to the said fellowship , with such other clauses and provisions as shall be found expedient by both houses of parliament : this ordinance to remaine in full force , untill a bill or act shall be prepared and passed , according to the intent and true meaning of this ordinance . and it is ordered , that this ordinance be forthwith printed and published , that all persons concerned therein may take notice thereof , as appertaineth . john browne , cler. parliamentorum . h. elsyng cler. parl. dom. com. by the king, a proclamation for the free exportation of woollen manufactures of this kingdom from the twentieth day of may until the five and twentieth day of december next. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1662 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32558 wing c3483 estc r33423 13304450 ocm 13304450 98967 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32558) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98967) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1546:37) by the king, a proclamation for the free exportation of woollen manufactures of this kingdom from the twentieth day of may until the five and twentieth day of december next. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1662. "given at our court at whitehal, the fourteenth day of may 1662, in the fourteenth year of our reign." reproduction of original in the harvard library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng foreign trade regulation -england. wool industry -law and legislation -england. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mondroit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation for the free exportation of woollen manufactures of this kingdom , from the twentieth day of may , until the five and twentieth day of december next . charles r. whereas his most excellent majesty is informed of much decay in the trade of cloth , and other woollen manufactures of this kingdom , and that great quantities of woollen clothes do at present lie dead on the hands of many poor clothiers : his majesty therefore out of his princely clemency , and tender compassion to the necessities of his poor subjects , doth by the advice of his privy council , and with the free consent of the company of merchant adventurers of england , hereby give free liberty and licence to all his loving subjects , from the twentieth day of may instant , until the five and twentieth day of december next , to transport and carry out of this kingdom , all woollen manufactures whatsoever , to any port or place beyond the seas , lying within the limits and bounds of the said merchant adventurers patent , except the mart towns of dort and hamburgh . yet his majesty would not hereby be thought to have a light esteem of the services of that company to himself , and the crown in former times ; nor of their usefulness towards the advance and increase of the trade of this kingdom ; nor doth his majesty by this temporary dispensation , intend to lessen the authority of their charter , as to the government of that society , either at home or abroad . and his majesty doth hereby require and command , that during the time of this licence and dispensation , due payment be made of all duties for licensing the exportation of white clothes to the said company , being lessees to his majesties farmers thereof . given at our court at whitehal , the fourteenth day of may , 1662. in the fourteenth year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1662. by the king. a proclamation for the free exportation of woollen manufactures, until the twenty fifth day of december next proclamations. 1667-03-29. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1667 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32560 wing c3485 estc r214849 99826905 99826905 31316 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32560) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31316) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2048:4) by the king. a proclamation for the free exportation of woollen manufactures, until the twenty fifth day of december next proclamations. 1667-03-29. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) in the savoy, printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker, his majesties printers, [london] : 1667. "given at our court at whitehall the 29th day of march, in the nineteenth year of our reign. 1667.". arms 75; steele notation: of turers practise. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng foreign trade regulation -england -early works to 1800. wool industry -law and legislation -great britain -early works to 1800. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation for the free exportation of woollen manufactures , until the twenty fifth day of december next . charles r. whereas the kings most excellent majesty , by his proclamation of the 15 th of april last , upon the considerations therein expressed , did give freé liberty and licence to all and every person and persons whatsoever , from the day of the date thereof , until the twenty fifth day of december then next , to transport and carry out of this kingdom , all woollen manufactures whatsoever , to any port or place beyond the seas , lying within the limits and bounds of the merchant-adventurers patent ( except the mart-towns of dort and hamburgh ) and whereas several merchants and clothiers in the western , and other parts of this kingdom , have humbly besought his majesty , that by reason of the great decay in the trade of cloth , and other woollen manufactures of this kingdom , his majesty would be graciously pleased to grant them twelve moneths longer , for a free exportation of the said manufactures ; his majesty therefore doth by the advice of his privy council , hereby give freé liberty and licence to all and every person and persons whatsoever , as well natives and denizens , as strangers and forreigners , until the five and twentieth day of december next , to transport and carry out of this kingdom all woollen manufactures whatsoever , to any port or place beyond the seas , lying within the limits and bounds of the said merchant-adventurers patent ( except the mart-towns of dort and hamburgh ) yet his majesty would not hereby be thought to have a light esteém of the services of that company to himself , and the crown in former times , nor of their usefulness towards the advance and increase of the trade of this kingdom ; nor doth his majesty by this temporary dispensation intend to lessen the authority of their charter , as to the government of that society either at home or abroad . and his majesty doth hereby require and command , that during the time of this licence and dispensation , due payment be made of all duties for licensing the exportation of white clothes , according to former use and practise . given at our court at whitehall the 29 th day of march , in the nineteenth year of our reign . 1667. god save the king. in the savoy , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , his majesties printers , 1667. by the king. a proclamation for the due payment of the subsidy and aulnage upon all woollen clothes and draperies. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79343 of text r210794 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.26[14]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79343 wing c3477 thomason 669.f.26[14] estc r210794 99869551 99869551 163896 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79343) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163896) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f26[14]) by the king. a proclamation for the due payment of the subsidy and aulnage upon all woollen clothes and draperies. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john bill and christopher barker, printers to the kings most excellent majesty, london : 1660. dated at end: given at our court at whitehall the twenty ninth day of september, in the twelfth year of our reign. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng wool industry -england -early works to 1800. a79343 r210794 (thomason 669.f.26[14]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the due payment of the subsidy and aulnage upon all woollen clothes and draperies. england and wales. sovereign 1660 913 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the king . a proclamation for the due payment of the subsidy and aulnage upon all woollen clothes and draperies . charles r. charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all our loving subjects of england , greeting . whereas our royal grandfather , king james of blessed memory , by his several letters patents , grounded upon several acts of parliament , bearing date the thirteenth day of april , in the eleventh year of his reign , did nominate and appoint lodowick late duke of richmond and lenox to be aulnager , for the surveying , measuring , searching , and sealing of all sorts of vendible woollen clothes , and stuffs made of wool , or part of wool , as well of the old as of the new draperies : and also made and appointed him the said lodowick duke of richmond and lenox collector and farmer of the subsidies , moyety of forfeitures , and duties , due to us and our royal progenitors , as parcel of the ancient revenue of the crown of england , for and touching the same , to have , hold , and enjoy the same , to the said duke , his executors , administrators , and assigns , under a great yearly rent , payable , and reserved upon the said letters patents , for divers years then and yet to come : and whereas , the right and interest in the said offices and farm is vested in certain trustees , to the use of , and in trust for , our right trusty and intirely beloved cozen charles , duke of richmond and lenox , we taking notice , that the said duties of subsidy and aulnage , as well for the new draperies as the old , have for many years before , and until the beginning of the late wars , been duly and orderly collected , and paid to the said aulnager , his substitutes , deputies , and assigns , and that since the late wars , divers clothiers and others , taking liberty to themselves by the disorder of the late times , have , and still do , put , set , and send to sell , divers clothes and stuffs of the old and new draperies , without payment of the said subsidy due to vs , or of the aulnagers fee , and before the seals appointed for the same are affixed to the said clothes and draperies , contrary to the laws and statutes of this our realm , whereby the said aulnager , and his said trustees , are disabled from paying the said rent reserved upon the said letters patents , and a great arrear is incurred and become due to vs , and the denyal and non-payment of the said subsidy , manifestly tends to the lessning and diminution of our said ancient revenue : wherefore minding and intending remedy and redress to be had in this behalf , we do by this our proclamation command , publish , and require all clothiers and others , whom this our proclamation may concern , that they from henceforth pay the said subsidy and aulnage , due and to be paid , by the laws and statutes of this our realm , as well for the old draperies as the new , in such manner and proportion as hath been formerly used and accustomed , and as by the laws and statutes of this realm , the same of right are due and payable , unto our said aulnager , and collector of the said subsidy , his deputies and substitutes ; and that they , nor any of them , do presume to put , send , or set to sale , any clothes , half-clothes , pieces of clothes , kerseys , and freezes , called or known by the name of the old draperies , or any bays , says , serges , stuffs , or other draperies whatsoever , called or known by the name of the new draperies , before payment of the said subsidy and aulnagers fee , as by the laws and statutes of this realm the same of right are due and payable , under the pains and penalties thereupon ensuing , and as they will answer the contrary at their perils . and our will and pleasure is , and we do hereby straitly charge and command all mayors , bayliffs , iustices of peace , head-boroughs , constables , and other our officers , ministers , and loving subjects whatsoever , that they be ayding and assisting , to our said aulnager and collector of the said subsidy , his deputy and deputies , and every of them , in and by all lawful waies and means whatsoever , for the due execution of the said offices , and collection of the said subsidy , as they tender our pleasure , and will answer the contrary at their perils . given at our court at whitehall the twenty ninth day of september , in the twelfth year of our reign . god save the king . london , printed by john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1660. at the court at hampton court, the thirteenth of june 1683 present, the kings most excellent majesty, lord archbishop of canterbury, lord keeper, lord president, lord privy seal, duke of ormond, duke of albemarle, earl of huntingdon, earl of sunderland, earl of clarendon, earl of bathe, earl of craven, earl of rochester, lord bishop of london, lord dartmouth, mr. secretary jenkins, mr. chancellor of the exchequer, mr. chancellor of the dutchy, lord chief justice of the common pleas. master godolphin. 1683 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32188 wing c2920 estc r9880 12385178 ocm 12385178 60826 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32188) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60826) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 273:3 or 1758:21) at the court at hampton court, the thirteenth of june 1683 present, the kings most excellent majesty, lord archbishop of canterbury, lord keeper, lord president, lord privy seal, duke of ormond, duke of albemarle, earl of huntingdon, earl of sunderland, earl of clarendon, earl of bathe, earl of craven, earl of rochester, lord bishop of london, lord dartmouth, mr. secretary jenkins, mr. chancellor of the exchequer, mr. chancellor of the dutchy, lord chief justice of the common pleas. master godolphin. nicholas, john, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the assigns of john bill deceas'd, and by henry hills and thomas newcomb ..., london : 1683. signed at end: john nicholas. item at reel 273:3 identified as wing c2920 (number cancelled). reproductions of originals in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng company of merchant adventurers of england. wool industry -great britain. great britain -commercial policy. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2 r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms at the court at hampton court , the thirteenth of june 1683. present , the kings most excellent majesty , lord archbishop of canterbury lord keeper lord president lord privy seat duke of ormond duke of albemarle earl of huntingdon earl of sunderland earl of clarendon earl of bathe earl of craven earl of rochester lord bishop of london lord dartmouth mr. secretary jenkins mr. chancellor of the exchequer mr. chancellor of the dutchy lord chief justice of the common pleas. master godolphin . whereas the right honourable the lords of the committee for trade and foreign plantations , did this day report to the board , that in obedience to an order of the eleventh of april last , they have examined the petition of the merchants adventurers of england , setting forth , that divers aliens and other foreigners have traded , and continued to trade , contrary to the charter granted by his majesty , and his royal predecessors , to the said fellowship of merchants , whereby their priviledges are invaded , and the great advantages enjoyed by his majesties subjects at hamburgh , and elsewhere , brought into danger of being lost ; to the discouragement of the trade of woollen manufactures , and navigation of this kingdom : and further , that their lordships have likewise been attended as well by the chief merchants of the said company , as by some of the persons complained of , as interlopers ; and although it was proposed , that for the satisfaction of all parties , and the better management of this ancient and beneficial trade , the said persons might become members of the company , and enjoy the same priviledges and advantages as are granted to his majesties subjects by the said charter , and the concordats agreed on by the city of hamburgh ; yet finding that the said interlopers have not onely refused to enter into the said company , but seem resolved to persist in their former practices ; the said lords committees did humbly offer it as their opinion , that directions be given for prosecuting in his majesties name , all such as shall violate the priviledges of the said company : and further , that no letters of denization be hereafter granted to any person by his majesty , without a clause whereby the same shall become void , in case such person shall presume to trade contrary to his majesties royal charters . which his majesty having taken into consideration , and approving of their lordships advice herein , did accordingly order , that sir robert sawyer knight , his majesties attourney-general , do from time to time , as application shall be made unto him by the said company of merchant adventurers , effectually prosecute in his majesties name , all such persons as the said company shall inform him , and be able to prove that they have violated their priviledges , by trading contrary to their said charters . and it was further ordered by his majesty in council , that in all patents of denization hereafter to be granted , there be inserted a clause for vacating the same , in case it shall be made appear that the person endenized do trade contrary to the royal charters granted to the said fellowship , or any other company . whereof the right honourable his majesties principal secretaries of state , his attourney-general , and sollicitor-general are to take notice , and to cause this his majesties pleasure to be carefully observed . john nicholas . london , printed by the assigns of john bill deceas'd : and by henry hills , and thomas newcomb , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1683. reasons humbly offered for encouraging his majesties natural born subjects to export the woollen manufactures of this realm to germany company of merchant adventurers of england. 1695 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92249 wing r537a estc r224884 36273464 ocm 36273464 150198 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92249) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 150198) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2236:14) reasons humbly offered for encouraging his majesties natural born subjects to export the woollen manufactures of this realm to germany company of merchant adventurers of england. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [s.l. : 1695?] date of printing from wing (2nd ed.). offered for consideration by the house of commons. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng company of merchant adventurers of england. wool industry -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -commerce -germany -early works to 1800. germany -commerce -great britain -early works to 1800. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reasons humbly offered for encouraging his majesties natural born subjects , to export the woollen manufactures of this realm to germany . the securing and promoting of the trade of exporting the woollen manufactures to germany , so as may be most beneficial for the nation , is a matter of such importance , that it is hoped it may not be unworthy the consideration of the honourable house of commons , to whom it is humbly represented . that the supporting the ancient company of merchant-adventurers of england in the said trade , will be the most effectual means to conduce thereunto . for this company having first introduced the woollen manufactures into this kingdom , and been the sole exporters thereof , the same did flourish , under their government and conduct , in a regulated way of trade , for above two hundred and fifty years , until foreigners , in the reign of king charles the ii. were indulged , and admitted to become principals in exporting thereof ; since which , few or no english are concerned as principals in the trade for holland , but only employed as factors for the dutch. whereby the woollen manufactures have been falsified and debased , the clothiers marks altered and english merchants seals counterfeited . that foreigners , as soon as they can be accommodated , prefer their own natives , to be their factors , who , most of them , live obscurely , and bear no charge to the government . that the clothiers have had great losses by the foreigners becoming insolvent to a very considerable summe . that the laying open the said trade about the beginning of the reign of his present majesty , and the late queen of blessed memory , hath not had its designed effect , as is evident by the general complaint of the clothiers . that by the preserving and supporting of this company in their trade to germany , the following benefits will accrue , viz. the merchants profit will be secured to the nation , which will otherwise go to foreigners . the younger sons of the gentry may be employed in this trade abroad , whereas now the sons and servants of foreigners are , and will be employed here . the reputation of the woollen manufacture will be kept up , and the goods not suffered to be debased , or go out altogether unmanufactured , whereby a very great number of handicrafts men have of late been impoverished . the market abroad will be plentifully furnished with great quantities and choice of goods , as was formerly done . whereas by the laying open that trade , english men have been discouraged from keeping their magazines abroad so fully stored , whereby the market hath not been sufficiently supplied . the company 's priviledges at hamburgh , which are very honourable as well as advantageous to the nation , will be thereby preserved , which if once lost , will be irrecoverable . the customs at hamburgh , inwards and outwards , will , by the stipulations made with that city , be prevented from being raised , wherein the members of this company have greater priviledge , and pay much less then their own burgers ; but if the company is not supported , there is no doubt , but in a little time , the customs there on english commodities will be advanced , and consequently the consumption thereof will be lessened . the english navigation to those parts will be restored . whereas of late few or no english ships have been employed . foreigners will be prevented from becoming the sole masters of this trade , and having the absolute command of our markets , which can never be for the interest of england . and many other advantages will accrue to the nation thereby . there can be no restraint of trade , or want of buyers , by passing the bill now depending , since thereby all his majesties natural born subjects will be intituled to the freedom of this society , for as small a fine as the honourable house of commons shall think fit ; and every member , so coming in , may buy and sell as much as he pleases , every one trading for his own account . and many eminent merchants have declared their resolutions of coming into the company when it shall be established ; and the present members thereof have very considerable stocks ready to be imployed in this trade , when the bill is passed . wherefore , it is humbly hoped , that the said company may be supported in their trade directly to germany . and that a foreign interest may not be preferr'd in opposition to the true interest of england . by the king. a proclamation requiring the putting in execution the several statutes made against the importation of iron-wyer, wooll-cards, and other manufactures made of iron-wyer and for the encouragement of the manufactures of iron-wyer in this kingdom. proclamations. 1678-05-03. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1678 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32643 wing c3575 estc r214890 99826941 99826941 31353 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32643) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31353) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1845:17) by the king. a proclamation requiring the putting in execution the several statutes made against the importation of iron-wyer, wooll-cards, and other manufactures made of iron-wyer and for the encouragement of the manufactures of iron-wyer in this kingdom. proclamations. 1678-05-03. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john bill, christopher barker, thomas newcomb, and henry hills, printers to the kings most excellent majesty, london : 1678. dated at end: the third day of may 1678. in the thirtieth year of our reign. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng iron -metallurgy -early works to 1800. wool industry -law and legislation -great britain -early works to 1800. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation requiring the putting in execution the several statutes made against the importation of iron-wyer , wooll-cards , and other manufactures made of iron-wyer ; and for the encouragement of the manufactures of iron-wyer in this kingdom . charles r. whereas by several acts of parliament made in the third year of king edward the fourth , the first year of king richard the third , the nine and thirtieth year of queén elizabeth , and the fourteénth year of his now majesties reign , and other statutes of this kingdom , it is enacted ( amongst other things therein contained ) that no iron threed ( commonly called white wyer ) nor cards for wooll , nor card-wyer , nor iron-wyer for making of wooll-cards , shall be imported into this kingdom ( wherein the best iron threed or wyer is made ; ) and whereas by the manufactures of making and drawing of wyer , and of making wooll-cards , very many poor people and their families have beén imployed and maintained , and the said wooll-cards are of great concernment to this kingdom for the good making of woollen cloth ; the kings most excellent majesty therefore taking the premisses into his princely consideration , and being sensible , that if the importation of forein wyer , and other manufactures aforesaid should be permitted , the same would tend not only to the destruction of the said manufactures within his dominions , and to the great prejudice of the ancient and profitable trade of clothing , and divers other trades which do necessarily depend upon iron wyer , and the several manufactures before specified , but also to the ruine of many hundreds of families , whose sole livelihood consists therein , is graciously pleased for the preservation of the said useful manufactures ( which he is resolved to encourage ) and for the good of his subjects , by this his royal proclamation ( with the advice of his privy council ) strictly to charge and command , that from henceforth no person or persons whatsoever , natives , denizens , aliens , or others , do or shall import , bring or convey , or cause to be imported , brought or conveyed into any place or places within this his realm of england , or dominion of wales , from or out of any part or place beyond the seas , any of the said forein wyer or wooll-cards , or any other manufactures made of forein iron-wyer , contrary to the acts of parliament aforesaid , or any of them , or any other law or statute of this kingdom , upon pain of forfeiture thereof according to the said statutes , one moiety to his majesty , and the other moiety to him or them that shall seize the same , or such other penalties and forfeitures as by the laws of this kingdom and his majesties prerogative royal may be inflicted upon the offenders : and that under the like penalties no old iron-wyer taken out of old wooll-cards , shall be put into new leather or new boards , and put to sale . and his majesty doth strictly charge and command as well the governours , assistants , and society of the city of london of and for the mineral and battery works , as also the commissioners , farmers , and all other officers whatsoever of his majesties customs , and all other persons whatsoever , to seize all such forein wyer and commodities aforesaid as shall be imported or sold contrary to the said statutes , and to this his royal proclamation , in whose hands soever the same shall be found : and that they and every of them be in all respects diligent and circumspect in the preventing the importation of the several prohibited commodities before specified , and in the discovering thereof when imported , and that they make seizure thereof according to law , and cause the offenders therein to be punished as to justice shall appertain . and his majesty doth also hereby require all iustices of the peace , mayors , sheriffs , bayliffs , constables and other officers whatsoever , to be aiding and assisting in all things touching the due execution of this his majesties royal proclamation from time to time as occasion shall require , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost peril . given at our court at whitehall , the third day of may 1678. in the thirtieth year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by john bill , christopher barker , thomas newcomb , and henry hills , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1678. a proclamation, whereas our dearest brother of blessed memory, by his royal proclamation bearing date the fifteenth day of september, in the twelfth year of his reign, for preventing the exportation of wool james. r. england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) 1687 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46517 wing j254 estc r4485 12269436 ocm 12269436 58182 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46517) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58182) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 869:18) a proclamation, whereas our dearest brother of blessed memory, by his royal proclamation bearing date the fifteenth day of september, in the twelfth year of his reign, for preventing the exportation of wool james. r. england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) james ii, king of england, 1633-1701. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by charles bill, henry hills, and thomas newcomb ..., london : 1687. reproduction of original in huntington library. broadside. at head of title: by the king, a proclamation. at end of text: given at our court at windsor the eleventh day of july 1687. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -great britain -early works to 1800. broadsides 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion j 2 r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king , a proclamation . james r. whereas our dearest brother of blessed memory , by his royal proclamation bearing date the fifteénth day of september , in the twelfth year of his reign , for preventing the exportation of wooll , wool-fells , &c. out of this kingdom , did strictly charge , prohibit and command , that no manner of wooll , wooll-fells , &c. should be at any time by any person or persons , whether denizens or strangers , exported , transported , or sent out of this realm of england , dominion of wales , or town of berwick upon tweed , or any the isles , ports , creéks or places thereof , into the kingdom of scotland , or any other foreign parts beyond the seas , upon pain of his highest indignation , and the severest penalties that by the laws and statutes of this realm might be inflicted , as well upon the offenders themselves , as their aiders , procurers , abettors , and favourers . and to the end that the custom-house officers , and other ministers in and about the ports of england might more strictly look to the observance of his pleasure therein , he did further charge and command , that if any officers should consent , or connive at the unlawful exportation of the said commodities , he should not only forfeit his place , but incur other pains . and for the encouragement of all such who should take care and pains to disclose , or make discoveries of the frauds or other practices to evade or defeat the true intention of the said proclamation , did declare his royal will and pleasure , that every such person that should be the first discoverer of such offenders , should be rewarded with the moiety , or one half of such sum of money and other forfeiture as should come unto him by any the offences aforesaid . now we being graciously inclined , as well out of our own princely care of the welfare of this our kingdom , as induced by our said dear brothers royal example , to prevent as much as in vs lies , so great an evilas the transportation of the commodities aforesaid , by continuing the said bounty , do hereby declare our royal will and pleasure , for the encouragement of all such , whether officers of the customs or others , bodies politick , or private persons , who being legally authorized thereunto , shall take care and pains to seize any wooll , wooll-fells , &c. or any boats or vessels transporting the same contrary to the laws and statutes of this realm , or shall prosecute any persons offending against the said laws , or disclose or make discovery of the frauds , and other practices to evade and defeat the true intention thereof , and shall pursue the same to effect , and obtain a certificate or testimonial from the lord chief baron of the exchequer , and the commissioners of the customs for the time being , that he hath so done , that every such officer , or other body politick , or private person , shall be rewarded with the moiety , or one half of such sums of money , or other forfeitures as shall come in to vs by reason of any the offences aforesaid . and our lord high treasurer of england , or lords commissioners of the treasury for the time being , are hereby empowered upon such certificate or testimonial , by his or their warrant , to cause such officer or other person to be discharged of one moiety of such sum of money , or other forfeiture , as should have come in to vs by reason of any the offences aforesaid . and it is not hereby intended that any seizer of such goods shall be intituled to our royal bounty as above , unless he shall effectually prosecute in the court of exchequer in all cases where it shall appear such prosecution is practicable . and further , no composition shall be privately made upon any seizure , betweén the seizer and owner of the goods , nor without the direction and allowance of the court of exchequer , or one of the barons of the said court ; and that all wooll , wooll-fells , &c. boats and vessels hereafter seized by force of any of the said laws , shall be brought to london , hull , or exeter , and there disposed , to prevent selling them again to the owners , as hath hitherto too frequently beén practiced . giving also charge and command , that all persons of what degreé , quality or place soever , especially our officers military and civil do diligently observe , and readily assist the due performance of this our proclamation in all things , and requiring the diligence and faithfulness of all our custom-house officers on the penalties aforesaid . given at our court at windsor the eleventh day of july 1687. in the third year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by charles bill , henry hills , and thomas newcomb , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1687. a proclamation, amongst other the advantages of these our kingdoms, the staple commodities of wooll and cloth are peculiar thereunto james r. england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) 1688 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46521 wing j259 estc r3214 12267933 ocm 12267933 58123 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46521) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58123) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 869:20) a proclamation, amongst other the advantages of these our kingdoms, the staple commodities of wooll and cloth are peculiar thereunto james r. england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) james ii, king of england, 1633-1701. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by charles bill, henry hills, and thomas newcomb ..., london : 1688. reproduction of original in huntington library. broadside. at head of title: by the king, a proclamation. at end of text: given at our court at windsor the twelfth day of august, 1688. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -great britain -early works to 1800. broadsides 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2009-01 megan marion sampled and proofread 2009-01 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal coat of arms by the king , a proclamation . james r. amongst other the advantages of these our kingdoms , the staple commodities of wooll and cloth are peculiar thereunto , and the manufacture of the same under several good and wholsome laws made and provided by the wisdom of our royal ancestors for the better regulation and improvement thereof , hath justly been esteemed a principal happiness of this our realm , and long been the envy of others nations ; and we ( who equally desire to promote the good and welfare of our kingdoms with any of our royal predecessors and ancestors ) considering that nothing can prove more destructive to the said manufacture , then the exportation of wooll into foreign parts , have as well by our several royal proclamations , as by a considerable charge of our own expended therein , shewn our gracious inclinations and purposes for the maintenance and encouragement of the said manufacture , and for the effectual putting in execution the laws already made against such exportation , and yet the methods taken for prevention of the great abuses therein , have not hitherto met with answerable success ; but the said offence is now become a most notorious and common nusance by the practices of divers evil disposed persons , who being neither terrified with the severity of the laws , nor yet regarding our iust displeasure conceived against them , do combine among themselves , and together with others , aliens and foreigners , sometimes by stealth , sometimes by open force and violence , to export and carry out of our kingdoms of england and ireland divers great quantities of wooll , wooll-fells , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wooll , wooll-flocks , fullers earth , fulling clay , and tobacco-pipe clay , wherein they are also assisted by many dissolute and desperate persons in great numbers , insomuch that our officers and others duly impowered , and endeavouring to resist and prevent them therein , are often in peril even of their lives , and by the number of offenders are much discouraged from doing their duty . and whereas divers of our loving subjects from divers parts of this kingdom , being traders and dealers in the woollen manufacture , by their humble petition have proposed to vs , that they are willing to make a voluntary contribution among themselves as a farther means to suppress the said offenders , and for that purpose have humbly besought vs to grant them our royal licence and authority to make a collection of moneys to defray the charge of prosecuting and preventing the said offences and mischiefs , which charge will be very considerable in regard of the great number of offenders throughout our said kingdoms ; we therefore out of our gracious and princely care of the good and welfare of our people , have thought fit by our royal commission under our great seal bearing date the eight and twentieth day of june last past , directed to several persons therein mentioned , for preventing the exportation to wooll , to impower and authorize them , or any seven or more of them , from time to time to cause to be prosecuted and put in execution the several laws made against the exportation of wooll , wooll-fells , and other the things before mentioned , out of our kingdoms of england and ireland ; and also to collect , gather and receive , and to cause to be collected , gathered , and received from any of our subjects whatsoever , such sum and sums of money as they or any of them shall from time to time voluntarily contribute , advance and bestow , for and in order to the preventing the exportation of wooll , wooll-fells , and other the things before mentioned , out of our said kingdoms , and for the better discovery and punishment of the said offences , and to imploy the said moneys so collected accordingly ; which voluntary contributions so to be made by any of our subjects whatsoever , to the ends and purposes aforesaid , we have thought fit by the advice of our privy council , and we do by this our royal proclamation , allow , recommend and approve , not doubting but our loving subjects will cheerfully and readily assist and promote so useful and publick a work. and further , as well in pursuance of the aforesaid laws , as in virtue of our royal prerogative , we do again hereby streightly charge , prohibit and command , that no manner of sheep , wooll , wooll-fells , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wooll , wooll-flocks , fullers earth , fulling clay , or tobacco-pipe clay be at any time hereafter by any person or persons whatsoever , whether natural-born subjects , denizens or strangers , exported , transported , sent or conveyed out of our kingdom of england , dominion of wales , or town or port of berwick upon tweed , or any the isles , ports , creeks or places thereof , into the kingdom of scotland , or any foreign parts beyond the seas , upon pain of our highest indignation , and the utmost penalties which by the laws and statutes of this our kingdom may be inflicted upon the offenders , their aiders , procurers , abetters and favourers , their lives and estates ; and our further will and pleasure is , that all wooll , wooll-fells , mortlings , and other the things before mentioned , and all boats and vessels seized and condemned by force of any the said laws , shall be brought to london , kingston upon hull , exeter , or one of them , and there ( and not elsewhere ) disposed of , to prevent selling them again to the owners , as hath hitherto been too frequently practiced . and lastly , we do hereby streightly charge , require and command all and every mayors , sheriffs , bayliffs , constables , headboroughs , tythingmen , and all officers of our admiralty , and all and every other our officers and manisters as well civil as military by sea and land , and all and every our subjects whatsoever whom it may concern , diligently to observe , and readily to aid , assist and defend all persons concerned in the due performance of this our proclamation in all things . given at our court at windsor the twelfth day of august , 1688. in the fourth year of our reign . god save the king . london , printed by charles bill , henry hills , and thomas newcomb , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1688. by the king a proclamation for the preuenting of the exportation of woolles, wool-fels, yarne, fullers earth, and woadashes and of hydes, both tand and raw, out of this kingdome. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1630 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22520 stc 8943 estc s3577 33150497 ocm 33150497 28636 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22520) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28636) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:120) by the king a proclamation for the preuenting of the exportation of woolles, wool-fels, yarne, fullers earth, and woadashes and of hydes, both tand and raw, out of this kingdome. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [3] leaves. by robert barker and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxx [1629] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at our court of white-hall, the seuenteenth day of april, in the sixt yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng exports -great britain -early works to 1800. wool industry -great britain -early works to 1800. hides and skins trade -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. a proclamation for the preuenting of the exportation of woolles , wool-fels , yarne , fullers earth , and woad-ashes and of hydes , both tand and raw , out of this kingdome . whereas our late royall father of happy memorie deceased , hauing vnderstood by the generall complaints of his louing subiects from the seuerall parts of his realme of england , that of late yeeres theretofore , the woolles of this kingdome were exceedingly fallen from their wonted values , and that the cloth and stuffe of the same had not that vent in forreigne parts , which formerly they had , and taking into his princely consideration the weighty consequence thereof , as of a matter of very great importance , for the wealth and welfare of this kingdom , also being carefull to prouide a speedy and effectuall remedie against such a growing euill , did by aduice of his priuy councell , and after information and report made by diuers persons of qualitie , and knowen abilitie trusted in that behalfe , finde amongst other things of moment , that the exportation of woolles , wool-fels , woollen yarne , fullers earth , and woad-ashes , were a great means to enable the forreigne making of cloth , and a principall impediment to the vent of our clothes made in england : and that the false and deceitfull making , dying , and dressing of our cloth and stuffes here made of woolles , did exceedingly disgrace , and discredite the draperie of this our kingdome , and did very much hinder the vent of those commodities . therupon our said late father , did by his royall proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of iuly , in the twentieth yeere of his reigne ouer england , france , and ireland , straightly charge and command , that no manner of woolles , wool-fels , woollen yarne , cornish haire , fullers earth , or woad-ashes , should be at any time or times , thereafter exported out of this realme of england , dominion of wales , towne , or port of berwicke , or any the isles , ports , creekes , or places thereof , into any forreigne parts , or into the kingdome of scotland : nor that any of the sayd commodities should be transported out of our kingdome of ireland , into any other parts , then into the realme of england onely vpon such paines as in the sayd proclamation are contained . forasmuch as the sayd proclamation was by our fathers decease determined : and yet wee finde that the reasons and necessitie doe still remaine . wee therefore , out of the great desire we haue to aduance the wealth of our people , and by all meanes possible to cherish and comfort their labours , haue thought fit by the aduice of our priuie councell to renew the said proclamation , with further prohibition of the exportation of hydes both tand , and rawe , by reason of the exportation whereof , as wee are informed , diuers the like abuses and inconueniences haue , and doe dayly happen . wherefore our will and pleasure is , and we doe by these presents straightly charge and command , that no manner of woolles , wool-fels , woollen yarne , cornish haire , fullers earth , woad-ashes , or hydes either raw , or tand , be at any time , or times hereafter exported out of this our realme of england , dominion of wales , towne , or port of berwicke , or any the isles , ports , creekes , or places thereof , into any forreigne parts , or into our kingdome of scotland , nor that any manner of woolles , wool-fels , woollen yarne , cornish haire , fullers earth , woad-ashes , or hydes , either raw or tand , be transported out of our kingdome of ireland into any other parts , then into the realme of england onely : vpon paine of confiscation of all such woolles and other the premisses so transported , or endeauoured to be transported , as also of our highest indignation , and the seuerest censure of our court of starre-chamber , and of such other paines and penalties as by the lawes , and statutes of this our kingdome , and by our prerogatiue royall may be inflicted . and to the end that all officers and ministers in , or about our ports of england may the more strictly looke to the obseruance of this our will and pleasure , for the weale of this our kingdome : we doe further straightly charge and command , that if any officer , or minister , of , or belonging to our customes , or ports , or attending at any the hauens , creeks , or places adiacent , or carrying to the sea , shall consent or conniue at the vnlawfull exportation of the premisses , or any of them ; or if any of them , shall make any certificate vpon any cocket , of the landing of any wools in any ports of this our r●alme , vnlesse the officer himself , who shal make such certificate , doe first see the same wools landed , according to the contents of the said certificate : or if the said officers , or any of them shal make any cocket , which shall not containe the number of sackes , and the weight of the wooll in euery sacke , contained in such cocket , that then euery such officer , and minister who shall offend in any the premisses , shall not onely forfeit his office , place , and imployment , but shall also incurre all other the paines and penalties aforesaid . and if any minister or officer of , or in any ship , or other uessell , shall permit , and suffer any woolles , wool-fels , or any other of the premisses to be transported in any ship , bottome , or other uessell , wherein or whereof he shall be a master , or other officer : that then euery person so offending shall be subiect to such paine and penaltie as aforesaid . and in case there be now in force any former licences or authorities heretofore giuen and granted by us , or any of our predecessors for transportation of wools , or any other the premisses , we doe hereby reuoke and disanull the same . and are resolued that none such hereafter shall be granted . and for the better vtterance of cloth within this our kingdome ; wee doe straitly charge and command , that when , and as often as vpon the occasion of any burials , or funerals , any blackes be hereafter giuen or worne ; that then such blacks and mourning stuffes shall bee onely of cloth and stuffes , made of the wool of this kingdome , and not elsewhere , nor otherwise . and for that we are informed , that the false dying of cloth and stuffes made of wools , is a great hinderance to the vent of those commodities . therefore wee straitly will and command , that no person whatsoeuer , in , or towards the dying of any cloth of what sort soeuer , or of any stuffes made of wool , shal vse any logwood or blockwood the vse whereof about the said clothes or stuffes , hath so often by seueral lawes and proclamations beene already condemned . and for the better discouery of false and deceiueable dying , and the suppressing of the said logwood and blockwood , in and about the dying of stuffes made of wool ; we doe straitly charge and command the wardens of the dyers of london , within the compasse of their search , and all other officers in other places ; that from time to time they make carefull and diligent search for the discouerie of all false and deceitfull dying , and if in their searches they shall finde any cloth or stuffe dyed with logwood or blockwood , either in all , or in part , that they seaze the same , and informe our attourney generall for the time being thereof , that such proceeding may be speedily had against the offendors , as so great a contempt deserueth . further wee doe hereby straightly charge and command all iustices of peace , mayors , sheriffes , bayliffes , officers , and other persons whatsoeuer , to doe their best endeauours to discouer all and euery the offendors against this our proclamation . and for the better encouragement of all such as shall take care and paines to make such discoueries , our will and pleasure is , that euery such person that shall bee the first discouerer of such offendor , shall be rewarded with the moity , or one halfe of such summes of money as shal come vnto us by vertue of any forfeiture incurred vpon this our proclamation : giuing also like charge and command that all persons of what degree , qualitie or place soeuer , to whom it shall appertaine , doe diligently obserue , and readily assist the due performance of this our proclamation in all things . giuen at our court of white-hall , the seuenteenth day of april , in the sixt yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc. xxx . a proclamation against the deceitful winding and folding of woolls england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1663 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32357 wing c3220 estc r226652 12697638 ocm 12697638 65917 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32357) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65917) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 683:8) a proclamation against the deceitful winding and folding of woolls england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1663. broadside. "given at our court at whitehall, the fifth day of february, 1663, in the sixteenth year of our reign." reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool -measurement -law and legislation -england. wool industry -law and legislation -england. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation against the deceitful winding and folding of woolls . charles r. whereas in the parliament holden in the seven and twentieth year of the reign or our most noble progenitor , edward the third , late king of england , it is enacted and ordained ( amongst other things ) that all wooll-packers , workers and winders of wooll , should be sworn , and take a corporal oath before the mayor of the staple for the time being , truly and justly to wind , work , and pack all the woolls within the realm , without fraud or deceit : by force of which statute , the fellowship of wooll-winders , otherwise called wooll-men , and all persons using or exercising that craft or mystery , are bound justly and truly to wind and pack all such woolls as they meddle with throughout the realm , to the publick good and commodity of the whole realm : by force of which law , and other statutes made for the good and due winding and packing of woolls , and by the good ordinances made by the said fellowship , the said woolls have been ever since justly and truly wound and packed , until now of late divers and many persons contrary to the same statute , taking upon them to be wool-winders in many places of this realm , neither being sworn , nor expert in winding and folding of woolls ; of which some be glovers , taylors , weavers , cordwayners , barbers , husbandmen , and other artificers who have gone about , and daily do go about throughout the realm in many places , practising themselves in winding and folding of the said woolls , by the procurement and means of the owners and breeders of the said woolls , and do wind up and deceitfully put into the said fleeces of wooll , sand , stones , dust , pitch , tarr , clay , iron , lead , double-marks , shorelocks , dung , lambs-wooll , clockets , locks , hinder-shanks , tails , washlocks , cummer , and many other deceiveable things , not only to the great slander of this realm , and the embasement and diminution of that antient staple-trade , but to the great loss and prejudice of his majesties subjects using the craft and feat of cloth-making within this realm , and to the great abuse and deceit of merchants , and other buyers of the same : complaints whereof have been with all humble earnestness represented unto the kings majesty by the company and fellowship of wooll-men , alias wooll-packers of the city of london , suppliants for remedy and relief in that behalf . therefore for reformation and redress thereof , the kings most excellent majesty , by the advice of his privy council , straitly chargeth and commandeth , that no manner of person or persons whatsoever he or they be , at any time hereafter go about , or take upon him or them to wind , fold , or pack any manner of woolls in any countrey or county within this realm , where woolls are either bred , wrought , had or used , for any merchant of the staple , breeder , clothier or buyers , before be or they shall be admitted and allowed by the master and wardens of the company and fellowship of the wool-men of the city of london , or one them for the time being ; to the intent that he and they shall be expert , and have knowledge in the said craft or mystery , for true winding and folding of woolls : and that every person and persons so allowed and admitted for an able and lawful workman or workmen in form aforesaid , shall have a testimonial or certificate of his allowance and admittance under the seal of the mayor of the staple of westminster for the time being : and that none of the said persons so allowed and admitted , or that shall go about or take upon him to wind or fold any woolls , before he or they have taken a corporal oath before the said mayor for the time being , that he or they shall truly and justly without deceit , wind and fold all and singular such wooll or woolls as he or they shall take upon him or them to wind or fold , and shall not commit , use or practise any deceit or guile therein ; upon pain that every person which shall take upon him to wind and fold any manner of wools , being not admitted sworn as is aforesaid , or which shall commit , us ; e or practise any deceit or guile therein against this our proclamation , or against any the laws and statutes in that behalf made and provided , shall suffer imprisonment ten days , and to be set upon the pillory in the next market-town , with a fléece of wooll hanging about his neck , according to the tenor of several proclamations heretofore set forth ; one in the fifth year of the reign of our most noble predecessor king edward the sixth ; and one other proclamation set out by queen elizabeth , bearing date the tenth day of august , in the fourth year of her reign ; and one other set forth in the second year of the reign of our royal grandfather king james , and bearing date the eighteenth day of june in the said year . and his majesty further straitly chargeth and commandeth , that no grower , bréeder , brogger or gatherer of any woolls in any his highness countreys or counties within this realm , shall at any time hereafter set on work any wooll-folder , or wooll-winder , to fold or wind his or their wooll or woolls , unless the said wooll-folder , or wooll-winder bring with him or them a testimonial or certificate under the seal of the said mayor of the staple at westminster for the time being , testifying him or them to be sworn and admitted for an able workman to fold and wind woolls in manner and form as is aforesaid , upon the like pain as is above expressed . and further , where by an act made in the three and twentieth year of the reign of our most noble predecessor , king henry the eighth of famous memory yet standing in force , it was enacted , that no manner of person do wind , or cause to be wound any fleece of wooll not being sufficiently rivered or washed , nor wind , or cause to be wound within any fleece , any deceivable things particularly mentioned in the same act , or any other thing where by the fleece may be the more weighty , to the deceit and loss of the buyer , upon pain the seller of any such deceitful woolls to forfeit for every such fleece six pence : his majesty hath been certainly informed , that notwithstanding the said good act and statute , much deceit is used in washing , winding , folding and packing of woolls , and that for the most part , of unskilful person , contrary to the said act and statute : his majesty therefore minding to have the said clauses of the said statute , and all acts and statutes touthing , or in any wise concerning the avoiding of the said deceits , or made and provided for the true and lawful winding , folding , and packing of the said wools by expert and skilful persons , shall be from henceforth duely observed and put in execution , and the offenders against the same to be corrected and punished according to the effect and true meaning thereof , doth straitly charge and command all and every his subjects whatsoever , to whom it shall and may appertain , to observe the true meaning of the said acts , and yield punctual obedience to the said laws , upon pain of forfeiture of the penalties therein contained , and as they will avoid his highness further displeasure . and further , his majesty by the advice aforesaid , straitly chargeth and commandeth all and every iustices of peace , mayors , sheriffs , bayliffs , and all other his highness officers and ministers whatsoever , to whom it may appertain , within their several liberties and precincts , that they , and every of them , cause every such offender and offenders to be punished for every such offence and offences above mentioned , in such sort as is above limited , appointed and declared . and that every and whatsoever iustice of peace , mayor , sheriff , bayliff , or other officer do refuse , or do not punish , or cause to be punished , every such person or persons , so to him or them presented , according to this present ordinance , his or their faults being duely proved , shall be fined to the kings majesty according to such demerits ; and further , shall incur his highness displeasure . given at our court at whitehall , the fifth day of february , 1663. in the sixteenth year of our reign . god save the king . london , printed by john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1663. the proposals for promoting the woollen-manufactory, promoted further making it appear, that the nation will thereby increase in wealth, at least 5000 l. per day, for every day in the year on which it is lawful to labour. and that the strength and safety of the king and kingdom, together with a most happy reformation will be accomplished therein. all which is most plainly demonstrated, by several well-wisheres thereunto, inhabitants and citizens of london. licensed, april 29. 1679. ro. l'estrange. haines, richard, 1633-1685. 1679 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70234 wing h205a wing p3737 estc r177704 99827619 99827619 32041 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70234) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32041) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1849:14, 1957:9) the proposals for promoting the woollen-manufactory, promoted further making it appear, that the nation will thereby increase in wealth, at least 5000 l. per day, for every day in the year on which it is lawful to labour. and that the strength and safety of the king and kingdom, together with a most happy reformation will be accomplished therein. all which is most plainly demonstrated, by several well-wisheres thereunto, inhabitants and citizens of london. licensed, april 29. 1679. ro. l'estrange. haines, richard, 1633-1685. [2], 6 p. printed for langley curtis on ludgate-hill, london : mdclxxix. [1679] by richard haines. identified on umi microfilm "early english books, 1641-1700" reel 1849 as wing h205a, and on reel 1957 as wing p3737. reproductions of the originals in the british library ("early english books, 1641-1700" reel 1849), and the henry e. huntington library and art gallery (reel 1957). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -law and legislation -great britain -early works to 1800. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2008-07 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the proposals for promoting the woollen-manufactory , promoted . further making it appear , that the nation will thereby increase in wealth , at least 5000 l. per day , for every day in the year on which it is lawful to labour . and that the strength and safety of the king and kingdom , together with a most happy reformation will be accomplished therein . all which is most plainly demonstrated , by several well-wishers thereunto , inhabitants and citizens of london . licensed , april 29. 1679. ro. l'estrange . london , printed for langley curtis on ludgate-hill , mdclxxix . the proposals for promoting the woollen-manufactory , promoted . next to being the authors of profitable inventions our selves , 't is certainly most commendable to incourage them in others , and endeavour , that what is happily found out , may be advantageously prosecuted . men are grown to a wretched pass indeed , when , as cicero complained , they leave off , non solum laudanda facere , sed etiam laudare ; not only to do praise-worthy acts , but even to commend them ; let us at least speak well of good expedients , give the labouring promoters of publick weal our good word , and afford industry a tribute from our tongues , though we are somewhat loth to allow her much from our hands ; to improve such effectual expedients as will most reclaim vice , and bring all idle hands to industry . to increase our richest manufactories for exportation , and especially to restore and advance that of woollen , the grand staple commodity of this kingdom , which heretofore made the same to abound with wealth , power , and honour , beyond any of its neighbour nations . these are things not to be contemned or neglected , but rather with the greater diligence and zeal to be promoted and encouraged to the utmost ; for , since this golden manufactory hath decreased amongst us , several offers and essayes have been made for remedy , and many who are concerned therein have been very impatient ; and not sufficiently considering the cause of the distemper , some have moved the parliament for the exportation of unwrought wool , because little more than half what grows in the nation is converted . others have opposed them , and obtained an act whereby to render the exportation thereof unwrought , a capital offence , and hang all those that should do it ; yet are not able to manufacture it themselves . if wool be exported , the same will destroy our markets abroad , and make people beggars at home , saith the clothier ; but if it be kept at home , and not converted , it will do us no good , saith reason , with whom experience and poverty both joyn their voices ; the out-cries of the latter being heard , not only in every street , but almost at every door . the last parliament hath almost every session made it a great part of their business to hear and encourage those who had any thing to offer for the recovery of this trade ; and yet , till the late breviat of proposals published by one mr. richard haines came out , it must be acknowledged , that neither the exporter of wool , nor opposer of the same , or any others , have offered any certain expedients for bringing all idle hands to industry , whereby the wool may be converted as fast as it grows and arises , on such terms , that the cloth we have to spare may be exported as fast as 't is made . wherefore , we cannot think it unseasonable , to joyn our suffrages with him , and stir up all active publick spirits , to promote and encourage that which will best accomplish this good design : namely , work-houses to be erected , and stock raised in every county , in which , poor people , beggars , &c. shall be employed in this manufactory , with such method of government as may prevent all such miscarriages , as have formerly rendred such houses unsuccessful in our nation ; which he hath , in such his breviat , declared to make good , and to answer all objections in that case , in his proposals at large , which undoubtedly may be done with little difficulty , because 't is done and practised in other nations , and may here as well as there . the greatness of the profits , namely , thirty or forty hundred thousand pounds per annum , we confess at first started us , but on deliberate consideration we are satisfied with the verity of it . and therefore judge it our parts to recommend it as aforesaid , with the reasons and grounds which have fully convinced us why such vast wealth cannot but necessarily arise thereby to the nation as thus . in england we may reasonably conclude there are of beggers petty felons , parish-poor , and other idle people , which do little or nothing for their living , 200 thousand ; whereof many who do nothing may earn six pence per day , and those that earn six pence might earn twelve pence , when placed together in view of each other , where correction and encouragement are duely administred . it may also be reasonably concluded , that each person , one with another , may ( with the help of some clothiers ) work as much wool as will make fifteen pounds worth of cloth in one year , which , if so , then there will be thirty hundred thousand pounds worth to be exported more than now is , as the author of the proposals does insert . but suppose the quantity fall short , yet we may reasonably conclude , that our merchants in their course of trade will near the matter double the value in the returns of what they export , so that still the wealth of the nation will be more , rather than less , increased , than what is proposed . but if we take no other measures than this , viz. that each person , one with another , earns six pence per day , and that which is wrought by their labour shall be exported , 't is a certain truth , the nation will gain by their labour 5000 l. for every day in the year that they work , as by calculation doth appear ; which , if doubled by the merchants course of trade , as aforesaid , it will then amount to no less than 10000 l. per day , clear gain to the nation . and put case we allow 80 dayes in the year for holy dayes , there remains 285 dayes to work in , which , by this modest calculation , will bring in 2850000 l. in one year clear gain by their labour , besides the value of the wool , and other things which add to the value of all the cloth they make . nor is it to be doubted , but the work of each person , one with another , may amount to 8 d. per day , after some time of practice , so that for the future , by the expedients proposed , all people , as aforesaid , being brought up to such habit of industry , the wealth of the nation cannot but increase to the value proposed . the case is plain , and an ordinary capacity , whose judgment is not sway'd by corrupt affection , may be well satisfied . that we have wool enough , fullers earth enough , poor people enough , vagrants , petty felons , nurses of debauchery &c. sufficiently enough to make cloth enough to revive the glory , wealth , strength , and safety of the whole nation is most certain , and may as certainly be effected with good success ; if instead of houses of debauchery , such houses of industry were erected . it being that which not only is practicable , but de facto hath been and now is practised on the same consideration , by the means whereof there is not a begger in the country where 't is used , and by which that overgrown and innumerable multitude of leud people may most profitably be restrained . all which considered , we can see no reason why any people should oppose these work-houses , unless it be those that do the greatest mischief to the persons , estates , and souls of mankind , namely , the before mentioned idle lewd nurses of debauchery , whom nothing can restrain so effectually as these houses , in which they would be held in durance with great advantage . therefore it concerns them and their abettors to obstruct the building ; and look how much a man is an enemy to the one so much he is the greater friend to the other . 1. this we dare assert and maintatin against all opposers that shall put pen to paper against it , that if such a gold or silver mine should be found in england as might afford five thousand pounds per day throughout the year , it would not do the nation near so much good , as these expedients , if prosecuted . 2. that it is the greatest thing of such a kind , and easiest to be accomplisht that hath been offered to the king and parliament , to promote the wealth , strength , and safety of the kingdom ; since in it the woollen manufacture hath been encouraged . 3. that the said expedients are feisible and practicable ; which being so , it must needs be some extraordinary and inordinate affection that must force any man to oppose it . 4. that 't is in vain to endeavour to suppress and destroy the houses or schooles of debauchery , whilst the major part are opposers and enemies to the houses of industry , which may afford a better imployment and honester life to the inhabitants , who ought to be removed from one to the other . and certainly if such publick labours and endeavours as will thus promote the greatest happiness of a nation be contemned and discouraged , it will be enough to dishearten all noble and publick spirits , and render them objects for the scorn and derision of the basest of men. wherefore , to prevent this destructive evil , we shall with all hearty affection and zeal to the publick recommend the said expedients to all good people in the nation , of what estate or quality soever , viz. 1. to the poorest and most indigent , because thereby they and their children , and their childrens children shall never want an honest imployment , food , rayment , nor habitation if uncharitable people do not hinder . 2. to the pious and religious , because thereby an happy reformation in the lives and conversations of many thousands will be accomplished , if the friends to debauchery do not hinder . 3. to the breeders of wool , because thereby they will have quick markets for their wool as fast as it grows and arises , if the neglect of practical expedients do not hinder . 4. to the clothiers , because thereby all the wool of england , and what scotland and ireland have to spare will be secured from being exported , and they may have it wrought upon cheaper terms than before , as fast as they need it , having their labourers partly maintained by a publick stock , &c. 5. to the drapers and merchants , because they may have their cloth , and afford it on cheaper terms than those that have supplanted us . 6. to the farmers , &c. because they may save six pence in every twelve pence of what they now contribute to the livelyhood of the poor , and may have better markets for what they have to spare , since so many thousands will near the matter earn , and pay for all they eat , and drink , and wear , which before had all for begging , lying , and dissembling . 7. to the city of london in particular , whose trade and treasure will be near doubled , by reason of that double quantity of cloth that will be exported , by means whereof , the returns will be of double value in commodity or treasure , &c. 8. to the kings most excellent majesty , whose revenue by the increase of customes will be proportionably increased , if want of encouragement do not hinder . 9. and to the whole kingdom in general , because , besides the increase of seamen and navies of ships , for its defence strength , and safety ; wealth and treasure will increase therein , at least thirty or forty hundred thousand pounds every year more than it did ; if those that are regardless of the nations weal , do not hinder , with a base intention to promote their own private and particular lucre. wherefore , with submission to better judgments , we will conclude with the words of st. paul , upon the whole matter ; whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are lovely , whatsoever things are of good report ; if there be any vertue , and if there be any praise , think on these things . finis . a breviat of some proposals prepared to be offered to the great wisdom of the nation, the king's most excellent majesty, and both houses of parliament for the speedy restoring the woollen manufacture by a method practiced in other nations ... / by r. haines. haines, richard, 1633-1685. 1679 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43794 wing h200 estc r3590 12413176 ocm 12413176 61603 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43794) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61603) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 278:6) a breviat of some proposals prepared to be offered to the great wisdom of the nation, the king's most excellent majesty, and both houses of parliament for the speedy restoring the woollen manufacture by a method practiced in other nations ... / by r. haines. haines, richard, 1633-1685. [2], 6 p. printed for langley curtis ..., london : 1679. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -great britain. woolen and worsted manufacture -great britain. poor -employment -great britain. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-03 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a breviat of some proposals prepared to be offered to the great wisdom of the nation , the king' 's most excellent majesty , and both houses of parliament , for the speedy restoring the woollen manvfactvre , by a method practised in other nations . already perused and approved by those known promoters of england's weal and safety , the most illustrious prince rupert , and the right honourable , the earl of shaftsbvry , and since heard and encouraged by divers members of the hovse of commons , who upon perusal were pleased to declare , that the same would be of great advantage to the nation . desiring the author to give his attendance to the house when they are at leisure ; and in the mean time to publish this brief account thereof , for general information . by r. haines . london , printed for langley curtis on ludgate-hill . 1679. by the expedients proposed , t is offered , 1. that in short time all the wool of england may be secured from being exported unwrought . 2. that all the wool of england , and what is to spare in scotland and ireland , may be manufactur'd in england , as fast as it grows and arises . 3. that the converting of such great quantity of wool will be of very little charge to the nation , so that all the cloth we have to spare shall find quick markets as fast as 't is made . 4. that forty hundred thousand pounds worth of cloth may be made in england every year , more than now is , or can be by the present course of trade . 5. that the wealth of the nation will increase at least forty hundred thousand pounds per annum , and his majesties revenue by the increase of customes , very considerably . 6. that every particular parish and parishioner in dealings in the country shall thrive thereby , considerably . 7. that although we should make twice as much cloth as what is before-mentioned , yet there shall be no danger of glutting the markets ; but we may obtain and secure the best markets in the world to our selves notwithstanding any attempts of other nations . 1. as to the first . to secure our wool from going abroad , the best and most certain expedient is , to have it converted into cloth at home , as fast as it grows and arises , by setting to work all idle hands ; by means of which , our wool will soon yield more at home than abroad , and this will more effectually do that business than the severest laws . 2. to have all the wool of england , and what as to spare in ireland and scotland , to be manufactur'd in england , depend's on the same expedient , viz. imploying all people , who by contributions or begging , are maintain'd by other mens estates and industry , for doing of nothing , there being ( as 't is , reasonably computed ) 200 thousand in the nation capable of one employ or other ; so that by this great number of people , with the help of some clothiers , 't is not to be doubted but we may manufacture a hundred thousand packs of wool more than are now converted in a year . 3. that the converting of such great quantity of wool , will be of very little charge to the nation , so that all our cloth shall find quick markets as fast as made , is demonstrable : for , by the expedient proposed , all these people now maintained for doing little or nothing , may instead of doing nothing , convert our wool into cloth , for their living , so that look how much more cloth is made by these two hundred thousand people so much there 's clear gain to the nation . for had they not done this , they had been , as now they are , kept and maintain'd for begging , &c. so that put case all beggars , vagrants , &c. were plac'd in , and maintain'd by the parishes as parish-poor , only for sleeping , the thing in effect to maintain them thus , would not be more disadvantagious to the nation , than it is . now since by the expedients proposed , these two hundred thousand people may earn some two pence per day , some three pence , some four pence , some fix pence , some eight pence , some ten pence , and some one shilling a day more than by their present course of life they do , and the parishes by this means continue but half their contributions which they paid before , then may the clothiers in short time , having their work done for half the wages which before they gave , afford their cloth cheaper than ever they could ; and since it is so , that other nations who are our supplanters cannot make cloth without a mixture of our wool ( as our clothiers affirm ) nor good cloth neither but on dear terms , without fullers earth , which no nation hath but our selves . it must needs follow , that we having more hands than they , to improve , more wooll , and all the fullers earth our own , may ( when all idle hands are thus brought to industry ) under-sell them all , and force a market in all places in the world , where cloth is vended , which is what was to be demonstrated . 4. the fourth proposition , viz. that forty hundred thousand pounds worth of cloth may by the expedient proposed , with the assistance of some clothiers be made in a year , more than now is , or can be made by our present course of trade , is not difficult to conceive from what hath been said , for if two hundred thousand persons be industriously employed more than now are , it may rationally be concluded , that each person one with another in a whole years time with the help aforesaid , may manufacture at least twenty pounds worth of cloth , which is all that was to be demonstrated . besides in little time they will increase more and more both in number and ingenuity , for instead of breeding every year thirty or forty thousand beggars , we shall by this expedient breed up the same or a greater number of ingenious cloth-makers , as in the proposals at large is more fully discovered , so that 't is not to be doubted but they may convert one hundred thousand packs of wool in a year more than is now converted as aforesaid . 5. that the wealth of the nation will hereby increase at least forty hundred thousand pounds per annum more than now it doth , and his majesties revenue very considerably , more than before ; is thus to be demonstrated . as by the confirmation of the second & last propositions , it appeared , that after a little time of practise , 100 thousand packs of wool may be converted more than now is : so this wool at twelve pence per pound , is twelve pound per pack ; and when it yielded so , the wool was counted by the clothiers to be one fourth part of the charge of the cloth : by which it follows , that 100 thousand packs of wool converted , will be worth four times twelve hundred thousand pounds , or four millions eight hundred thousand pounds ; which being exported , their returns will be much more , and his majesties customes encrease proportionably ; since our trade of merchandise will then be almost double to what it was , and the wealth of the city by such increase of trade thrive more abundantly than ever it did . 6. that every particular parish and parishioner in dealings in the country shall thrive thereby , is no less certain : for , besides raising the price of wooll , at least six-pence in every shilling , and saving six-pence in every shilling , which before they laid out in contributions and house-rent to the poor . they will have better trade for all commodities ; ready money for corn , fat cattel , butter , cheese , and every thing the farmer hath to spare ; by reason of this circulation of trade and industry , seeing then there will be so many thousands that pay for all they eat , drink and wear , who before had all for begging , &c. 7. that though we should make twice as much cloth , as before mentioned , yet there shall be no danger of glutting the market ; but that we may obtain and secure the best markets in the world to our selves , notwithstanding any attempts of other nations . this seems reasonble to believe , if we consider , 1. that if all the wooll , not only of england , scotland and ireland , but france and spain also , could be manufactur'd in england ; yet there would be no more cloth in the world , than now there is , for what is not made in england , is made elsewhere , since it is certain wool is neither burnt , rotted , nor any wise wilfully destroyed in any nation wherever it grows ; but is either converted at home or abroad . therefore the more we convert in england , the less in other nations , and the more they , deerease in their manufactory , the more shall we increase in wealth , trade , seamen and navies of ships , for the strength and safety of our nation . 2. that no other nation hath the like expedients and advantages as we have , and therefore 't is imposible they should out-doe us ; unless we be wanting to our selves in point of industry and good method : and therefore though it cannot be expected , that we should make cloth for all the world , yet if we can under fell all other nations , our work is done : for we may force a ' trade where we please . there is no demonstration like experience , and for this we have a notable example , given us by the swedes , who having by under-selling their iron , forc'd us not only to quit our forreign markets , where before we vended very much ; but also to desist from making sufficient for our own use . and then when they saw we had quit our markets , and let fall our iron works , they raised their iron to as high a rate as before . a president worthy the consideration of the great wisdom of the nation . for as 't is true that sweden abounds with woods and mines , more plentiful than other nations ; in such manner that they may under-sell and force a trade where they please for that commodity . so england having more wool , more fullers-earth , more poor people and beggars , to be employed , than any ( if not all ) the nations about us . therefore we may as certainly have cloth made and fold on easier and more profitable terms than any nation in the world ; and consequently may force a market in any nation where cloth is to be vended : as the swedes have done with their iron . the method by which all this may be effected ; is no more charge , than if in every county , several parishes should be obliged to joyn together to build in several places working alms-houses for their chargeable poor to live in : and that the clothiers observe such method in their trade , as to place themselves near such houses , and employ the said poor , where they may have their work done cheaper than before . but in case the clothiers refuse such method , whereby all the wool , aforesaid may be converted , then it seems unreasonable for their sakes to prohibit the exportation of wool : seeing that by their present course of trade , little more than half is converted : however , if they shall so refuse , it will be no difficult thing , for the respective parishes concerned , to manage the expedients proposed themselves , to all the advantages before-mentioned . as for other great advantages arising both to city and countrey , together with the happy reformation thereby to be accomplish'd , and all material objections answered ; the same with the said expedients , are more fully set forth and contained in the proposals . as also a model of government to be used in this respect ; for preventing all abuses and deceits which have proved most destructive to such publick undertakings . postscript . having since the drawing up the precedent breviat met with some objections from a very worthy and intelligent gentleman , but ( as i conceive ) not fully inform'd of the true scope , feazibleness and utility of these expedients , i think my self oblig'd to give him and all others that may have the same scruples , this endeavour towards satisfaction . i. the first and great objection is the charge , to put us in such method of industry , to which i answer , 't is surely better once to pay for good physick than alwayes to languish , the charge will not amount to a twentieth part of the profits , for every thousand pound expended on this occasion , will purchase two if not three thousand pounds per annum to the nation , and yet we shall keep our purchase money still as it were in our own sacks with our corn , so that there shall not be a great the less in the nation , as is demonstrated more at large in the proposals . 2. hence i cannot but maintain , that what is proposed is undoubtedly practicable , for that it is no new project , but with great success practised at this day by our neighbours , being satisfied by what i have seen , that this very thing , viz. the industry of the poor accomplish't by these very expedients , is that whereby the wealth of the netherlands is rais'd and maintain'd . and why should we dishonour our country so far as to imagine that england yield not men as wise to contrive , or as honest to manage such an affair as any other nation ? 3. it hath further been objected by the before-mentioned honoured person , that 't is uncertain what number of poor there is to be employed , and what quantity of wool to be converted . to which i humbly answer , that though it be true that in those particulars i may err , yet in this we cannot err , if we proportion our houses to the number of the persons to be employed , and to our quantity of wool , for then be the same more or less , the profits will be proportionable to what i have calculated . and put case we have not wool enough to employ them , this expedient still remains unshaken , for we may employ them in making of linnen to great advantage , for as the first will bring treasure into the nation , so the other will be a means to keep it from going out . lastly , lest the poor should misapprehend and suspect by these expedients they shall be enslaved &c. i must declare that i would not for all the world be an instrument to any such base and cruel purpose , and therefore in my proposals at large have demonstrated , that their vvork shall not make them lives any wise burthensome or destructive to themselves , having nothing to do but to mind their business , eat , drink , and take their rest without any thing to disturb their peace . thus much i thought fit to add here , and submit the whole to consideration . finis . to the king's most excellent majesty and the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled the humble petition of ezekiel goddard of kings lynn, in the county of norfolk, in behalf of many millions now employed in the wollen manufacture of this kingdom. goddard, ezekiel. 1700 approx. 20 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42891 wing g913 estc r34917 14908340 ocm 14908340 102855 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42891) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102855) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1571:4) to the king's most excellent majesty and the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled the humble petition of ezekiel goddard of kings lynn, in the county of norfolk, in behalf of many millions now employed in the wollen manufacture of this kingdom. goddard, ezekiel. 11 p. s.n., [london? : 1700] caption title. imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the king's most excellent majesty , and the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled ; the humble petition of ezekiel goddard of kings lynn , in the county of norfolk ; in behalf of many millions now employed in the wollen manufacture of this kingdom . humbly sheweth , whereas the wollen-manufacture is exceedingly decayed in so great measure , that many thousands have not imployments at all wherewith to buy bread , and without doubt it is occasioned by the exportation of wool , woolfells and yarn made of wool ; whereby the subjects of other nations , are employed in the manufacturing the wool of this kingdom , and both employ their own people , and enrich their subjects , and impoverish this sometimes flourishing nation of england and the subjects thereof ; which if not very speedily prevented , the richer sort will be made incapable to maintain the poor ; and your petitioner having a long time been sensible of the same , he humbly conceives , that he hath found out a way how to prevent so great a mischief , which may be fully essectual to prevent it ; and therefore begs the pardon of this high court of parliament , for presuming to discover his sentiments therein , which are as followeth . first , that it might be enacted , that all owners of sheep within this kingdom , may be compelled by themselves or servants , to give an oath before the minister or church wardens of the parish where they dwell , of the quantity of the weight of wool that shall be shorn from off their sheep every ensuing year , within six days after after their sheep are shorn ; and that such oath shall be by the minister and church-wardens registered in a book , to be bought at the charge of the said parishes under a penalty that shall be thought fit . secondly , that it might be enacted , that the owners of the wool , shall not sell any part of their wool to any person whatsoever , but such as shall make oath before the minister of the said parish , that they will convert , or cause the same wool to be converted into yarn or cloth , or stuffs , stockings or hatts , and the said oaths to be registred in the said books , together with the name of the buyer and place of his abode , under such penalty as shall be thought fit . thirdly , that it might be enacted , that no person whatsoever shall buy and sell any wool whatsoever ( except only , that all fell mongers may have liberty to sell such wool , as they pull from off the skins that they shall buy , and all wool-combers may have liberty to sell all such short wool as is taken out of the fleeces after they are broken , which is not fit for combing , and also all their noyls ) provided that they shall not sell any such skin wool , short wool or noyls , but to such as shall make oath that they will convert , or cause the same to be converted into yarn , cloth , stuffs , or stockings , or hatts , and that all wool-staplers shall within six weeks ▪ after the publishing the act , sell and deliver all such wool as shall be in the hands of themselves , or others for their use , to such persons as shall make oath to convert the same as aforesaid , under the penalty of forfeiting the same ; and that no wool-stapler or wool-jobber , shall buy or sell any wool for the future , under the penalty of forfeiting the same . fourthly , that it might be enacted , that no person whatsoever under any preterce whatsoever , shall put or cause to be put aboard any ship or vessel , boat , barge or other vessel of what denomination soever , any wool , woolfells or yarn made of wool , under the penalty of forfeiting the fame . fifthly , that it might be enacted , that no person whatsoever , under any pretence whatsoever , shall take aboard , or suffer to be taken aboard any such ship or vessel whatsoever , any wool , woolfells or yarn made of wool ; under the penalty of forfeiting the said ship or vessel whatsoever , together with all the rigging , tackle , furniture , utensils and apparel whatsoever , to the said ship belonging . sixthly , that it might be enacted , that all wool , woolfells or yarn made of wool ; that shall be found in any part of this kingdom to be screw packed or press packed , whether on land or on ship-board , shall be forfeited , and shall be to be the use of him , her or them that shall first discover or seize the same . seventhly , that it may be enacted , that it shall be lawful for any person or persons , that shall be the first that shall discover or seize of any wool , woolfells , or yarn made of wool ; so taken on board , or put on board , or being on board of any such ship , or any boat , or other vessel whatsoever ; shall have all the said wool , woolfells , or yarn made of wool , to his , her , or their use or uses , and to no other use or uses whatsoever , and also shall have and enjoy the said ship , hoy or vessel of what denomination soever to his , her and their own use or uses , together with the furniture of the same , and to no other use whatsoever , not with standing any thing whatsoever to the contrary ; together with such further benevolence as shall be thought fit for so good service done to the nation , which benevolence ( if any shall be thought fit to be given ) may be levied upon the county , where such wool , wool-fells , or yarn made of wool , shall be laid on board as aforesaid . provided , that all such wool as shall be imported into this kingdom from scotland , ireland , or any other forreign countries ; shall not be intended to be within the compass or meaning of the act. 8. and that whereas many persons that get their living by the wollen manufacture , live remote from such places where such wool may be had at the best advantage ; and have not horses to fetch such wool as will be needful from the owners of the wool , that it may be enacted , that all cities and corporations , and market-towns within this kingdom , shall find and provide sufficient store-houses or chambers , meet and convenient , ceiled about with boards and plaunchred with boards , and kept in good repair with all needful reparations , to keep wool as much as may be from taking any damage , and that it shall be lawful for all persons whatsoever , that will bring or send any wool , woolfells , or yarn made of vvool , to such city , corporation or market town , to lodge the same in the said store house or chambers , in order to sell and dispose of the same to such persons as shall make oath as aforesaid ; that they will convert , or cause the said wool to be converted into yarn , or cloth , or stuffs , or stockings , or hats , and the same oath to be registred in a book , to be provided at the cost and charge of the said city , corporation , or market ▪ town , and locks and keys to secure the said wool ; and every city , corporation or market ▪ town where such store house shall be kept , shall make choice of a fit person to be key-keeper , and orderer of the said store-houses or store chambers , for which said person so to be chosen the munday in every easter ▪ week , the inhabitants of every city , corporation , or market-town , shall be liable to make ample satisfaction to the owner of any wool , that may at any time happen to be lost , stolen or embesseled out of the said store-houses ; and that it shall be lawful for the said store keeper to ask , demand or receive of all the owners of wool , lodged or laid into any such store-house or chamber , two pence at the time of any parcel so lodged , whether small or great parcel and no more , and four pence for every affidavit made at the sale and delivery of every parcel for the person that keeps the register books , and six pence for every pack lying any time not exceeding a year , towards providing such store-houses , and paying for repairs and six-pence for every pack towards the maintainance of the store-keeper , which shall by himself or some other by him appointed , be ready to lock and unlock the said storehouses or chambers , at the request of the owners of the wool or their servants , and shall receive the same monies not exceeding eighteen pence at the most for every pack . ix . that it may be enacted , that any person that shall discover or seize of any wool , woolfells , or yarn made of wool , by virtue of this act ; may for the better making of it appear , that he , she or they were the first discoverers of the same , they shall ( if they please ) repair to the minister or church-wardens of the parish , where such discovery shall be made ; or the minister and church-wardens of any other parish , and there make oath of such discoveries , which oath shall be recorded in the books before mentioned , with the name of the discoverer , and the year , month , day and hour when such oath was made . and that if any act be made to this effect , that it may be made as soon as may with conveniency be , and that it may be read in all places of publick worship , and proclaimed in all markets , that due notice may be taken and due obedience given to the same . also i humbly beg pardon for my boldness , in giving my reason for the absolute necessity of making an act to this purpose . 1. it may prevent the owners of sheep from transporting their own wool , by being liable to give an account to whom they sell it . 2. if no person may be suffered to buy and sell wool , then it will hinder all engrossers of wool from transporting any wool ; and will also be of great advantage to the manufacturers , who are forced to buy of the engrosser at a dearer rate by four or five shillings a tod , than the engrosser of the wool pay'd for it to the owner of the sheep ; and exporters of wool are worse than engrossers of corn. 3. my reasons for prohibiting all wool from being water-born are , because it is an easie matter to bribe a custom house officer , to give up any bond that shall be entered for the relanding of any wool , that shall pass coastways by coquet , or it is an easie matter to procure or counterfeit a false certificate that such wool is relanded , though it never was , and i beleive , that passing of wool from port to port , hath been the great cause of transportation . 4. my reason for the having all wool that shall be screw packt or press packt forfeited , is , because wool may be packt or screwed into a narrow compass , either into cask or into close package , and cannot be well discover'd from other goods , and therefore ought to be forfeited wherever it shall be found . 5. my reason why it shall be lawful for any person , that shall be the first instrument of finding any wool , that shall be water born , or pressed , or screwed , or shall be the first that shall discover or seize the same , may have all such wool , woolfells , or yarn made of wool to his , her or their own use , and the ship or boat , or vessel also ; is , because it will make all people diligent to find out such wool , and also it will certainly terrifie all men from transporting any ; for none will be safe in bribing , nor can any man pretend to bride any , without being in all probability likely to be betrayed , either by labourers or boatmen , or the master of the ship , or of the ship 's company , all which must be bribed , and greatly , otherwise they will discover . 6. all laws heretofore made have not been effectual , to hinder transportation ; tho' many good laws have been made mixed with corporal punishments , as loss of life , limbs , or imprisonment , and have not been put in execution , out of tenderness to the lives and liberties of the offenders . 7. the wool of this nation being wholly manufactured in the nation , is of so great benefit to the nation as cannot be well expressed ; and indeed is the only support of the inhabitants thereof , and if it be transported , will most certainly prove the nation 's ruine and destruction ; and impoverish it in so great measure as cannot be expressed , and may bring all into disorder and confusion , which god in mercy prevent ; and those that do transport , or aid , or assist , or conceal such transportations , are the greatest enemies that the nation ever had or can have ( traitors only excepted ) for whereas other criminals may be guilty of taking away the lives of some few , these are guilty of endeavouring to put millions to the most cruel death that ever was invented ; that is to say , to be starved to death for want of food ; and also if the chief trade of the nation be transmitted to the neighbouring nations , then the strength and wealth of the nation is lost , and may in a short time , lay the nation open to be subdued by those that finding the benefit of our fleeces , may use all hostile means to obtain the sheep , and the lands that feed the sheep ; which sheep and lands are more worth than all the gold dust in the west indiei . which god grant , this high court of parliament may by making an act to this purpose prevent , and thereby the whole nation 's ruine may ( by god's blessing ) be prevented , amen , so be it , is and shall be the prayer of your humble petitioner . august , the 10th ▪ 1700. finis . moreover , if an act might pass , to pardon all such as have been guilty of exporting wool , woolfells , or yarn made of wool ; provided they will make confessions , and acknowledge under their hands and seals , and name the places of their abode , and make full confession , what quantities of the said goods , to the best of their remembrance or knowledge , they have been guilty of exporting , and who were the owners or part-owners of the same ; in what vessels the same were sent , and to what places the same were sent , and to whom the same were consigned , and whether they were owners of the same , or in partner-ship with others ; and what others by name , or whether they shipp'd the said goods by commission from others , and what they had for so doing ; and by whom they were paid , and how the said goods were pack'd , whether any part thereof was combed wool , and how much , and of whom it was bought ; whether any part of it was passed as coast-ways by coquet , and how much , and what methods were taken to clear the bonds ; whether it was convey'd aboard by boat , or by what means ; at what places it was shipp'd , and whether in the day time , or in the night ; whether any part and how much , was sent over under the notion of other goods , and what sort of goods , whether tobacco , sugars , or wollen cloths , or what other goods , and what money was received for exportation of the said goods , which such wool was passed or shipp'd under colour of ; whether the masters of the vessels had any share thereof , or were privy to the said exportations , and what security was given for securing the vessels , and what fraights were usually given for the same ; and finally , what methods were taken , to prevent the discovery of the said exportations , to the best of their knowledge . and if any person that hath been guilty of such practices , shall neglect to make and sign such confession , upon his , her , or their oaths , or shall neglect to deliver the said confession ( attested and witnessed before some justice of the peace ) to the lord mayor of the city of london for the time being , and whose clerk shall record the same ; and the party guilty of such exportation shall deliver the said confession as aforesaid within thirty days after the publishing of the act , and shall pay the clerk for recording the same ; which clerk shall keep a catalogue of the names of the parties confessing , and the place of their abode ; in order that this high court of parliament may at their pleasure have a sight of the said confessions , and the names of them that are to be indemnified ; and if any person that shall be found guilty of such crime , and hath not made and delivered such confession so as aforesaid , then he , she or they , shall upon due proof that they have been guilty , forfeit all their goods and chattels , lands and tenaments , and be banished out of this kingdom as persons not fit to live therein ; one moiety to him , her or them that shall make the same matter appear upon the oaths of two witnesses or more ; and the parties that shall be instrumental in discovering the same , shall receive the benefit of the pardon ; the other moiety to be to the poor of the parishes where the offenders live . and that a clause may be made annex'd to the act , to cause all men above the age of sixteen years ( noblemen and their sons excepted ) to take an oath , that they will not export , or send out of this kingdom any wool , or woolfells , or yarn made of wool ; nor will not directly or indirectly , aid or assist any so to do ; and that they will discover all such , as shall ( to their knowledge ) be any ways instrumental in so doing , and will to the best of their ability hinder all such practices . and your petitioner doubts not , but by making of laws to the same effect , as in this his petition mentioned ; that all exportation of wool will be hindred and great sums of money saved , which have been paid to the exporters of wool , under the notion of goods that receive back money to the owners when exported ; and that it will , to the great admiration of this high court of parliament , bring to light many great abuses put upon the king and the whole kingdom : and if any objections shall be made against what is petitioned for ; i hope , that the answer to such may be sufficient , that never any law was ever made , but some or other might object against it ; but if it was made for the benefit of the major part of the nation in general , as i am sure , this will be to the benefits of thousands to the hindrance of one ; then all men will grant that it will be a good law. and i think my cost and charge , and great labour well bestowed ; which otherwise i could ill have undergone , being weak in body and of mean estate , and to conclude , i question not but those that are the great engrossers of wool , will be found to be the cause why so much wool is exported , and ought to be hindred from buying and selling of any wool ; and i am very confident , that without the hindrance of wool from being exported , the nation will be ruined , and that suddenly . finis . reasons humbly offered by the governour, assistants, and fellowship of eastland-merchants against the giving of a general liberty to all persons whatsoever to export the english vvoollen-manufacture whither they please. eastland company. 1689 approx. 26 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a58254 wing r532 estc r184948 15038025 ocm 15038025 103082 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58254) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103082) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1577:5) reasons humbly offered by the governour, assistants, and fellowship of eastland-merchants against the giving of a general liberty to all persons whatsoever to export the english vvoollen-manufacture whither they please. eastland company. 15 p. [s.n.], london printed : mdclxxxix [1689] reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england. restraint of trade -england. export controls -england. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-12 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reasons humbly offered by the governour , assistants , and fellowship of eastland-merchants . against the giving of a general liberty to all persons whatsoever to export the english vvoollen-manufacture whither they please . london : printed anno. dom. mdclxxxix . reasons humbly offered by the governour , assistants , and fellowship of eastland merchants , against the giving of a general liberty to all persons whatsoever to export the english woollen-manufacture whither they please . it was the observation of a great man in his time , that the ill success which did attend princes and states in their great affairs , did generally arise through the mistake of that which was their true interest ; and certainly of all errors in judgment , that which relates to a man's interest , where it has been mistaken , has been ever observed to be of a most fatal consequence ; for as it is natural for every thing to tend to its proper centre , so it is as natural for every man to persue ( tho' by different ways and means ) that which he apprehends to be his proper interest ; wherein if he happen to be mistaken , what can follow ? but instead of applying himself to that which is his real advantage , he manytimes persueth with his utmost endeavours , that which in the issue proveth the direct contrary . that they are under a mis-apprehension of this nature , who do assert that a general liberty to all persons to export our woollen-manufacture where they please , will conduce much to the interest of the nation , under a supposition that it will encrease the vent thereof ; we humbly apprehend will be clearly evident upon the following considerations ; which ( as in duty bound ) we submit to the judgment of our superiours . 1st . we affirm , that a general permission of exportation ( as before mentioned ) will be a means to debase the reputation of our english-manufacture , and consequently render it less desireable and sought after abroad . 2ly . it will overthrow all the incorporated companies of merchants in england , as the hamburgh , the russia , ( though established by act of parliament ) the east-land , the turkey , the east-india , and the affrican ; the mischiefs consequential upon which , will be as followeth , viz. 1. the trade of england will thereby be lost as to the english , and come to be all , or at least wise the greatest part , in the hands of forreigners ; as it formerly was , before the said companies were erected . 2ly . all the priviledges obtained by the said companies from the princes , states , and governours of the places of their respective residences ( which are of great advantage to the vending of our english-manufacture ) will be utterly lost . 3. the navigation of england by degrees will be very much impaired , and discouraged . 3. lastly , to name no more , a general permission will be so far from answering the end proposed by it , of vending a greater quantity of our woollen-manufacture than was before ; that in all probability , it will in the end prove the contrary , and be the occasion of vending a great deal less . the proving of which several particulars we shall undertake in order , viz. 1. for the first , that a general permission will be , a means to debase the reputation of our manufactures abroad , and render them less desireable ; will appear as followeth , viz. the trade of the manufacture being now chiefly in the management of regulated companies , it is both their care and their interest that the said manufacture be not debased in its worth , whereby it may come to a dis-esteem abroad ; which general traders will never be mindful of . the appointing set times of shipping will be prevented , which ( tho' now dis-used ) yet hath sometimes been found necessary by regulated companies , in order to bring the manufacture into an esteem again , when by an exportation of much more than the market could take off , it became unvendible , and a drugg . a general permission letteth in all sorts of ignorant traders , who for want of judgment in the said manufacture , know not how to make choice of such which are proper for the market , and when they have them there , are forced many times by their necessities to sell them to loss , whereby our manufacture cometh to be undervalued , and our nation greatly prejudiced , an instance of which , we find recorded as followeth , viz. the english in the reign of queen elizabeth had for a good while together , a profitable trade , and good sales for their english manufactures at narve , in the baltick sea , until at length , in the year 1565 ▪ a number of stragling merchants and unskillful ▪ traders resorted thither out of this realm with their commodities ; by which means , in a little while , the trade which before was good , was utterly spoiled , insomuch , that many of them went about the town with cloth upon their arms ▪ and a measure in their hands , and sold the same by the arsine ( a measure of that country ) to the great embasing of that excellent commodity , the discredit of our nation , and the final impoverishment , and utter undoing of the said stragling merchants ; all which being made known to her majesty , and her privy-council , order was taken at the next parliament , that the town of narve ( then under the jurisdiction of the muscovite ) should be comprized within the charter of the russia company , to prevent the like evil kind of dealing for the future , and making vile the principal commodity of the nation . and it was so done accordingly by act of parliament , which one instance amongst others , is sufficient to evidence , that a general permission of exportation to all persons , will be an occasion of bringing our manufacture into a dis-esteem ; which was our first reason . 2. a general permission will overthrow all the incorporated companies of merchants of england ; the evil consequences of which will be 1. that the trade of england will thereby in time be lost as to the english , and come by degrees into the hands of forreigners . the trade of this nation was formerly ( as it were intirely ) in the forreigners hands . viz. the members of the haus-towns , who were incorporated into a society , by the name of the merchants of the dutch-hans , and had many priviledges and immunities granted them by the kings and princes of this realm , and amongst others a guildhall , afterwards called the steel-yard , for the better carrying on their said government , as appeareth by a charter granted to them in the twenty third year of henry the third ; but more especially by another charter granted to them in the forty fourth year of the said king henry the third , and that general charter to forreign merchants , granted by king edward the first , in the 31 st year of his reign . about the time of king henry the 4th . the english began to trade themselves into the east-parts , at which the easterlings or merchants of the dutch-hans , were so offended , that they took several of their ships and goods , and offered them several other injuries , which occasioned great complaints and differences between the said king henry the 5th . and couradus de junigen , then master general of the dutch order in prussia , with the hans townes : and divers embassies passed betwixt them , on that account , the result of which in short was this , that the said king henry the 4 th . finding by the said priviledges granted to forreigners , his own subjects ( to the great prejudice of the realm ) very much crippled in their trade ; did revoke such parts of the priviledges of the aforesaid dutch company , as were inconsistent with the carryeing on of a trade by the natives of this realm , and for the better encouragement of his owne subjects , did in the 5th . year of his reign , grant his first charter to the merchants trading into the eastland , containing many great priviledges , and immunities , as by the said charter may appear ; which having a good effect to the bringing of the trade much more into the hands of the natives of this realm than was before , king edward the 4th . for their more ample encouragement , did in the second year of his reign , grant another large charter , to the merchants of england ; especially to those residing in the nether-lands , with several additional immunities and priviledges , as by the charter at large may appear . in the 1st . and 2d . of philip and mary , was granted the charter to the russia company , afterwards confirmed by act of parliament , in the 8th . year of queen elizabeth . until whose time , tho' the trade of this nation was driven much more by the natives thereof , than had been formerly , yet had the society of the dutch-hans , at the steele-yard , much the advantage of them , by means of their well regulated societies , and the priviledges they enjoyed , insomuch that almost the whole trade was driven by them , to that degree , that queen elizabeth her self when she came to have a war , was forced to buy the hemp , pitch , tarr , powder and other naval provisions , which she wanted of forreigners , and that too , at their own rates ; nor was there any stores of either in the land to supply her occasions on a suddain , but what at great rates she prevailed with them to fetch for her , even in time of war ; they being strangers not regarding the interest of the nation , and her own subjects , being as then but very little traders : to remedy which , she fell upon the consideration , how she might at home have a well-grounded dependance , to have those necessary commodities by her , that so she might not want them , when she most needed them ; and after great deliberation , no better expedient could be found , by the said queen , and her council , than by encouraging her own subjects to be the merchants , which she did , by erecting out of them several societies ; of merchants , as that of the east-land company , and other companies , by which means , and by cancelling many of the priviledges of the forementioned dutch-hans society , the trade in general , by degrees came to be managed by the natives of this realm , and consequently , the profit of all those trades accrewed to the english nation ; trade in general , and english shipping was encreased , her own customes vastly augmented , and what was at first the great end of all obtained , viz. that she had constantly , lying at home , in the hands of her own subjects , all sorts of naval provisions and stores , which she could make use of , as her occasions required them , without any dependance on her neighbours for the same . and thus by the means of the erecting the forementioned societies , and preserving and encouraging that of the merchant-adventurers , was the trade at first gained from forreigners to the natives of this realme , to its inestimable advantage ; and by the same means hath been hitherto in great measure preserved ; but if these societies should be overthrown , as they will certainly be , by a general liberty granted to all persons , both strangers and others , to carry our woollen-manufactures to the places of their respective priviledges , the trade will again by degrees be lost to the english , and fall into the hands of forreigners ; since it is clearly evident , that the trade of england , to the natives of this realm , can by no other ways be preserved , than by the same method it was at first obtained , viz. the supporting the several and respective societies of merchants , in their priviledges and immunities . 2dly . the next mischeif that will follow upon the overthrow of the respective companies , consequential upon a general permission , is this ; that all the beneficial priviledges obtained at the hands of the princes and governours of the respective places of their residences will be utterly lost , to the very great disadvantage of the vending of our english manufacture , and this is so apparent , that it needeth no enlargement ; for if the companies fall , their priviledges must necessarily fall with them , and tho' obtained at the intercession of our princes , and at the great expence and sollicitations of the said companies , yet if a general permission be granted to all persons to trade to the places of their priviledges , they will be forthwith looked upon , but under the notion of general traders , and their priviledges , which in some places are greater than those princes own subjects enjoy , will be by them gladly celled , and re-assumed , which is so apparent to every mans reason , that we shall add no more about it . 3. the last mischief mentioned arising by the over tbrow of the companies , of which a general permission to trade to the places of the priviledges is a necessary consequence , is this , that the navigation of england will by degrees be thereby much impaired , and this is almost as apparent as the former ; for it is a certain maxim , that the encrease of navigation followeth the encrease of trade ; and if the trade of england fall into the hands of forreigners , as it will in a little time do , ) by the discouragement of english merchants , the navigation of england must likewise in time decay ; for it has been always observed that the forreigner will not make use of english shipping if he can have any other , for besides his national , his personal interest leadeth him to the contrary , in as much as he can have his goods carried at cheaper rates in forreign shipping , who can , and do sail at much easier charge than our english , and so our navigation by degrees will be much impaired . 3. we come now to the third and last reason that a general permission will be so far from gaining the end proposed by it , that in all probability it will in the event prove the contrary , which if we make out , ( as we hope we shall ) by reason , and that backed by the experience of former and latter times : it will then ( we presume ) be satisfactory to all disinterested persons , that a general permission will be no ways for the good , but much to the prejudice of this nation . in order to the proof of which we shall lay down this as a sure maxim , that it is not the quantity of woollen-manufacture exported , but what the markets abroad are able to take off , and those nations expend ; which is the true rule , by which our measures must be taken , as to the expence of our english manufacture . for instance , if in one year there should be twenty thousand cloths sent unto a place whose markets and expence will take off but ten thousand ; will the expence of our manufacture be ever the larger for that great exportation ? no , for the other ten thousand must lye undisposed of , for the expence of the next year , so that by how much the more manufacture was sent the first year , there will be so much the less sent the next , and so from year to year , accordingly as the expence requires it ; unless it can be supposed that the merchant will still be sending out , without consideration had of his selling abroad , which , as it is irrational to suppose , so it is impossible to be , done without an unexhaustable stock . by which it appeareth , and is clearly evident , that a general permission may well change the hands of the exporters , but can never encrease the expence of the manufacture . nor can the companies of merchants , as such , lessen ; or the general permission , encrese , a the said exportation , but in one of these three cases , viz. 1. either first , if the said companies should make any by-laws amongst themselves , to limit the exportation of the said manufactures , in order to advancing of it in price . this we must confess , would be a hindrance to its expence ; but we can , and do aver , that there is not , nor ever was , that we know of in ours or any of the said companies , any by-laws to limit or restrain the exportation . or 2dly . if the members of the said companies , as particular merchants should make a combination among themselves , that they would not transport above such a number of clothes in such a time , or sell them under such a rate , that so their price might be advanced : but this considering the great numbers of persons in the several companies , & their different particular interest , ( all which must be comprised in such a combination ) is morally impossible ; and is that which never was , nor can be done . 3. or lastly , if the merchants of the respective companies , have not sufficient stock to take off asmuch of our manufacture , and send it to the respective places of their residence , as those markets are capable of vending ; but that this is not so , we may with modesty affirm since it is well known , that the merchants of the respective companies , have stocks sufficient to carry off five times as much of our manufacture , as the several countries to which they trade , can , or will vend . so that the english merchants , being neither dis-enabled through want of stock , nor hindred by any by-law , nor enengaged in any combination among themselves , to send less of our manufacture to the places of their respective trades , than the markets in those places will take off , and vend ; it may reasonably be concluded , that the merchant would be glad to send double the quantity they now do , if they could find a vent for it , it being so much their interest as to profit , to increase their trade : and that a general permission , ( as was before intimated ) may change the hands of the exporters , but cannon in any wise increase the exportation it self ; but instead thereof by the means of over glutting the markets , they are many times put upon a necessity of selling to loss , by which inconvenience , together with many other , if we will believe the experience , both of former ages , and latter times ; a general permission hath brought our manufacture into such dis-esteem , as hath much lessened the exportation of it , to what it was before . two instances whereof , one of former ages , and the other of latter times , we shall crave leave to offer , which we presume will sufficiently clear up the truth of what has been alleadged . in the 29th . year of queen elizabeth , the wool-sellers clothiers , and others living upon the woollen-manufacture finding themselves grieved for want of sufficient vent for the same made their complaint to the queens majesty , and her council , and did assign the same cause as is now pretended , viz the monopoly of the several companies , and by that a wan of permission for all persons , both natives and forreigners to buy it up , and send it abroad ; upon which it was then supposed that the only remedy to cure this evil , would be to give liberty to all persons , both her highness's subjects , and forreigners to buy , and transport cloth , and other woollen-manufactures when , and where they pleased ; and accordingly a general permission was granted , and they were enabled thereunto by letters pattents from her higness , directed to the then lord-treasurer , with a non obstante to the companies charter , and that the charter of the city of london might be no hindrance thereunto , ( by reason that unfreemen are thereby restrained from buying and selling at blackwell-hall within the said city , which was the ordinary market-place for buying and selling of cloth ) the sign of the george in kingstreet in westminster was appointed in the said letters pattents , as a market-place for all clothiers , merchants , and others , both free and unfree , to resort unto , as would take the benefit of the said general permission . but did the vent of the manufacture encrease thereby ? no , but rather grew worse and worse . the company being afraid to go on in their trade under such an innovation , and the forreigner not taking it off , the manufacture lay on the makers hands to that degree , that the poor people in wilishire , and gloucestershire in great numbers were ready to grow into a mutiny ; and when all men expected nothing less than the abolishing of the company , as the only cause of all this grief ; and the setting up the merchants of the steel-yard again , and establishing that general permission , as the proper remedy : nothing of this followed , but the lords of the council sent for the company , and after they had been heard , and had made known to them the true cause of the present want of vent ; they were so satisfied in them , as to will the said company to proceed as formerly in their trade , and gave them promises of all the assistance , and countenance for the future which they could reasonably desire ; which , certainly their lordships would not have done , if that they had seen that the late innovation , or general permission had brought forth , or was likely to bring forth the promised effect , or that without trading under regulated societies , so great a quantity of woollen-manufacture could be vented , as was when they were maintained , and defended in the enjoyment of their rights and priviledges . the other instance is of a much later date , and fresh in memory ; when , in the year 1662 , upon a complaint of the like nature , a temporary liberty was granted to all persons to buy , and ship out our woollen-manufacture ; but so far was it , upon tryal made , from answering the end proposed , that the very clothiers themselves did in the following year 1663 , petition that the said liberty might be revoked , and accordingly upon their petition it was revoked , by his late majesty , king charles the second . and if it be now objected to us , that after all our endeavours to prove that a general permission will not increase the vent of our manufacture , we have in the mean time no where affirmed what will , we must declare , that at present we know but one of these two , either to put a stop to its making in other parts ; or of making it so cheap here , that we may be able to undersel our neighbours . the first of which we know to be impossible , the latter , we have reason to believe might give offence to those who are the sellers of its materials , tho' it is sufficiently evident to any common understanding , that the cheapness of the materials is the most proper means of encreasing the vent of our manufacture ; for he that goeth cheapest to market with a commodity of equal goodness , shall thereby be enabled to sell cheaper , and by that means be assured of the first market . and now , tho' there be many other arguments , and further instances which might set sorth the great national mischiefs , and little benefit which will naturally arise from such a general permission ; yet at present we shall add no more , forasmuch as we humbly conceive what was before alleadged , is sufficient to convince all unprejudiced persons , that a general permission will bring great inconvenicies upon the nation in general , as to its trade , and when that is done , no ways answer the end proposed by it . all which is most humbly submitted , &c. exam. per. ince . finis . an essay on wool and wollen manufacture for the improvement of trade, to the benefit of landlords, feeders of sheep, clothiers, and merchands, in a letter to a member of parliament. child, josiah, sir, 1630-1699. 1693 approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32829 wing c3856 estc r23526 12072032 ocm 12072032 53499 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32829) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53499) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 864:5) an essay on wool and wollen manufacture for the improvement of trade, to the benefit of landlords, feeders of sheep, clothiers, and merchands, in a letter to a member of parliament. child, josiah, sir, 1630-1699. [2], 18 p. printed for henry bonwicke ..., london : 1693. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. attributed to sir josiah child. cf. nuc pre-1956. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool -commerce. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay on wool , and woollen manufacture , for the improvement of trade , to the benefit of landlords , feeders of sheep , clothiers , and merchants . in a letter to a member of parliament . imprimatur , decemb. 31. 1692. edmund bohun . london : printed for henry bonwicke , at the red lyon , in st. paul's church-yard . 1693. an essay on wool , and woollen manufacture . forasmuch as wool and woollen manufacture , is of very great concern to every landed man , and that your honour is no less desirous to joyn in such measures , as may conduce to the benefit of the nation in general , and that place for which you serve in particular , as of your own estate , i hope with all humility , that you will entertain this paper with the same candour , wherewith you have always accepted my labours for the publick ; and the rather , because your honour will easily believe , that i have no private interest to serve , in relation to this subject . it hath been observed by men of the greatest experience , that the undervaluation of english commodities abroad , hath been the first and most considerable detriment we have suffered in our forreign dealings . and altho' at first the dutch and the easterlings did all they could to raise the price of our woollen manufacture , to the end , that they might the better sell their own , yet having now established their own to a great and dangerous degree , they begin to run down our cloth , as fast as before they hoisted it up , and care not how cheap we sell , provided they can assign for the cause of that cheapness , the false making of our cloth of late , and the exacter care that forreign manufactors take , for the accusation now is not , that our cloth is dear , but false made . and it appears , not only by the confession , but by the complaint of our clothiers in general , that this suggestion of forreign dealers hath but too much ground ; they complain very justly , that dutch chapmen , and private merchants , who have of late years exported our cloth , having not been able to give the full price , have had great quantities of cloth made to that price that they can afford to give , and tho' the honest clothier doth make such bad ware with great regret , yet he is forced to make such as he can vend , since the societies of merchants , who always gave a good price ( for which they had such ware as forreign manufactors cannot imitate ) do now buy very little , being under-sold abroad by petty chap-men , who , of late years , have forced a trade . this sudden and unnatural trade hath for divers times been experimented , to make the price of wool for a while rise ; for that low price , at which foreign-merchants have set this false-made cloth , hath caused many buyers abroad , to take advantage of that cheap opportunity of stocking themselves with english drapery ; and such a trade hath lasted for three or four years , whereby much wool hath been here manufactured , and the price of wool accordingly raised ; but at length , when the baseness of this manufacture hath been discovered , and the markets abroad clogg'd , as sudden a fall of wool must in all likelihood be expected to have ensued , and by this opportunity the value of foreign made cloth hath been raised , our cloth discredited , merchants of societies discourag'd , clothiers had little to do , growers to pay , and landlords to receive . so that with submission it seems absolutely necessary to the good of this kingdom , i. that our woollen manufacture be raised to its former credit and esteem abroad . ii. that the ballance of trade be set evener , and and that neither too much nor too little be every year exported . iii. that it may be put not only into a flourishing , but into a lasting state . for , first , if the price of our cloth be low abroad , 't is impossible that wool should continue to bear a good price at home : if cloth falls , the material 't is made of must fall with it , and consequently the labours of the card-makers , breakers , combers , carders , spinners , weavers , fullers , shearmen , clothiers , dyers , cloth workers , packers , &c. must be beat down , if these be discourag'd , we must more and more lose our manufacture , for who will breed up their children to a discourag'd trade ? and in the end we shall as effectually lose it as the dutch have already gained it . secondly , if the ballance of trade be not kept even , not only in reference to goods exported and imported , which the foreigner never observes , but in reference likewise to foreign markets , that one be not over-clogg'd with that commodity which another wants , and that times and seasons be duly observ'd , we shall put the chapmen abroad , that are to take off our cloth to such uncertainties , that there will be no dealing with us , for they will find in many places , that private merchants have supply'd those retailers , whom they used to furnish , they 'll find cloath cheap where they expect it to be dear ; so that they cannot sell , and cloth dear where they expect it to be cheap , so that they cannot buy ; so when they buy , it shall be dutch cloth , and when they sell ours , it shall be for what they can get . thirdly , 't is of no advantage to the nation to have a fit of good trading , if it cannot continue ; nay , in this instance of woollen manufacture it is injurious ; for if a purchaser buys land , or a tenant takes a lease , or a grower encreases his stock , upon the consideration of wools bearing such a price , each one of these is a loser when it falls . and so if the clothier encreases his number of apprentices , looms , stock , and the like , upon a false supposition , he is like to be ruined . the condition things are in at present is not only to be minded , but that which they must necessarily be in hereafter . wherefore 't is humbly propos'd , in the first place , i. that care be taken , that our cloth be made so good , that it shall bear a considerable price abroad , and yet be cheaper to the buyer than foreign-made cloth ; for if at the same time it be not cheaper in proportion to the goodness than dutch-made cloth , 't is impossible that we can keep the trade from them . 't is natural for every man to make the most of his penny , and since our growers and clothiers cannot live upon their profession , at the price of cloth which the dutch do now afford it at , we must make our cloth truer and better than they do to outsell them . for though the wool be of our own growth , and fuller's-earth peculiar to us , yet they have so many ways of getting the former , and so much store have they got from us of the latter , that they can continue the manufacture many years without us . and if inferior workmen with them are to be had so much cheaper than with us , the advantages of our native commodities do but little more than compensate for the dearness of our workmen . but something they do , and something we surpass them when we please in workmanship , to which if a little good policy and state-encouragement were added , we may still retrieve a languishing trade , by suffering no cloth to go out of england , but of such a standard goodness , according to such and such marks . ii. secondly , that our cloth-trade may be divided all over the world , into particular cantons proportioned and ballanc'd , as may seem best upon due information , to the wisdom of parliament , who may perhaps think fit to constitute of their own members an annual committee , with fixed allowances and pensions out of a publick bank , who may alter and rectifie the proportions of each english corporation of merchants , and place of foreign sale , according as times and occasions alter . iii. thirdly , that such a certain and definite number of cloths be every year exported necessarily , without any abatement for any pretended contingencies , as may keep the price of wool , and the manufacture of it to such a height , as that the clothier shall know it his interest to make so many more cloths than now he doth ; the grower to encrease his stock of sheep , and the landlord to raise his rent and value of land. concerning the first of these three proposals , divers acts of parliament are still in force , which may be revived and amended as may seem good to the legislative powers ; the other two are liable , so far as i can see , to no difficulties and objections , but what may be obviated by this method , viz. there being so many societies of english merchants exporting our woollen manufacture to foreign parts , they may be obliged , coming under such regulations as the parliament shall think fit , to export every year each company such a proportion of cloth as altogether may leave us but bare enough for our own use , and that at a round price . thus supposing the cloth-trading merchants to be the merchant-adventurers , the turky company , the east-india company , the eastland company , the hudson's-bay company , the russia company , the african company . and suppose there be , in all england and wales , ( according to the ingenious and accurate mr houghton ) 39938500 acres of land , and one third part of it unfit for feeding of sheep , as woods , parks , fens , mine-pits , &c. or otherwise employ'd ; and that one sixth-part of the remainder be good meadow ; and such land as will maintain two sheep on an acre ; and that all the rest be plow'd land , barren downs ; wasts , commons , orchards , and the like ; which may , one with another , maintain one sheep on an acre , this will amount to 31063257 sheep in the whole nation : allow then 75 fleeces to a pack of wool , there will be 414176 packs . one pack weighing 240 l. all detriments , wast and tare rebated , will make three pieces of broad-cloth , thirty yards to a piece ; and if we make yearly in all england 150000 broad-cloths , they are supposed to take up 50000 packs of our wool , and of the spanish wool imported , we may , at the most , reckon ten thousand cloths more ; in all 160000. one pack of wool will make likewise six pieces of lesser drapery , as kerseys , bays , flannel , serges , perpetuano's , says , frise , and the like , one with another of thirty yards a piece ; and , i recken , that we make 1600000 of these lesser draperies , ( i may call 'em altogether ) yearly , which will spend 266666 packs , their 's 316666 packs disposed of ; and suppose such uses as shall be hereafter mention'd , to take up the remaining 97510 packs , here 's the whole product of wool in the land , which by the former computation of acres , amounts to 99402240 pound . grant then , that in england there be 7000000 of men , women , and children , of which 1000000 to be infants , and their wear not reckon'd , two millions more to wear old and patch'd cloaths , lindseywoolsie , and the like , and but one in seven to wear broad-cloth , and no more each than three yards a piece for a whole year , this amounts to 100000 cloths : and that three more in the seven wear only lesser drapery , and but 5 yards each to a year's wear , ( which in norwich , and such-like stuffs , will not go far ) this comes to 500000 pieces ; then to every piece of cloth , allow one piece of stuffs in linings , wastcoats , breeches , &c. and we have but 1000000 of lesser drapery , and sixty thousand cloths yearly to export . then for 97510 packs of wool remaining , allow to every one of the six millions , one pair of stockins a year , and four pair to a pound of wool , and a quarter as many exported , amount to 25000 packs ; then for hats , that of three millions , each wears one hat in two years , and four hats to one pound of wool , amounts to five thousand packs more . upholsterers ware , as blankets , curtains , hangings , skreens , linings of coaches , chairs , and the like , to be a quarter-part of the stuffs that are made , spends fifty thousand packs ; and if one thirtieth part of our wool be put to such uses as are here omitted , and otherwise wasted in dressing and working it , what 's left will be too little for burying shrouds , and other funeral occasions . and now we have none left but what is to be exported , viz. sixty thousand cloths , and one million of lesser drapery . first then , the merchant-adventurers being restored by queen elizabeth , upon the petitions of the growers and clothiers , to all those priviledges , which in the twenty-ninth year of her reign they had been deprived of , flourished so , that about the year 1600 , they exported sixty thousand white cloths , besides all manner of stuffs every year , the white cloths alone valued at 600000 l. forty years after they exported about 50000 broad cloths , 1000 bays , and 20000 stuffs a year : and the reason they give , why of late they have not exported a quarter so many broad-cloths , and little more than half so many stuffs , is , that forreigners who understand not the trade , have brought quantities of false made cloth here , and exported it , and not only glutted and mistimed forreign markets , but brought the commodity into disesteem . now if the wisdom of the parliament shall think fit to put a stop to that private trade , and restore the merchants to their former state , they cannot think themselves ill used , if it be upon condition . that they every year export fifteen thousand broad-cloths ; and seeing the stuff-trade , and especially of new draperies , is quicker of the two , 250000 of them . the turkey-company may likewise be obliged to export yearly twenty eight thousand broad-cloaths , and five thousand stuffs . the east-india company five thousand broad-cloths , and 45 thousand stuffs . the east-land company three thousand cloths , and ten thousand stuffs . the hudson-bay company five hundred cloths . the russia company four thousand cloths , and four thousand stuffs . the african company one hundred and forty thousand stuffs . so that now we have but four thousand five hundred broad-cloths , and five hundred forty six thousand stuffs remaining . and the portuguezes , who would take off at least . three hundred thousand pound a year in our woollen manufactures , if we would deal with 'em for wine , do nevertheless take off about 180 thousand stuffs a year . spain , about two thousand cloths , and three hundred thousand stuffs . italy , five hundred cloths , and forty thousand stuffs . barbary six thousand stuffs . the western plantations , ten thousand stuffs . sweden , and norway , two thousand cloths , and ten thousand stuffs ; without any obligation , but the necessity of their trade . these proportions i insist not upon , the wisdom of parliament will find out better . but if the merchant-adventurers , or any other fraternity , shall , after the proportion is set out , think themselves hardly dealt with , by being obliged so to increase their dealings , they have a remedy at hand , and can ease themselves , by enlarging their company , and making more members of it free upon easie terms . in king iames the first 's time , they had three thousand five hundred freemen of that company ; and since that , they have had six thousand free at a time : now suppose they admit but four thousand freemen , and that but one quarter of these are dealers , and that one with another , they export each for himself , but fifteen cloths , and two hundred and fifty stuffs a year , which is no great merchandizing , it will do ; and accordingly the other companies , if they think fit , may take the like measures . i proceed therefore to the advantages that we may expect to reap by such a method . i. first , this will keep the cloth-trade altogether in the hands of the english ; i mean , the profits of trade in english manufacture , in which forreigners at present have too great a share , as english merchants and clothiers well know to their sorrow . ii. there will be less danger and loss upon the seas . societies of merchants trading in strong and well mann'd vessels , and not adventuring , as petty merchants do , without convoys , to the enriching the enemy , and impoverishing our selves . iii. this will encourage the building of great and able ships , which may be of service to the publick in times of necessity : for societies will not hazard so valuable a commodity as cloth , and in such great parcels , as doubtless they will send out at a time , in ordinary vessels : for one of the mysteries of merchandize , being the right timeing of markets , they will not send over in driblets , as independent traders do , but send sufficient quantities at a time , according to the occasions and fashions of the places they deal with ; besides , their by-laws oblige 'em to export only in english bottoms . iv. the nation 's credit abroad will by this means improve , and those societies yearly bring to such and such places , so great a quantity of our manufacture , as will be a security to any town or state we deal with , and each society will be more able upon any great exigence , as by taking up money , or engaging themselves , and their effects , for the service of their country , to do the nation , especially in time of war , some signal offices ; as the merchant-adventurers did , about the time of the spanish invasion . v. exportation of , manufactured wool will be never attempted : for when the manufacture is so much encourag'd , wool will bear a better price at home , than now it doth abroad ; here will be ready money without danger , and variety of markets ; whereas the exportors run great risques , are forced to sell where they first land , and sometimes , to take words instead of money . for , vi. the price of wool must necessarily rise and keep up , if every year so much is exported , as not to leave enough for our home use . vii . our cloth will bear a constant good price abroad , when no body can much undersel another , because all wares of such and such marks , will be of like goodness , the price at the first penny will not be much different , the charges and hazards almost equal to every one , and no merchant will be over or understock'd , to the unspeakable undervaluation of our ware. viii . 't will prevent our clothiers , and other manufactors , transporting themselves into holland , to the irreparable damage of this nation , as 140 families did out of norfolk and suffolk , in the years 1635 , 1636. and when two or three thousand of our english clothiers settled themselves in the palatinate . ix . the orders for overseeing and sealing cloth will be more strictly look'd after , by publick officers ; and indeed every member of these societies : whereas the foreigner , looks no farther , than to get so many yards overplus , in consideration of the want of breadth ▪ and goodness , provided he hath it at his own terms , beating down by that means the price of cloth here , and underselling it abroad : so that the retailers abroad , that buy it of us , do only look upon the muster and outside , and finding themselves afterwards cheated , they change their chapmen , and deal with the honester dutch ; which might be prevented by publick officers , and a publick seal . x. this will make the commodity more staple and more considerable all over the world ; whereas now the proffer'd sale of it makes it contemptible , and they that accept the bargain make good the merchant's proverb , that there is twenty per cent. difference between , will you buy , and will you sell. xi . greater quantities of cloth will be here made than now is , when the clothiers are morally sure of a certain market , and ready-mony before the year goes about , and that make as much as they will , it shall be all taken off their hands . these benefits i have enumerated regard the good of the nation in general , and those belonging to the merchant and clothier in particular , are likewise worth consideration . for , 1. wealthy merchants will not be able to engross so much the trade to themselves as now they do , but every member will have a share in the circulation proportionable to his abilities . the great ones shall not have too much upon their hands at a time , nor the lesser merchants too little , but every one shall have so many lots as his trade requires , which may be known and attested by certificates from an english publick notary abroad , which will make every ones factor industrious to drive as good and as speedy a trade as he can . nor will this be any wrong to great merchants , or exposing their effects or abilities , since every one hath liberty to be of more than one society , as we see divers merchants belong at the same time both to the east-india and african company , and so others . 2. again , young traders would hereby have assistance and direction in their dealings , and not be suffer'd to ruine themselves , as they do , by wading out of their depths . they would not find a way easily of trading without a stock , whereby they often ruine themselves and dishonour the nation , it being a reflection upon us abroad , that our young merchants engage themselves too deep , and when not governed by a society too extravagantly : young merchants , and those that cry out so much for free exportation , do often take up goods upon credit or exchange to ten or twelve per cent. loss , and afterwards upon some sudden pinch being forced to sell , they undersell others to keep up their credit , to the disparagement of our commodities and ruine of themselves , as well by losing in the cloth they sell , as buying forreign ware at too dear a rate , enhaunsing the price of our neighbor's commodities , and lessening that of our own , to make quick return . so the merchants of york , hull , and newcastle send young men over with their cloth ( too young indeed to deal with hollanders , hans-towns , and iews ) who having engaged themselves to relade their ships at a certain day with foreign ware , before they can sell their cloth they buy of foreigners upon credit , and having a day of payment set , are forced , be the market how it will , to sell their cloth at any rate , to keep up their credit ; which wild way of traffick makes the price of cloth so uncertain to foreigners , that the retailer knows not when and how to buy , and so grows weary of the trade . 3. this will be a means to hinder the raising of tolls and imports abroad , each company having influence and authority where they reside , especially in such a town as hamburgh , where the trade hath maintain'd 20000 persons at a time ; and be able likewise to contravene all fraudulent dealings and combinations against the trade . 4. this will not only keep up , but encrease the number of publick places of sale abroad , where our cloth is exposed in an open market , and all the sellers are obliged to attend with great plenty and variety ; which method is known by long experience to forward the sale of any ware : and such publick places and markets can no more be settled abroad by private dealers , than it could be practis'd here at home by foreigners , who though they had upon mis-information of queen elizabeths council , the george in king-street , westminster , assigned them for a publick place of trade , yet could never bring one waggon-load of clothes to be unloaded there : and if under the notion of buyers , people in a foreign country cannot without being incorporated make a publick place of trade , much less can they under the notion of sellers . beside that , publick places of sale are more for the honour of the commodity , and of the merchant , than private bartering and pedling up and down , as those stragling merchants did in the year 1565 , who went up and down at narve in lisland , with english cloth under their arms , and a measure in their hands , bringing the noblest commodity of england into the greatest contempt . but most advantage of all will by this means accrue to the clothier , and by consequence to the grower ; for there will be so current a price , and such certain dealings for this staple commodity , that broakers , wool-iobbers , and the like , will not henceforth eat out the clothiers profit , ( a great cause of the dearness of manufacture in england ) but the merchant and draper will be forced to employ factors to go about the country , and buy cloth at the clothiers home , paying ready money : at least the clothiers bringing their cloths to market every week , will find customers enough : so the poorest clothiers , which have but a little stock , may trade for themselves , which now they cannot do . i could enumerate many more conveniencies both national and particular ; as , that it would be a means to prevent the king 's being defrauded in his customs . that taxes upon stock and effects may hereby be more easily laid . that trade will be judiciously varied according to emergencies and alterations abroad . there will be less quarreling with our merchants about tare and rebatements . this will raise the price of corn throughout the nation ; for wool keeping hereby certainly to a round price , stock will be encreased , and a great deal of land laid down in pasture , so that there will be less corn-land , and less corn sowed . but what i have said may perhaps suffice to satisfie your honour , that however i succeed , i think it my duty to study the good of my country . i will not now trouble your honour with an account of the great damages this nation sustains , by the exportation of that which is not full manufactured , i leave that to another hand . i am , &c. finis . some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords for prohibiting the exportation of the woolen manufactures of ireland to foreign parts, humbly offer'd to their lordships. cox, richard, sir, 1650-1733. 1698 approx. 29 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34854 wing c6725 estc r17365 12727894 ocm 12727894 66381 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34854) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66381) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 979:14) some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords for prohibiting the exportation of the woolen manufactures of ireland to foreign parts, humbly offer'd to their lordships. cox, richard, sir, 1650-1733. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 16 p. printed by joseph ray ..., dublin : 1698. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. attributed to ricard cox. cf. wing. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -ireland -sources. ireland -commerce. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords , for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufactures of ireland to foreign parts . humbly offer'd to their lordships . dvblin , printed by joseph ray in skinner row , over against the tholsel . mdcxcviii . reasons against the bill for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufactures of ireland , to foreign parts . the bill for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufacture out of ireland to foreign parts , being now under your lordships consideration , i have presumed to offer my thoughts concerning it , and shall endeavour to shew it will be detrimental to the interest of both england and ireland . if this hath the end i design by it , i shall think my time well spent ; if not , i hope the sincerity of my intentions will atone for my inability of performance . i shall begin by shewing the great advantages england reaps by the trade of ireland , that your lordships may judge how little reason there is to be jealous of them , and how tender this nation ought to be of putting unnecessary difficulties upon them . 't is a common saying amongst us , that it would be well for england if ireland was under the sea ; whereas i hope to make it appear , that england gets more by ireland than by the trade of the whole world besides ; and if in the late reigns ireland had not in a great measure supplied the losses we suffer'd by the french , indian and eastern trades , we had been long since undone , and it had not been now the common debate of the town how to undo them . this will appear to be evident , if we consider the particulars relating to both kingdoms . near a third part of all the lands of that kingdom , belonging to english proprietors who inhabit here , and have their rents constantly return'd in ready money . besides this , most of the nobility and gentry of ireland spend their estates here ; they live no longer in ireland than to raise a sum of money to spend here in their pleasures . this is the seat of government : here are the court and the societies of law : here all the nobility and gentry come for employments , education , or pleasure ; which considerations alone would exhaust that kingdom , if it had the riches of both indies i will add to this , that england supplies ireland with most of the commodities they consume ; and notwithstanding all our frights , there are nine in ten of that country , that are able to buy it , clothed in woollen manufactures sent from england , and in exchange we have very few commodities from them ; for their cattle are prohibited , there are impositions upon their tallow , leather , and corn , which almost amount to a prohibition ; and last year the tonnage and poundage was doubled upon their linen and other manufactures ; and such commodities as are suffer'd to come from thence are either absolutely necessary to us , or materials for our manufactures , as wooll , flax , cony skins , raw hides , sheep-skins , rape-seed , &c. in times of peace there was near 100000 l. per annum return'd near to the court , besides the charge of that government ; and since the war they have contributed to the publick charge as far as their late misfortunes would suffer them , and without doubt in a new war will advance large supplies of men and money , if we do not disable them . besides this , most of the trade of that kingdom is carried on by english stocks , and in english bottoms ; and a great number of their e●tates are mortgaged to english men at the unreasonable interest of ten per cent . they are but factors , and most of the profit redounds to us ; they toil for our advantage , they sow and we reap . i have enumerated these particulars , to shew , that whatsoever ireland gets by trade from the whole world centers in england , and is returned hither by bills of exchange from spain , holland , france , the west indies , and other places . if they gain'd ten millions a year , it would come to england ; and if they get but ten thousand pounds , we can have no more from them . they have no mines of silver and gold , and therefore can send none to us but what they get first from others ; and if we hinder them from making advantages of other nations , we can make none of them ; so that what is lost in the parish is got in the hundred . nor is it possible that ireland should advance in riches in any proportion to england , for the former issues will draw away their wealth as fast as ever they get it : and this is manifested by twenty years experience before the war ; for though they got a great many millions over-balance from the rest of the world , yet according to the best computations they never had above three hundred thousand pounds in that kingdom . the particulars i have mentioned amount to above 600000 l. per annum , besides the great advantages we receive by being supplied from thence with materials for our manufactures , as before-mentioned . if so , i submit to your lordships , whether the over-balance we have of the rest of the world amount to as much more : if it does , i am sure we shall quickly be a rich people ; but if not , then how tenderly ought we to use a nation that yields us so much profit ? there is a mediocrity in nature which we cannot exceed without destroying what we design to advance . moderate impositions raise large sums , and great ones often raise nothing . we may sheer our sheep so close , as to flee them that they shall never bear wooll again . i have heard of a man that try'd to bring his horse to live without meat , and then he died . i wish this be not the case of ireland , that we desire to get so much from them , till at last we put them out of a condition to pay us any thing . but there is another consideration which strikes deeper yet ; whether by bills of this kind we shall not make the possession of that kingdom insecure to us , and after so much expence of blood and treasure at last throw it again into irish hands . my lords i have heard but of two ways of keeping conquered countries in subjection , by arms , or by colonies as to the first ( besides the charge of it , which commonly eats up the whole profit ) i think few will deny but it is equally dangerous to the conquering or the conquered country : there can be no force in the province but may be brought to the mother kingdom ; and if they are sufficient without other assistance to keep one country in entire subjection , in time they will keep the other so too . the other way is by colonies , and this is the method that free governments have always taken to secure their conquests . this rome did for four hundred years , till at last their conquests were so large that their government grew top-heavy , the trunk was not large enough to support its branches . this our ancestors did to secure ireland , and is the easiest , least chargeable , and least dangerous method . now the establishing colonies , my lords , is often done by establishing the conquering army on some part of the conquered lands , sometimes by sending forth a number of your people to inhabit there ; but always by giving them such encouragements , that it shall be their interest to keep the natives in subjection . this is the case of ireland , that after five hundred years contending , 52 rebellions and massacres , to the loss of a million of english , the conquering army often planted in the country , and multitudes besides leaving england to inhabit there , almost the whole kingdom is at last got into the english hands ; and if we should lay such difficulties upon them , that they should think it their interest to leave the country , or not be very solicitous for the english interest there , i submit to your lordships great wisdom , whether that kingdom may not hereafter give us fresh trouble . france is but a new friend , and scotland for late reasons is not much in humour with us ; and we know the whole north of ireland is inhabited by that nation , and multitudes of them go over every day , and will do so notwithstanding this or any other law that can be made . i would not suggest such improbable and such wicked thoughts , as that the english of that country should join with them in any interest but in subserviency to england ; but i hope i may say without offence that the better any people are used , the better subjects they will make : and i believe no one will deny , if they had thought it their interest to have joined with the late king , we had had much more trouble in reducing the country . the town of londonderry , the iniskillen-men , and the militia of ireland , had their share , and a considerable one too , in bringing the country to obedience . no one knows what unhappy occasions may arise in ages to come of difference between our kings and people and therefore we ought to be tender how we make it the interest of a whole kingdom to be subservient to the designs of a corrupt court , who will offer them any advantages . most of us have read , and some of us have seen with our eyes , those times that courts have plaid england against scotland , scotland against england , and ireland against both ; and we have heard of the time , that an irish parliament hath been called to give money to reduce an english one . they are not contending for power or great riches ; they neither trade to the east-indies , turkey , or africa ; they have neither hamborough , hudsons-bay , greenland , or russia companies ; they have no fleets or plantations ; they ask only the common benefits of earth and air. they desire only to change their native commodities for those they want , and to manufacture a small part of their own product , which is a liberty seems to be allowed them by the law of nature , and which i don't find hath been denied by the most severe conquerors . and here , my lords , i would distinguish between colonies for trade , and colonies for empire . the first is when a small number of your people are sent forth to plant commodities which your native country does not produce , as in the west-indies , or else when they are sent to negotiate a trade with the natives , and build forts for their security , as in africa and the east indies . in both these cases it hath been usual to restrain their whole trade to their mother kingdom ; for there can be no other reason for their establishment , and their number being small , they will have sufficient encouragement for all their charge , industry , and hazard . but colonies for empire stand upon quite different reasons ; they are always planted to keep great countries in subjection , and prevent the charge and hazard of constant standing armies . these have always received the utmost encouragement , much less been restrained from making the best advantage of their natural product , and having their whole trade restrained to their mother-kingdom ; but with humble submission , the case of ireland is yet harder : for by this act they will be restrained to carry their woollen manufactures to foreign parts , and the impositions formerly laid , are sufficient to hinder them from coming hither , so that they must carry them no where . but my lords , if we had destroyed the woollen manufacture in ireland , is it necessary that all will be made in england , that is hindred from being made in ireland ? that 's a tartar's conceit , that if they kill any man , they shall immediately enjoy his wisdom and beauty ; but i am afraid this will not be the case of england : for holland , scotland , venice , germany , and france , pretend to the woollen manufacture as well as they ; and france hath been always equal , if not superiour to us , in their skill of making stuffs : and can it be conceived that they will not share , if not in a great measure engross the benefit we propose in the destruction of that manufacture in ireland ? if so , then how much more will it be to our advantage to receive the whole profit at second hand , than at best to divide it with other nations , and chiefly with france , which hath always sent stuffs to spain and portugal , as well as england ? and these are the only nations i have heard of , which ireland hath dealt with in that kind ; and thô for a few years before the war , ireland might increase in their manufacture of stuffs , yet it is very plain it was not upon the ruines of england , for those manufactures both then , and during the war , have advanced prodigiously here , as will appear by the entries in the custom-house , as well as by a greater consumption of them at home ; and it seems a very hard case to hinder ireland from enriching themselves , and in consequence this kingdom , at the expence of other nations . but it seems we are particularly afraid of ireland , because we are told they can under-work us , and send their commodities to a foreign market cheaper than we ; which fact with humble submission is otherwise . 't is true , common labour in husbandry is much cheaper there then here , but such as requires skill and knowledg is not so : and this is true not only in ireland , but in all countries thin of people , for there cannot be brought together numbers enough to carry on any manufacture with success ; and if they could , stocks and materials are wanting to set them to work : besides , naturally men choose rather to live in idleness and sloth , than labour ; and in poor countries , where they can satisfy the ordinary occasions of life with little industry , they will hardly be perswaded to learn an art , to which it will cost them seven years pains to attain ; and those who give themselves that trouble , will be sure to be better paid than in a well peopled country , where they must either work or strave . this is the reason that in the west-indies , where the labour of a black , is not worth above six pence a day , yet an ordinary artificer will earn a crown , and sometimes ten shillings . this is the reason that linnen cloth doth not thrive so well in ireland as in holland , where common labour is three times as dear ; and this is the reason that woollen cloth could never be made in ireland so cheap as it is sent from england , notwithstanding freight and great customs paid there ; which appears by their being never able to set up that manufacture with success , most of the gentry and merchants of that kingdom being cloth'd with english cloth. they make only a few stockings , stuffs , and frizes , which are different from those made in england , and the sale of them is more owing to the particular way of making them , than any advantage in the price ; and yet notwithstanding they send but very few abroad , it appearing by the custom-house books of ireland , that the woollen manufacture imported into ireland from england , is ten times the value of what is exported from ireland to the rest of the world. but admitting they could work cheaper there , yet 't is no consequence they can sell the manufacture cheaper . there are several foreign materials necessary to it , which come cheaper to us than them : besides , the difference of interest gives us a great advantage . no man will imploy his time and stock in any manufacture without trebling the common interest of his money . this consideration alone makes above fifteen per cent . difference : besides , men upon small stocks , and in a poor country , will expect to get much more in proportion , than upon great ones in a rich country , because there are so many ways in the former , of turning their money to advantage . great stocks and low interest carry away the trade of the world ; and , as is observed by sir josiah child in his book of trade , where labour is dearest , there are most manufactures , as in holland and england , more than in any countries in europe , and in the west of england more than the north. whether this is the cause or effect , is not material , since 't is plain that dearness of wages does not destroy manufactures , but always is an evidence that they thrive , as we experience every day , that when the woollen manufacture is most demanded , wages run highest . but they tell us , that ireland will drein away our people ; thô by the way they give but a scurvy argument for it , when they say , they can earn less wages there . now , my lords , i could be glad to know how many people have gone to ireland that could live in england ? few men leave their country , their acquaintance and relations , but for necessity , because they would not hang or starve at home ; men who are in debt , unfortunate , or spent what they had ; and if they had not ireland to go to , would go to the plantations , or else to holland and other countries , and be lost to the kingdom for ever . but what shall those men do , that are bred up to that manufacture in ireland , and understand nothing else ? men that have spent their whole life-time in learning an art , will not go to school again to learn a new one : they will rather leave their country , and find another , where they may receive more encouragement . they can't come to england , for the laws of the poor prohibit them to live in any parish : holland will receive the protestants , and france the papists ; or perhaps they will go to some country , and set up the manufacture where 't is not yet pretended to . all the nations in the world would promote any proposition of that kind , and with open arms receive those who would give them any assistance . 't was the duke of alva's driving out the ●●emins that set up the woollen manufacture in england , and the persecution in france hath very much improv'd it , and many of the french protestants for want of imployment in england , are gone to ireland ; and if we should drive them and other protestants out there , they will go somewhere else , where they will be sure to be received : and the consequence to the publick is the same , whether people leave their country for fear of persecution , or because they can't live in it ; but the consequence will be much more fatal to ireland , by driving out such a number of protestants , to the lessening the english interest there . and after all , are we sure , my lords , this act will answer the ends designed by it ? i would not suggest so unbecoming a thought , as that the magistrates in ireland should not do their utmost to execute it , but that we find the officers in other countries are not over-zealous for the publick interest when their own is concerned . few men are in any imployments in ireland , but either have or hope to have an interest in the country : and what probability can there be of having a law well executed , when the nobility , the gentry , and the whole body of the people have an interest against it ? we have an instance of this in the coasts of kent and sussex : for though 't is the interest of the whole kingdom besides to prohibit wooll going to france , yet because 't is the interest of a few hundreds that it should , all the laws made to the contrary have proved ine●fectual ; and in my humble opinion it is worth your lordships deepest consideration , whether this law may not put ireland upon negotiating a secret trade with france , than which nothing can be more fatal to england . but there is another country that pretends to the woollen manufacture nearer than france . scotland fies but three hours sail from ireland , and the whole north of that kingdom is inhabited by scots , and if we should put such hardships upon them , i am afraid it will not be an easy matter to hinder their trafficking with their country-men , which may be done in little boats ; and what is not work'd up in scotland , may be sent from thence to france . the whole kingdom of ireland thinks it as much their interest as ours to prohibit the carrying their wooll to foreign parts : but if we should hinder them from sharing in the benefit of that law , 't is to be feared they will send it where they can get most for it , notwithstanding this or any laws that can be made to prevent it . besides , there is another thing worthy of consideration , whether if we should hinder the people of ireland from sending any of their woollen manufactures abroad , they will not agree together to spend none but their own at home , which if they do , this act will recoil upon england with a witness . the bill prohibiting their importing irish cattel hath put them upon navigation , and an extentive trade with other nations ; and 't is to be feared , if we should hinder them from selling their manufactures to other nations , they will have wit enough to spend none but their own in ireland . but if , my lords , notwithstanding all that may be said , it shall be thought the interest of england to destroy the woollen manufacture in ireland , there is an easier and gentler way of doing it . the power of the government is very great in that country , and may give it secret discouragements , and let it decline by degrees : they may divert it by setting up the linnen manufacture in the places where the woollen most prospers . perhaps the parliament of ireland , now they see the pleasure of england , will do their endeavours to divert their stock and people to the linnen manufacture ; but with the utmost submission i say it , that it seems too severe to tell them and the whole world in so solemn a manner , that they shall not manufacture any of their own product ; it bears a sting in the tail of it , and teaches them this hard lesson , that whenever hereafter they with great charge , hazard , and perhaps forty years industry arrive to a degree of perfection in any thing , if it appears to be the real or mistaken interest of england to suppress it , all their hopes and endeavours must be dasht to pieces in a moment , their cattle are already prohibited , their corn , their leather , their tallow , are so in a great measure , they cannot come from the west-indies but must touch in england : but this bill goes farther yet ; it says , in effect , they shall not bring their manufactures here , nor carry them any where else : why may they not expect that another parliament will say , that the carrying abroad their beef will lesson the price of our beef , the carrying abroad their corn will lessen the price of our corn , and so the rest of their commodities ; and with so much the greater probability , as they have the precedent of this act to justify the reasonableness of it ; nay , my lords , 't is the common subject of the pamphlets , and discourse of the town , that it ought to be done already ; and what assurance shall they have that the linnen manufacture ( which they are so often complimented with ) will never be set up in england ? it hath been often attempted , and the want of success in my poor opinion hath been more owing to the stock-jobbing and ill conduct of the managers , than any reason from the nature of the thing : yet notwithstanding a great deal of linnen is made in lancashire , westmoreland and other parts of the north of england , who begin already to grumble at the bringing in flax and linnen from ireland . and if those countries should improve in that manufacture , i know no reason why it should not be as much justice to prohibit the linnen manufacture in ireland as now the woollen , and no doubt the parliament will not want petitions to that purpose ; they trade in no commodities that england does not produce , and if they must not trade in those , they must trade in none ; and then the english at best will quit the country , and it must be maintained by vast armies supported by the men and money of england ; and even that is an uncertain security , when all the natives are their enemies , and neighbouring nations ready to assist them . but what seeems hardest yet is , that the people of england should do that , now almost the whole kingdom is in english and protestants hands , which was never thought fit to be done whilst in irish and popish . i have often lamented that some method hath not been found out to make england and ireland joyn hand in hand in the same interest , that england may not look upon ireland as rivals of their trade , nor ireland upon england as severe masters , who would sacrifice them upon every imaginary and perhaps mistaken advantage . i doubt not but expedients of this kind may be offered , but 't is not now my province , 't is a subject worthy of the legislative power , and your lordships great wisdom ; but i humbly conceive acts to ruine their trade will work a quite contrary effect , and make ireland look upon england instead of their protectors , as the check to all their endeavours , and the obstacle to all their hopes . i know your lordships are not to be diverted from your purposes by distant surmises ; but 't is no dishonour to apprehend just consequences ; for to fear nothing is as great an extravagance , as to fear every thing . it 's your lordships noble province in this government under heaven , to redress grievances , to relieve the oppressed , and not only to correct the exhorbitances of inferiour courts , but to moderate the excesses ( if any should happen ) of the other parts of the government ; and 't is to your generous compassion that is offered the condition of an unhappy nation , who in the cause , and for the sake of england have lost their fathers , their children , their brothers , their relations ; who have seen their country every where on a light fire , their cities and towns laid in rubbish and ashes , their estates ravished from them , their faith tortured , and their own blood spilt promiscuously in the fields and lanes , in the high-ways and streets . few have escaped this general destruction ; and 't is hoped you will not let those few be in the condition of poor ●hipwrackt men on some coa●●s , who when they are thrown half dead a shore , meet their ruine from those of whom they did expect relief . they are englishmen sent over to conquer ireland , your countrymen , your brothers , your sons , your relations your acquaintance ; governed by the same king , the same laws ; of the same religion , and in the same interest , and equally engaged in the same common cause of liberty . and they hope this nation that hath so lately escaped the fetters of tyranny , will shew themselves easy and gentle masters to them ; they hope you will not let them by their service to england , their zeal to their religion , their love to their liberty , and by the loss of their stock , and benefit of their estates for a great many years , purchase the loss of them for ever . finis . severall considerations offered to the parliament concerning the improvement of trade, navigation and comerce more especially the old draperies and other woolen manufactures of england / by g.c., a louer of his country. carew, george, esq. 1675 approx. 29 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34100 wing c551 estc r35845 15565200 ocm 15565200 103811 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34100) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103811) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:14) severall considerations offered to the parliament concerning the improvement of trade, navigation and comerce more especially the old draperies and other woolen manufactures of england / by g.c., a louer of his country. carew, george, esq. [8] p. s.n., [london : 1675] caption title. attributed by wing to george carew. dated on p. 8: april 13, 1675. imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england. great britain -commercial policy. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion severall considerations , offered to the parliament concerning the improvement of trade , navigation , and comerce , more especially , the old draperies and other woolen manufactures of england : by g. c. a louer , of his country . whereas in former ages , the subjects of england , lived cheifely by pasturage and tillage , they were necessitated , to transport their wooles , to bring in bullion , and other comodities , for their support , and pleasures . but after the invention of gunns and gunpouder . shipping , & marriners , inereasing soe much in forraigne parts ( from the product of english woole ) both in number and strenght ; england could not be defended any longer , with bows and arrowes , wherefore they slighted many old castles , and trusted to new shipps , and even at last to thinke upon trade and comerce , which proved the cheifest fortress , and support of the king and kingdome . after the dissolution of monasteries and abbies , the people multiplying soe fast , they setled severall colonies , and plantations in asia and america , finding noe roome at home , for all yonger brothers to live , and gett estates . diverse of them , that were naturally adicted to the warrs , left the service of other princes , and states ( where english men sell their skinns , and spinn out their lives , for brass stivers , and sols marques ) to seeke their fortunes in those dominions , that were added to the crowne , through the great charges and industry of severall well affected persons ( to their king and country ) who since have not only lost their reall possessions , but their originall costs , by bad goverment , and worse conducts . when the staple of woole was kept at midleburgh , in richard the seconds time , and at callais , in edward the thirds time , it was ordained , that for every sack of woole , which should be transported out of england , there should be a competent quantity of silver bullion returned , besides 50 s. a sack for custome outwards to the king. and to prevent all manner of fraudes in those days , there were severall offices of the staple errected at west-minster , new-castle , yorke , lincolne , canterbury , excester , bristoll , and other places , soe that , a fleece of woole , could not be exported , without account to the king , and a returne to the kingdome . the tenth parte of all wooles being to come to the church , their officers served the crowne gratis , for the benefitts they received of maintenance , and protection , which may be done , now by parochiall , and secular persons , as was then by regulars , without any charge to the crowne . it is the custome in england for the cheifest lords in parliament , to sitt upon woole packs , to put them in minde of the naturall groweth of their estates , and the best dependance of the crowne , and the comon wealth . a pack of english woole containing 100. waight , exceeds in value a pack of the finest flax , goates haire , or the finest filke , of the same waight , as farr as 100. waight of english tin , or lead , exceeds 100. waight of hollands turfe , digged out of their silver mines . in regard english woole , is of that absolute necessity to most nations of the world , for warmth , and cloathing , when the other is for pleasure and delight . 100. waight of fine flax , mohaire , or silke , may sett as many people at worke , as a pack of woole , but it is not universally of the tenth parte , for use of apparell , or consumption . and the one being of english groweth , and the other fforraigne , the woole adds to the kingdome , and the other deminisheth . 100. pore men , women , and children , are usually imployed , and sett at worke by every 100. waight of english woole ( viz ) combers , spinners , reelers , weavors , kintters , dyers , cloathworkers , rowers , fullers , labourers , &c. that consumes the graine and victualls of england , and soe many people must stand stil , begg● , or starve , for want of worke at home , for every pack of woole that is transported f●om thence , into france , flanders or holland . where there are great quantities of english , ir●●h , and scotch woole , ( notwithstanding all the strikt laws to the contrary ) frequently carrie● over towards the manufacture of cloath , stuffes , stockings , monmouth capps , tapistry , dornick hangings , ratines , bays , drugetts , &c. which canot be wrought alone with their short staple wooles . the kings of france , originally granted liberty , and priviledges , to all nations that would come , and inhabite flanders , brabant , &c. whereupon , those great , & populous citties and townes , were suddanly built by strangers , of all arts and sciences . and many of their best churches , monasteries , and abbies , were founded , and erected , by severall kings of england , and noble men in the saxons time ; as the records of flanders , makes appeare , amongst which , there is a very remarkable history . the queene of france in her progress , coming to vissit brugis and gant , she found , the people soe richly cloathed , that she sayd she thought , there had been but one queene in france , but there she found all the women queens , and wished she had been a cloathiers wife also , most of the inhabitants , being cloathiers , weavors , and others , that lived upon the manufacture of english woole , which soe increased their wealth , and beauty , to wonder , and admiration . afterwards by severall acts of providence , many thousand weavors , felt makers , knitters , and spinners , transported themselves for england , when the great councell of the land , had prohibited the transportation of woole , and incouraged the woolen manufactures at home . then a charter was granted to the marchant adventurers , who maintained severall persons , in all the sea port townes of england , france and flanders , to make seizures , and discoveries , of all wooles , and fullers earth , that should be conveyed out of his majesties dominions , to fforraigne parts ; but since the charter of the company , was broaken , that trade is decayed , and the old drapery o● england slighted , in the seaventeen provinces , through the great burthens , new impositions , and exations , lately layd upon english manufactures , whereby that comerc● is neglected , and interlopers exposing cloath , kersies , and searges , to contempt by thei● pedling , & offering them , to sale in comōn tavernes , and tipling houses . soe that th● staple comodities of england , will at lenght be unregarded . whereof i have spoken mor● at large , in my remarkable passages , concerning the hollanders , since the death of quee● elizebeth . and had prepared theise following considerations ( during the lat● treaty with the states generall ) for opening the scheld , which i leav● to yover grave wisdomes , and apprehensions , upon all future events . considerations of the advantages , which the king of great brittaigne , and his subjects , may draw by the opening of the navigation , in the river of the scheld , to the citty of antwerpe . there is nothing of more importance to the united provinces , then navigation , by which they doe not only subsist , but are inriched , and render themselves formidable to all the princes , and potentates of europe . and to the prejudice of all their neighbours , and their owne great profit , they draw to themselves , the comerce of the whole world , as well in respect of the sale of goods , in their owne country , as of what they distribue unto others . and although their comerce seeme to be interrupted , and deminished by this warr , yet that is only for a time , since that as sone as they shall have peace , they will imeadiatly setle themselves againe , in the trade , to the exclusion of all other nations . wherefore the only means to weaken the states , and to divert this inundation of trade ( that swells amongst them ) without any effusion of bloud , or expence of his majesties subjects . it being a sure and easie conquest , which is gott by peace . a ffree passage ought to be procured , for his majesties subjects and their shipps in the river of scheld up to the citty of antwerp . first the same , being a citty very comodious for its situation , environed with machelen , brussells and many other great citties and townes . the entry to the sea port , very good ●nd sure in time of winter , the river capable to carry shipps of 400. tunn , the inhabitants ●aturaly inclined to trade . the exchanges to all other countries there , the conducts and land ●arriages setled unto germany itally , &c. the many litle channels and rivers for transpor●ing their marchandiz , and all other qualities requisite to a towne of comerce . thither his majesties subjects , might not only carry all sort of wares , and marchandises of ●heir owne , and other countries , for the use of the provinces of brabant , flanders , hennow , ●nd others under the obedience of his most catholique majestie , but likewise be distributed , further 〈◊〉 into the country , to the ffrench conquests ; leige , germany , itally , &c. and goods exported in one bottome , directly from england , scotland and ireland , and ●●her places in the shipps of his majesties subjects , might be sold in antwerpe , and be trans●●rted from thence more easily , and much cheaper then any other way what soever also the ●anufactures of the low countries , the new conquests of ffrance , as likewise of leige , ger●any , itally , &c. might be carried from antwerpe into england scotland and ire●●nd at ffar less rates . by the established lawes of england , noe fforraigne shipp , can bring in any marchandise ●ere , but what is the product of that country from whence they came . and noe treaty can abro●●te an act of parliament , or knowne law of the land . vvhat comes from leigh , germany , itally , &c. ( now loaded in holland shipps ) being brought by the conducts and land carriages to be loaded at antwerpe , should be transported into england , scotland , and ireland , and other countries in english shipps , excluding all others . this alone would soe increase navigation , and cause soe considerable a trade to the subjects of england , that the obtaining thereof , ought to be indeavored without any other consideration . secondly the subjects of england , might establish the staple of english cloath , in the towne of antwerpe , which would be of much more advantage , and profit to those concerned , then at dort , in respect it is a manufacture , which is not made in antwerpe , nor in other townes thereabouts . but on the contrary , the hollanders counterfeit the manufacture of english cloath , a● leyden , and other townes nere to dort , soe craftily , and subtily , making their cloath o● the same colours , yet slighter and of less value , whereby they undersell the english , in a●● fine cloaths , to the great detriment of his majestie , and his subjects , in the sale , and distribution of the english drapery , in forraigne parts . and the hollanders being naturally inclined to thrift , and to favour their owne manufactures , they cloath them selves , in their owne country cloath , and indeavor to introduce the same , into other countries both farr and nere , to the exclusion of english cloath . for which cause the sale of english cloath in holland , is very small . but if the staple wer● established at antwerpe it would be far otherwise , as well in respect of what would be pu● off in the provinces belonging to the king of spaine , as of what would be sould in the citti●● and townes of the ffrench conquests , and further unto leige , germany , itally , &c. the transportation from antwerpe is at present more comodious and sure to the other countries before mencioned , because the same may be without paying any imposts , to any oth●● prince then the catholique king , not goeing through any other territory but his . vvereas on the contrary goeing from dort to the aforesayd countries , they must pass throug● severall iurisdictions , and consequently pay the transits , which how small-soever it be , is burthen to the marchandises . as the thirty severall tolls unto divers princes , landgrav●● and others upon rheinish wines , before they come to antwerpe by dort. thirdly the silks which comes from the hither parts of itally , by the conducts to antwer●● to be transported from thence into england , scotland and ireland , the same being do●● by english shipps directly , would be of less charge then other-wayes ; likewise the dangers sea is less in winter , by the comodiousnes , of the port and entry of this river . the shipps of his majesties subjects , would also have the benefit of transporting the sa●● with other merchandises , and might have the advantage of many voyages , and loading which at present others have to their loss . i pass over in silence and leaue to the consideration of those that trade , the infin●● other profitts , judging it sufficient to poynt only in this litle discourse at 〈◊〉 great advantages , his majesties subjects of great brittaigne will draw from 〈◊〉 navigation . but it must be granted , that both in times of peace and warr , that english shipps be not searched , nor vissited , or obliged to declare unto whom the loading , or marchandise belongs . and that a ffree shipp , shall make ffree goods , as is condescended on betwixt the catholiqkue king , and the states of the united provinces . by this means , if the king of spaine , come to a rupture with the sayd states , or any other prince , or comon wealth , english shipps not being to be troubled , either goeing , or coming , will be always preferred , and soe shall draw the navigation to them selves . if there fall out any misunderstanding , betvvixt any other potentates . and that the marchants shipps , need any convoy , there vvil be imployment for the men of vvarr , vvho may conduct them by flushing or further up the river . and in that case the king of great brittaigne after the example of his most christian majesty , to bring about and establish this navigation , in favour of his subjects , might give convoyes gratis , to attend the marchants shipps , for at first they must be incovraged , by good offices . all the difficulty , and opposition , in this affair , will arrise from the zelanders , because at present they possess the entry to this river . the states haveing gotten . breskens in flanders ( over against fflushing ) acquitted by spaine in the treaty at munster anno 1648. but seeing , that by other ways and means their comerce is taken away at havre de grace , amsterdam , roterdam , ostend , hambourgh , &c. vvithout being able to helpe it , nor draw any profit from thence , which may make them jealous and resolve not to quitt the profit , they draw by this navigation . in answere to that difficulty . all the great shipps , which are not allwayes able to come up the river for want of water , or hindred by eontrary winds , being to unloade will doe the same in the vessells of zeland , whereby the towne and inhabitants of flushing , and others will reape the profit , of the selling , and buying , and other expences of seamen , and passengers , who shall lodge there , both at there loading , and unloading . the pylotts will be payd for guiding the shipps , up the river , and many other profitts . and if those of that province , should not permitt this passage , without receiving some small customes , the same may be agreed on , by the tunn , or shipp , without being obliged , to pay perticularly for each marchandise , or to make declaration of the same . if they should not consent , his majesty hath the same power in his hands , to exclude and forbid the shipps of zeland , and others of the states , from goeing up the river of thames , but to unlade in english vessells at graves end , obliging them to pay the same imposts , and tolls , which they exact from his majesties subjects . it is not just , that for any agreement , the states made with spaine , they should pretend to exclude all other nations , from sayling on a river which god and nature hath made ffree . more especially great brittaigne . the king being not concerned in the treaty at munster , who ought to injoy the same previledges , and liberties granted by all the former treaties betweene the dukes of burgundy and austria and the kings of england wherby the 17. provinces , hold and injoy those liberties , benefitts and advantages , of the kings harbours , havens , ports , rivers , and streames at all times and seasons in england , without which the 7. united provinces ( that were branches of austria and burgundy ) could not subsist . by the treaty , which the usurper cromwel , made with the states of the united provinces , it was indefinitly agreed , that english men , and their shipps , might freely and without trouble , trade and sayle with their marchandize in and through all parts , and places , of the united provinces to the tewnes scituated within their jurisdictions , or without , the same . and consequently it was beleived and averred , that that article did containe the grant of a ffree passage , for his majesties subjects up the river , to antwerpe , being drawne out of the treaty concluded in the yeare 1495. betweene king henery the 7. and phillip duke of burgoundy and austria . and it ought ano : 1654. to have been put in execution , but was suspended for some reasons notwithstanding the hollanders upon all ocations fly to the treaty ano : 1495. for their liberty and ffreedome of ffishing upon the coast of england . in this present conjuncture , when the united provinces are surrounded , and attacqued , by such royall powers , the sayd provinces must be reducd , to the extremity that they will be obliged to make what agreement they can have . however if the scheld were open to the english , they will still serve the spanish netherlands with butter cheese ffresh ffish , salt fish wett , and dry . and all the 6. states of zeland , viz flussing , midleburgh , ter-veere , zirrick-zee , ter-goes and ter-tolen will not be obstructed in any thinge of their other imployment ( they anciently had ) by opening the river of scheld to great brittaigne , that setts open all their rivers , havens , and harbours , to them in times of stormes , and distress , that must otherwise often times perish . it is most certaine that it is the interest of the king of great brittaigne , for the prosperity , and comerce of his subjects , to weaken the force of his naturall enemies , by a more strickt amity and good correspondence with the king of spaine , and for that purpose , this ffree passage , for the shipps of his majesties subjects , ought to be procured and agreed upon in the insuing treaty of peace , and that all english manufactures should have noe greater burthen , or exactions what soeuer layd upon them , either in the spanish netherlands , united provinces , or in the ffrench conquests , then they payd in the times of the dukes of burgoundy , for which the crowne of england , granted all the liberties , and priviledges , to those belgick provinces in the english seas , &c. this generous enterprise , without all peradventure , will find good success , if the king , and his parliament , doe rightly understand each other , whose memory will be eternall , amongst all nations , for the happy conclusion of soe noble an undertaking . seuerall writers upon the holland pollicies , doe much comend the states in stopping up the river scheld , but they doe noe less wonder at the councell of england , that permitted it , seeing it breeds such a vast number of seamen to the prejudice of great brittaigne , that ought by all means , to prevent it , by sending their shipps directly to antwerpe , that are forced to unlade their goods in zeland ●nd rotterdam , in small vessells of theirs , which is one of the great nursereyes of the dutch navigation , and that english men cheifly maintaines by those ffraights , besids the great advantages , the states make by their tolls , upon english goods in that river , which helps to support their usurped goverment , since they fell from the crowne of spaine . although there was some reason of state , for england to hinder the growth of spaine ●y assisting the united provinces . yet they wanted good consideration , and foresight , that lessned themselves with their neighbours , by helping others . spaine never valued trade , england alwayes valued their pleasures , and holland ever valued their profit . whereby they make it their busines , to bafle all nations , and kingddomes in publique treaties , for their owne interest , to the prejudice of other men . the zelanders are a people , that upon all occations , serves for private men of warr against england , and are soe apt for such mischeife , by their naturall inclinations , and scituation of their country , that they ought to be bridled , when there is any opertunity to put curbes into their mouths . the hollanders are not contented with ploughing up the english seas , and harrowing the waues , but make marchandises of gods word , in printing yearly , many thousand english , bibles , and practises of pyety at amsterdam and leyden , counterfeiting the kings armes , and epistles to the readers . a forgery not be fuffered . the sabines of old , from whome sprunge the athenians and the lacedemonians , gaue this motto in all their ensignes , and banners s. p. q. r. signifieing , sabino populo quis resistet . whereupon the romans caused the same letters , to be ingraven upon all iheir gates and posturnes signifying thereby senatus populusque romanus , which contracted a teadious and distructive warr . the hollanders and zelanders , since the last warr with england , have ingraven , and painted the armes of the king of great brittaigne upon seuerall of their fly boates , and other shipps amongst the number ( that i know ) upon one they named the ffrendshipp of london richly laden in zeland , bound for cales , and the straights , with dutch , and spanish goods , under the notion of english , hauing procured a master , and other english seamen , to colour their false practises , which can only be questioned , by s. p. q. r. ( viz ) rex senatusque parlamenti otherwise the united provinces will keepe , the trade , and navigation , unto themselves as well in times of warr , as peace . as ther is nothing more shamefull , then a peace , which giveth way to the enemies to fortifie themselves . soe there is nothing more infamous , then to ley still , when the publique interest , obligeth to take armes ; but since victories depend rather upon fortune , then valour . it s necessary to take all advantages , to give the hollanders a rysing blow , by some acts of parliament , that may dissable them , from fighting with england a fourth time . great brittaigne hath the soueraignity of the sea ; being scituated betweene spaine and holland , opposite to france ▪ north westerly to the low countries , and more easterly to norway danemerke sweedland , &c. soe that all quarters of the earth must salute the floating towers of great brittaigne , that infinitly , expends vast sums yearely for mayntaining soe many harbours , and havens , from the raging seas , to preserve the subjects and others . yett many hundreds of the native marriners , were soe degenerate , as to serve the states generall in the late warrs against their owne prince , and country , and then by treaties of state gott themselves indempnified against those base actions , which ought by the act of parliament , not only to be attainted in bloud , but they and their ffamilies , for ever made slaves , at tangier , and iamiaca . in the same treaties , provisions are made , for all those that find themselves greived and oppressed in conscience , to transport themselves and their estates , which is absolutly repugnant to the comon law of england , and distructive to the very being there●● . if barbados , surrinam , and new england , had been annexed to the crowne by act of parliament . sr. william courten and his heyres , had kept their propriety in the first . the lord willoughby and his heyres , had not lost the soveraignity of the second . and the king of great brittaigne had not lost soe many subjects in the third , by a charter framed at leyden by those professors , when the first greived and oppressed ffamilies , in their tender consciences , went from england , to leyden , and from thence , to new england , with their estates , as a people , absolued from their king , to seeke an other land . vvhich will spoyle the trade , and navigation of old england , in many partes of the world , if not timely prevented . some of all nations , left their native countries , to become herring-fishers 〈◊〉 carpenters , roapemakers and s●yle cloath-weavors , &c. in the united provinces , where they are made slaves . and would gladly come now for england , upon reasonable termes , and better priviledges , to plant themselves , and their ffamilies in some convenient places of england , or wales , where they may be setled by act of parliament , and become subjects to the crowne of england , and would be contented with small islelands , or old decayed townes , in suffolk , or norfolke , &c. nere the sea coast , where they may improve themselves , for the benefit of the king and the country . it is the saying of an ancient father in flanders , that there cannot be any good confidence between england and spaine , in regard of the great blows , the spanish monarchie hath received from england . and that there canot be any true ffreindship , betweene france and england , in regard of the great pretence , that the king hath to the crowne , who quarters the armes of france in his scutchion , but the constitution of times altering , there may be exeptions taken to those generall rules . however if england can trust themselves , they may contemne all the world , wherein the insolent and ungratefull hollanders and zelanders , ( that giues litle reverence to treaties , or respect to laws ) wants neither , malice , nor will , to doe all possible mischeife , to england , when opetunity serves , as may be well apprehended , by the late pattent granted by the states , to the west-india company , ( hereunto annexed ) whereby they intend , to make as great progress , and incroachments upon the english , in the west-indies , as they have done in the east . to conclude all in a word , with the staple of england , nothing can add more to the flourishing estate of the land , then to preserue the creditt , and reputation of english manufactures , and nothing can soe much advance them , to their former esteeme , as good goverment , both in the making and dispossinge thereof . and for the better regulation of that trade , and comerce , there is noe way soe propper , as to re-establish the company of marchant adventures , by act of parliament , with a new charter of priviledges , admitting all persons , to be ffree thereof , that shall be quallified thereunto accordingly , who shall haue noe greater , burthens , or impositions layd upon english manufactures , then were in the dukes of burgoundyes times , conformable to the late treaty . concluded by the earle of sandwich at madrid anno m.dc.lxvii . brussels aprill 13. 1675. the interest of england, as it stands, with relation to the trade of ireland, considered the arguments against the bill for prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures from ireland to forreign parts fairly discusst ... clement, simon. 1698 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33409 wing c4638a estc r35616 15500898 ocm 15500898 103578 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33409) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103578) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1185:1) the interest of england, as it stands, with relation to the trade of ireland, considered the arguments against the bill for prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures from ireland to forreign parts fairly discusst ... clement, simon. [2], 23 p. printed by john atwood ..., london : 1698. attributed to clement by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england. great britain -commerce. ireland -commerce. great britain -colonies -commerce. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the interest of england , as it stands with relation to the trade of ireland , considered ; the arguments against the bill , for prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures from ireland to forreign parts , fairly discusst , and the reasonableness and necessity of englands restraining her colonies in all matters of trade , that may be prejudicial to her own commerce , clearly demonstrated . with short remarques on a book , entituled , some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords , for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufactures of ireland to forreign parts . london , printed by iohn astwood , at his printing-house behind st. christophers church in thread-needle-street , the backside of the royal exchange . 1698. to the most honourable , john , marquess of normanby , &c. my lord , i happened to come into the house of lords at the time when your lordships were hearing council against the bill , for the prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures from ireland to forreign parts ; and altho' i was of the opinion , that the interest of england was fo nearly concern'd in that matter , as that it would appear at first sight to all disinteressed persons , that there was an absolute necessity of putting a stop to the growth of such a manufactury there , which must in its natural consequences ravish from us our principal trade , anticipate and divert the source of our wealth and power , and by easie and ( at first ) imperceptible degrees , exhaust the very life and soul of england , by drawing away the working people and trading stock : yet when i came to observe , that even the committing the bill did admit of a long arguing in your honourable house , and was not carried without much opposition , it brought me to consider , that how clear soever it may seem to men that have been conversant in the practice of trade , yet it must be a matter of great difficulty for your lordships to determine in such things , where the judgment is directed from information only , since those informations are generally given with the greatest partiality : and i know by my own experience , that any impressions receiv'd from persons for whom we have some favour or compassion , are apt to create so strong a prejudging of the case , that we cannot so easily discern the reasonableness of the contrary arguments , or suffer our selves to be convinc'd without the clearest demonstrations possible . 't is therefore , because i have thought the well-being of my countrey to depend very much upon this case , and that i believe it capable of so plain a demonstration , that i have thought it my duty to endeavour to set this controversie in so true a light , as that it might not be difficult for your lordships to make a right judgment therein . i have indeed been so far from concerning my self in this matter hitherto , as that i have not so much as seen the bill , and therefore i shall not pretend to meddle with the methods taken therein ; my design being only to shew the necessity there is upon us to stop the progress of such manufacturys in ireland , which directly interfere with those of england ; to evince which , i shall offer a few propositions , which i take to be so evident , as that they will admit of no controversie . 1. that england hath no other means of procuring riches , than by vending a greater value of her commodities in forreign markets , than what she expends in merchandizes imported from abroad . 2. that the far greater value of the exportations of england arises from her woollen manufactures . 3. that england hath always been able to send as much of her woollen manufacturies abroad , as could be vended in forreign markets . 4. that whatsoever countrey can afford their manufacturies cheapest , must infallibly gain the trade from that countrey that cannot work so cheap . 5. that ireland is able to make many of the same kinds of woollen manufactures cheaper than england , and therefore will never want a vent for them in forreign markets . 6. that the whole quantity of such manufactures which ireland shall supply in forreign markets , will hinder the sale of so much from england , and consequently the whole value thereof will be so much clear loss to england . 7. that whatsoever number of people shall be employed in this trade in ireland , the same number of our manufacturers must sit still in england . 8. that such people to avoid starving at home , will go to ireland for work , by which means the woollen manufactury in ireland may soon come to be greater than that in england , and in time the whole trade would most probably be establisht there , and lost here . the fatal consequences that flow from these premises , are too obvious to need further illustration here ; but the matter will yet appear more plain , when i come to answer the arguments which have been offered against the bill ; to which i proceed , 1st . that the government of england have at several times given encouragement to the settling a woolen manuf●ry in ireland , and therefore 't would be very unreasonable , after they have with great charge and difficulty brought the same to some perfection , to destroy it at once , and ruine the vndertakers . i answer , that ( supposing this to be true ) former times might not see through all the inconveniencies that might accrew to england by settling a woollen manufactury in ireland , or perhaps they intended that encouragement only to capacitate them to make clothing for themselves , but not to enable them to interfere with england in its forreign trade ; for certainly our ancestors who prohibited the sending their woolls to forreign parts , never intended to enable them to send the manufactures made thereof , which would do us a far greater damage . but as england hath always shewn her parental care over all her colonies , in being ready to give them all the encouragement necessary to their well being ; so she ought also to exert her power in restraining them , when she finds them enterprizing any thing that may prove injurious to her self ; and in this she is justifi'd as well by reason , as by the practice of all nations that have planted colonies . as to the undertakers , the least compassion possible is due to them , because ( as they are thought to be english-men ) they ought not to have designed their own interest , so much to the detriment of england , and they may find out ways enough to employ their stocks , without iniuring the publick . 2. that 't is the interest of england to encourage the increase of riches in ireland , that it may be in the better condition to contribute to its own support upon any exegencies , and lessen the charge of england . this is a very true argument , and will run on all four when rightly apply'd ; but there is an unhappy distinction that makes it downright lame in this case ; for there is a vast difference between ireland's gaining wealth , by any way of industry peculiar to themselves and inoffensive to england ; and their incroaching upon that trade , which is the only way by which england can attract riches ; for 't is plain that all they shall gain thereby , will be a clear loss to us , and that 't were better for us to maintain them in sitting still , than to suffer them to work in such a way as must nndo us . this would disable us to give them the necessary succours in time of need , and they would hereby cut the prop that supports them . 3. that by putting down this manufactury , the poor of ireland will be destitute of work , many familys would be ruined , and an unreasonable hardship put upon a counsry , but just recovering it self after a destructive war. 't is answer enough , since this is but the beginning of a new business , to ask how they lived before ? but 't is certain , that the poor of ireland do subsist very easily : lands are very cheap ( perhaps not one * eighth part of the value of ours , generally speaking ) and provisions of all kinds in great plenty . a cow or two of ten shillings price , and a potatoe garden , will support a family , meaning of such as are next to poverty ; but he that can rent ten pound per annum , may keep two dishes of meat at his table the year round ; so that no body can want a livelyhood there , that will but exert the least industry ; whereas in england , the working people are very numerous , land and provisions extreamly dearer : many thousands depend wholy on the manufacturies , and cannot live of themselves when they are not employ'd . this manufactury , ( meaning that for transportation ) is yet but growing in ireland , and few hands ( in comparison to the multitude that live by it in england ) are yet employed in it ; so that the disappointment cannot at this time be great to them ; but if we should suffer it to continue longer , the great encouragement will make it grow so considerably , as that the effects will soon become so visible in england , that necessity will compel us to put a stop to it , and then the hardship will seem so much the more to the people of ireland ; by how much the greater numbers have brought themselves to depend upon that way of living . 't is true indeed , that the people of ireland have endured great hardships by the war ; but 't is as certain , that they have been reestablisht in the quiet enjoyment of their lands and possessions , at a great expence of the blood and treasure of england ; and i believe , if those very gentlemen of ireland , that are now so zealous in solliciting against this bill , had been told , when they were under the extremity of the war , that there would be a necessity upon us , for the securing that trade from whence we deriv'd our principal subsistence , and the capacity to help them in time of need , to prohibit their interfereing with us in our woollen manufactures ; they would then have assented to the reasonableness of it , as a respect justly due to their protectors . 4. that the quantities they make are so inconsiderable , as that it cannot hurt england ; that there is no probability of their increasing the trade to any great degree , and that a great part of the workmanship there is so dear , as that they cannot make their goods much cheaper there than in england . every one knows that the greatest undertakings proceed from small beginnings , but that when the first difficulties are overcome they easily go on , and increase in a much greater proportion than the first appearance . before the war , they came in four years , to export in the last year 11360 pieces , and since the reduction of ireland they are in four years come to above 4000 pieces , notwithstanding the hindrances of the war ; and it may be remarkt , that they advanced from 2000 and upward in the year 1695. to above 4000 in 1696. thus much they acknowledge ; and these are not short steps . they can never want a ready sale for all they can make , because they sell cheaper than we ; plenty of work will attract plenty of workmen , these will take as many apprentices as they can employ ; in seven years the apprentices will become masters , and in three years more even their apprentices will become able workmen ; who can doubt but by that time ( or a little longer ) their increase ( with those also that come to them from england ) will be enough to manufacture all the woolls of ireland . but i 'll suppose for argument sake , that they make but to the value of one hundred thousand pounds yearly , and that they would not sell for more than ten pounds per cent. cheaper rhan england usually doth : supposing also , that england sends abroad the value but of one million yearly , of goods of the like kinde ; 't will be easily granted me , that if any one offers his goods cheaper than the usual price , that will then become the market-price , and every one else must sell at the same or keep his goods : by this 't is plain , that england must abate 100000 l. out of the the former value of her million , for the sake of ireland's 100000 l. and then she looses another 100000 l. by ireland's taking that money in the markets , which england should otherwise solely furnish : so that 't is clear from this consideration , if no more were to be said to it ; that 't were more advantagious to england by the one half , to buy these goods and throw them into the sea , than to suffer ireland to sell cheaper than we can in forreign markets . but the arguing , that weaving and some other parts of the workmanship is as dear as in england , is a perfect fallacy ; for besides that , they only suggest it without proof , yet if it were so at the first attempting such a manufactury , that could only be occasioned through the scarcity of workmen , but would every year grow cheaper as those workmen should encrease , and enough is said above , to shew that that will be the infallible consequences of an encouraging trade ; and since i may modestly affirm that provisions are not ( generally speaking ) at above half the price there , to what they are in england , and labour holding always in proportion thereto , 't is not unreasonable to expect that they will in time come to work at least one third cheaper than we can , and if they should make as much as they can then sell for 200000 l , that will be equal in quantity to our 300000 l. and abate so much out of the sale of our million , and then by the fall in price , the remaining 700000 l. would yield but 466666⅔ l. so that 't is plain , that if ireland gains riches by this trade , 't will be at the expence of impoverishing england . i cannot but remark here , that the main body of the sollicitors against this bill , consisted in gentlemen , possessors of lands in ireland , who though they may be excused from having any nice understanding in a matter of trade ( as this properly is ) yet it seems they have easily learnt , that the flourishing of their new manufactury , would cause the lands of ireland to rise , to which without doubt , 't is their interest to have more reguard , than to the keeping up the value of the lands of england , which by this method of inticeing away its mouths , would certainly fall in value as fast as those in ireland should rise . 5. that the high duties payable upon all woollen manufactures brought into england , amount to a prohibition of the irish ; and that if it were intended that theirs should be brought hither , the dutises ought to be moderated so , as to bear but a just proportion to what they can work cheaper . i will be so free as to acknowledge , that i beleive the house of commons intended no less by this bill , than the suppressing all exporation of woollen manufactures from ireland , and the utter discouraging the progress of that trade there ; but to lay such a duty as might at present seem equal to the difference of workmanship , would utterly defeat that intent : for , as i have noted before , they may soon come to work so much lower than they now do , as that they may be able to bring their goods into england at so small a duty , and be encourag'd to keep on their manufactury there , which though by this means it may not so much prejudice our forreign trade , by beating down the prices ; yet it will have its full effect in taking away the employment of our manufacturers , and drawing them into ireland ; and , as was truly said by their own council , would indeed lower the value of the woollen goods on the makers here : though by the way , i think that could be no argument in their favour . moreover , what assurance can we have , but that if they are suffered to make such goods there , they may ship them for forreign parts by stealth , without paying any duty at all ? the manufacture being of much less bulk than the wools , which they tell us plainly , will be apt to be sent for france , if they be debarr'd from working it up there ; though i doubt not but that if our legislature will exert its power , it may be smart enough with them to prevent both . 6. that their vndertaking doth not interfere with the main branch of our manufactuary , the cloathing-trade , but that they do yet continue to buy great quantities of cloth from us . this indeed is true at present , but when they shall have considerably encreas'd the number of their workmen , and brought their people into the way of working their wools , who can doubt but that they will be at that also ? their contest indeed now is only in relation to what we commonly call the new drapery , consisting of bays , serges and stuffs , which makes up a mighty part of our exportations , and the injury they will come to do us therein cannot be less than what i have before noted ; to which i might add , that ireland affords us great quantities of that sort we call long wool for combing , of which those goods are made , and if they shall work it up themselves , the wanting of that supply will be very sensible to us . these are the most mateaial objections against the bill that occur to my memory , and i hope i have fairly answer'd them : but that i may give a full view of the whole controversie in its true shape , i will ( after the old way of arguing ) represent it by a simile . a good old gentleman , possessor of great tracts of land abounding in plenty of all things fit for life , but especially in the greatest quantity of sheep of any in his whole country , happily fell into the way of manusacturing his wools , in which he became so successful as to be able to out do all other people , and furnish all his neighbours with the greatest part of what they us'd ; by which means he was not only capacitated to support a very numerous family , but also attracted to himself great riches , and became equal in power to most of his neighbours ; he had setled his eldest son in a very considerable part of his estate at a distance from him , which he had formerly gain'd by conquest , giving him the full liberty of enjoying all the product of an abundant soyl , only reserving this advantage to himself , that what wool the son should have to spare above the quantity which he should need for the cloathing his own family , he should be oblig'd to sell to the father , and not to any other person , because that would extreamly injure him in his woollen manufactury business , which was the main support of his estate . the son liv'd plentifully , and flourisht greatly , only the ancient possessors of the estate ( who were a very numerous family ) being compell'd by the power of the father to live in subjection under him , were apt to take frequent occasions to give him great disturbance , and by reason of their numbers sometimes prevail'd against him ; yet he was always readily assisted by the father , who never fail'd by the strength of his purse and power , to subdue his enemies , and to resettle him in the quiet enjoyment of his estate . the last insurrection they made was by far the greatest , because they were assisted by a very potent neighbour , and it cost the father a mighty sum to quell it . but the son was no sooner settled in quiet , but he sets his people to work upon making the same kinds of woollen manufacturies which was the father's trade , and sends them to the same markets for sale ; the father is justly offended at this , and foreseeing the great injury which the son 's going on in such a trade would prove to him , resolves to put a stop to it ; the son complains mightily against this ; alledging , that 't is unreasonable to deprive him of such means to enrich himself , and that if he be denied this way , 't would become a temptation to his tenants and people to sell the wools to others ; upon which the father bespeaks him after this manner , son , thou knowest well that my charge and expence is very great , having many other children to provide for besides thy self , and that it hath cost me vast summs to protect thee in the possession of the estate which i have given thee , which is sufficient to give thee a very abundant subsistence without thy interfering with me in my peculiar trade , which thou seest is the only way i have to gain wealth , and to enable me to support all my children , of which thou hast always been the most chargeable to me , and yet thou hast often been ready to make use of the advantages which thy profitable portion hath given thee to encroach upon me , not only in my woollen , but also in some other parts of my trade , which i could not spare thee ; and therefore if thou wilt not have a due sence of my interest , and consider how much thy own is concern'd in it , assure thy self that i will take that care of my own affairs , as to use my paternal power to restrain thee in all such matters of trade , which i shall find inconsistent with my well-being . and although i shall always be willing to encourage thee in any thing that tends not to my own hurt ; yet if thou shalt not desist from sending thy woollen goods to the markets , which i have of long time been us'd to furnish , i will by my authority take from thee all thy woool combers , and prohibit that any such trade shall be exercis'd in thy family for the future , thereby to incapacitate thee from making those commodities , with which thou canst do me so much hurt : and if thou shalt not be careful to keep thy people from selling their wool to strangers , i will send officers to keep an exact registry of all thy sheep , and secure thy wool in ware-houses as it is shorn , that it may not be in thy power to deal fradulently by me in an affair which so nearly concerns me . i am yet no enemy to the people of ireland , and wish them all the prosperity that can consist with the well being of england : i own 't is our interest , that they should grow rich , but not by such means as will sooner impoverish us than advance them . i believe it would be a useful policy , and worth the care of england , to promote any such manufacturies in ireland as may not jar with ours , whereby the people there may not only gain wealth , but even the multitude of irish be drawn into a more civilized way of liveing , which would tame them faster than any severities we can use ; for a people brought into a settled and profitable way of living , would soon come to a better understanding , than to be apt to quit their ease and profit at every call of the turblent gentry and their priests . the country is every way sit for a linnen manufactury , and wants nothing but a stock to establish it : private undertakers are commonly too weak to strugle with the difficulties that attend the beginnings of great undertakings , but the mighty publick would easily go through with it : it would be money well employed , if the government of england lent them 100,000 l. to establish it , and though we may not be in a condition to do it at present , yet i hope such a thought may not be forgotten when we can better spare it . the objection , that our neighbour nations of whom we now buy our linnen would be offended at it , and refuse to take our manufactures , i take to be a wrong notion : the alterations and charges of trade are not uncommon , and move by degrees not soon to be observ'd : if we again buy linnen in france as before the war , germany must take less of our money , yet , as many other nations deal with them for it , their trade will go on , and the many distant countries from whence 't is brought to the markets at hamburgh and bremen , if they are sensible of some lessening of their vent , will scarce reflect directly upon the cause , or if they should , such resentments are not apt to be of any consequence ; the people must have woollen cloaths , and no body can furnish them with our sorts upon equal terms with us , if we do but manage our trade as we are able ; and 't is evident that people will not easily be diverted from what they have been us'd to and like , witness our continuing in the full use of french goods before the war , when they had as it were prohibited ours . and though this caution hath been often urg'd in discourses of trade , yet i never knew one instance of any nations being piqued at another to such a degree , as to break off their commerce ; though i have known several instances of such occasions given . some prevailing reguard , either to the benefit of the customs , the profit of the merchants , or the like , is always had ; so that governments seem to be steer'd by this principle , that if they cannot vend in trade as much as they would , they will yet continue to sell what they can , and acquiesce with the shop-keepers rule , that custom is no inheritance , if they loose one chap man , they get another , and measure not their trade by particulars , but in the general . i have enlarg'd upon this point even to a digression , because i was willing to take this opportunity to offer my sentiments upon it , for that i have upon divers occasions thought that argument to have been us'd rather to serve a turn , than for any real weight there was in it , and that i think we ough● not to have any consideration of it , in taking the measures which seem otherwise to be convenient for us . my lord , your lordship 's extraordinary understanding in the right notions of the trade of england , your readiness at all times to espouse its interest , and the condescentions which you have upon some former occasions shewn , in deigning to receive information in things of this nature from a person as inconsiderable as i am , hath given me the confidence to suggest my thoughts in this important business to your lordship , and i assure my self that your lordship will have so much regard to the sincerity of my intentions , as to excuse the imperfections of the performance , and pardon the boldness of this address , from my lord , your lordships most obedient , humble servant . remarks upon a book , entituled , some thoughts on the bill depending , &c. i had written the foregoing papers in the country , and coming to town to put them in the press , i met with a book , entituled , some thoughts on a bill depending before the honourable house of lords , &c. and although i am cut short in time , yet i will bestow a few remarks upon it ; notwithstanding that i think the main points in controversie , are sufficiently argu'd in the fore-going discourse . i will acknowledge that the author hath a pretty insinuating way of writing and a good turn of thought , but his skill seems ill bestow'd upon so wrong a subject , it looks like fine drawing upon a thred-bare coat , the wool is worn off and the rent won't be covered . if the nobility and gentry of ireland spend good part of their estates in england t is their own choice , and the product of their butter , leather , raw-hides , tallow , &c. which they send to the neighbouring countries of europe , and of the vast quantities of provisions sent to the plantations , their wool , flax , skins , &c. to england is sufficient , to bear that expence , and moreover to pay for all the mighty value of commodities which he says they buy from us ; and this is largely prov'd by the current of exchange between us , a guinea passes there for 26 s. which is near 20 per cent. difference in the par of the money ; but as the proemio of the exchange hath of late been under , that shews that the ballance of the trade must be in their favour . if much of their trade be carried on by english stocks , yet the people are paid for their commodities , and the profit they receive thereby may be encouragement enough for them , if they can be content when they are well . his computation of the great profit they are to england , is at random , do we not deserve the utmost profit they can yield ? and all too little in consideration of the vast charge we have been at to protect them in the possession of such mighty landed estates which they enjoy . god be thanked , that the kingdom of ireland is ●●●petently replenisht with english inhabitants , and they are again in a flourishing condition , notwithstanding the desolations of the late war ; but to perswade us to encourage the sending of more numbers of people thither than we can well spare , will scarce take with us ; for if their strengthning that country would be of advantage to them , their remaining here is much more so to us , and 't is better for us to have people to spare to send to their assistance upon occasion , than for us to need help from them . as for their leaving the country , if we shall lay difficulties upon them , ( as he calls it ) or of their joining with any other interest than that of england ; how extravagant is it to imagine , that those people should be so easily picqu'd into a leaving their settlements there ? when 't is certain that he that hath 100 l. per annum there , can live more plentifully than upon 500 l. per annum in england , and yet his 100 l. per annum would yield him but 1000 l. in money , and that will buy him but 50 l. per annum in england , a fine exchange : such another 't would be , to quit the government of england to put themselves under that of france , ( for no body else can protect them ) . but these thoughts are abominable , and the insinuation is a crime against , and a most unreasonably reflection upon the worthy english gentlemen of ireland , for whom 't would be impossible to degenerate into so much irish understanding , and so little love to their mother country : but 't is a sufficient indication of a hard cause when men are put to their shifts for arguments , and forc't to hall them in by the neck and shoulders , as hath been this gentleman's case in almost all he hath us'd . they are not contending for power or great riches , they neither trade to east indies , turky or africa , they have neither hamborough , hudsons bay , greenland or russia company ; very fine , and have not the subjects of england been debarr'd from the same trades , except they would buy stocks in the companies ? and might not the people of ireland if they had money to spare , come in upon the same terms ? let them say no more of this , their merchants are no way restrain'd more than the people of england , they may send ships from thence to all parts of the world , or concern themselves in any adventures in trade with as much freedom as our selves , they cannot indeed bring some kinds of merchandize directly for ireland no more can we . they have no fleets or plantations : what colonys ever had ? what an exclamation follows next ? as if they were forbid the benefit of earth and air , and the libertys allow'd by the law of nature , which have never been denyed by the greatest conquerors : do they not freely enjoy earth and air ? have th●● not liberty to send abroad their native commodities ? may they not manufacture what they have occasion for of their own product ? yet because they must not bring their cattel or provisions to england , ( though they may send as much as they can spare to our plantations ) and undersell the staple commodities of england in forreign markets , they are undone . 't is evident that england hath been sufficiently put to it to support her government , and not withstanding all the advantages she can raise by her trade and otherwise , she is involv'd in a very great debt ; and for her to suffer ireland to ruine the trade of her manufactures , would indeed be the ready way to undoe her . his distinction of colonies for trade and colonies for empire , is contriv'd on purpose to fit ireland ; but by his good leave , are not all colonies upon the same foot of keeping the natives in subjection , where there are any under their jurisdiction ? to say nothing of ours on the continent of america , where altho' we treat the indians more civilly than as a conquer'd people , yet there 's reason enough to say that we are oblig'd to keep them in subjection ; the dutch have many colonies in india , where they keep the incolae in subjection , and yet they don't give them liberty to send their spices and other natural product to what markets they please , but they do restrain their whole trade to their mother country , and not only they , but all other countries that have had colonies ( since the encrease and understanding of trade ) do ( as far as i have ever heard ) in fact contradict this assertion of his , and i beleive ireland hath the greatest liberty in that respect of any colony in the world. he insinuates , that if ireland should be debarr'd from making woollen manufactures , yet england must not expect to reap the whole benefit , holland , scotland , venice , germany and france , pretend also to the woollen manufacture and will vye with us . i say these countries do not interfere with us any thing considerably in the greatest part of our sorts of goods , and if we do but come to so good a management of our trade as we are capable , we shall be able to maintain it beyond them , and none but ireland , by her having wools and work cheaper , can spoil us . but i wonder the gentleman hath never heard of any nations besides spain and portugal , with whom ireland hath dealt for manufactures ; it seems as if neither himself , nor those that instructed him , were acquainted with the practice of trade ; for 't is certain that ireland sends more woollen goods to holland and flanders , than to any other countries . in all that he says , to cloud the business of their working cheaper , he is as ill employ'd as if he were blowing feathers against the wind , his arguments flye back in his face . 't is not worth my while to trace his long insinuations , i have said enough to that point in the former discourse ; if he disputes against principles , i have done with him : nothing less can be offer'd in this case , than to prove , that provisions are not cheaper in ireland than in england ; that plenty of work , and good pay in one countrey , will not draw work-men from a neighbour countrey where they are very plenty , and work is scarce , that those very work men will never be perswaded to abate of the high wages which was at first given them , although their numbers should increase to ever so many , and provissons be so cheap , that they could live very well at half wages . but beyond all , to clench it , he ought to demonstrate to us plainly , that 't is not because ireland sells cheaper than england , that merchants leave us , and come to them to buy other woollen goods besides their stockings , stuffs and frizes , but 't is for some pretty charm which they have to attract them , though the incident charges be a little higher there than here . but who can forbear his pretty comparison of the labour of the blacks and the artificers in the west-indies ? can the labour of a slave bear any proportion but to that of another slave , but he may be assured that the proportion between the labour of the common labourer , that is a freeman , and the artificer , is much the same in the west-indies as it is in other countries . to tell us of driving away the people from ireland is but a bugbear , the very profits of the lands in ireland is encouragement enough , not only to keep the people that are there , but to draw more to them ; and where 's a tradesman to be found in ireland , who after he hath rais'd any stock to spare , doth not fall to buying or renting lands , in which they find their improvements as easie as in other ways ? we need not be scar'd from making such laws as we think requisite for restraining ireland in matters of trade , for fear of their remissness to execute them , or their smuggling with france and scotland , as he suggests ; but he might have let that alone , if we can't enforce the execution of our own laws , or make what further laws they may give us occasion , for the keeping ireland in a due decorum , 't is our own faults . and for their agreeing to spend none but their own manufactures at home ; we know they are a very genteel people , and perhaps can't hold long in so moody a temper , but if they should , that were a trifle in comparison , to their spoiling our whole trade with the rest of the world ; neither could they do even that , if we should in a solemn manner tell them and the whole world , that they shall not manufacture any of their own product . ( 't is his own words ) and his suggesting that we may be as ready to dash the linnen-manufacture , or any other improvements which they may bring to perfection , is a reflection which england doth not deserve from them , for though she must always retain her authority , to deal with her colonies in all such matters as her own prudence shall direct ; yet she hath always had an easie rein upon them , and given such liberties which ought not to be sleighted to the degree this gentleman does ; and may be a sufficient assurance to them , that so kind a mother will never put any unnecessary difficulties upon them , but will always promote them in every thing that is not unreasonably injurious to her self ; especially since 't is her interest as well as delight , to see them flourish under her care and protection . his gentle way of destroying their manufactures by secret discouragements , and to let it decline by degrees , &c. looks more like a wheedle than a practical project . after all i must acknowledge , that the author hath shewn abundance of ingenuity in the penning those papers , and whosoever shall observe how he hath manag'd so bad a subject to the highest advantage , it was capable of , will believe that in this i don 't flatter him ; and if he should think fit to employ his ability in framing some practicable scheme , for the incorporating , ireland , ( and if he could take in scotland also ) with england , so as that the whole empire might as far as possible , be conjoin'd in one entire interest , and be steer'd by one united grand-council ; i believe his performance therein would be much more agreeable . and when he shall have considered that matter throughly , i doubt not but that he may come to be of the same opinion with me , that even under such an union , the well-being of the whole could not be conserv'd , without the laying some necessary restrictions upon the parts , according to his own instance of kent and sussex , where he acknowledges that 't is the interest of the whole kingdom besides , to prohibit their wool from going to france . to conclude , as this gentleman hath given us his definition and distinction of colonies , i 'll take the freedom to offer my opinion , under what predicaments all colonies whatsoever , without any distinction , are to be considered ; which if it may be admitted , will perpetually determine this controversie in the judgment of all reasonable men. first , that the planting of all colonies is by permission , and in subservience to the conveniencies of the mother countrey . secondly , that all the free planters go by their own consent , and must be subject to the conditions of their settlement , as long as they remain in the colony , but that themselves or their posterity may return at their pleasure , and enjoy all the priviledges of their native countrey . thirdly , that for their encogragement , lands and priviledges are granted them upon very easie terms , whereby they may be enabled to subsist more comfortably than their circumstances could admit them in their own country . fourthly , that their proper business is to cultivate the lands , and raise the product which that country will yield . fifthly , that no permission is granted them for forreign trade , but such as their mother country shall from time to time see fit , because as the care and charge of protecting them in the enjoyment of their possessions , is always incumbent upon her , 't is not reasonable that she should divest her self from the priviledge of reaping such advantages by them therein , as their condition can afford . sixthly , that they may never look upon themselves to be out of the power of the legislature of their mother country , but that they ought to pay an entire obedience to all such laws as she shall make respecting them . 't is for want of these considerations , that men take the liberty to argue so passionately ( not to say indecently ) upon the case now depending ; but if it will not be granted , that it must always be of the essence of a colony , to be under such regulations , i see no room to distinguish between the mother country and its colony , which were absurd to think . and since i see they are so apt to be forgetful of their duty upon all such occasions , i could wish our government would think fit , in perpetuam rei memoriam , to ordain , that an inscription of the purport following , should be always set up in the parliament house in ireland , and in the houses of assembly in all our other colonies , to be read the first thing every day of their sessions : let us always remember , that this island ( or province ) is a colony ; that england is our mother countrey ; that we are ever to expect protection from her in the possession of our lands ; which we are to cultivate and improve for our own subsistence and advantage , but not to trade to or with any other nation without her permission ; and that 't is our incumbent duty to pay obedience to all such laws as she shall enact concerning us. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33409-e170 * a gentleman who liv'd in the county of kerry , told me , that for about 13. l. per annum , rack-rent , he had land enough to keep 50 head of black cattle , and breed more corn than his family could spend . england's weal & prosperity proposed: or, reasons for erecting publick vvork-houses in every county, for the speedy promoting of industry and the woollen manufactory, shewing how the wealth of the nation may be encreased, many hundred thousand pounds per annum. and also that many thousand persons may be so reformed, to their own and the whole kingdoms present and future wealth and glory, that there may no more be a begger bred up in the nation. humbly offered to the consideration of the great wisdom of the nation, and presented to the honourable house of commons. by r. haines. to which is added a model of government for such works houses prepared by the same author, and printed in the year (79) intended to have been presented to the last parliament. pursuant to a breviate of proposals for the promoting of industry, and speedy restoring the woollen manufactory, by him formerly published. haines, richard, 1633-1685. 1680 approx. 47 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43803 wing h200a estc r218612 99830189 99830189 34639 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43803) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34639) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1778:23a) england's weal & prosperity proposed: or, reasons for erecting publick vvork-houses in every county, for the speedy promoting of industry and the woollen manufactory, shewing how the wealth of the nation may be encreased, many hundred thousand pounds per annum. and also that many thousand persons may be so reformed, to their own and the whole kingdoms present and future wealth and glory, that there may no more be a begger bred up in the nation. humbly offered to the consideration of the great wisdom of the nation, and presented to the honourable house of commons. by r. haines. to which is added a model of government for such works houses prepared by the same author, and printed in the year (79) intended to have been presented to the last parliament. pursuant to a breviate of proposals for the promoting of industry, and speedy restoring the woollen manufactory, by him formerly published. haines, richard, 1633-1685. 16 p. s.n., [london : 1680] includes wing (cd-rom, 1996) h201a, a method for government for such publick almshouses ... [london, langley curtis, 1679]. imprint from wing. imperfect: entire tract cropped at foot, with loss of imprint and considerable text. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng almshouses -england -early works to 1800. wool industry -england -early works to 1800. public welfare -england -early works to 1800. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-03 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion england's weal & prosperity proposed : or , reasons for erecting publick vvork-houses in every covnty , for the speedy promoting of industry and the woollen manufactory , shewing how the wealth of the nation may be encreased , many hundred thousand pounds per annum . and also that many thousand persons may be so reformed , to their own and the whole kingdoms present and future wealth and glory , that there may no more be a begger bred up in the nation . humbly offered to the consideration of the great wisdom of the nation , and presented to the honourable house of commons . by r. haines . to which is added a model of government for such works houses prepared by the same author , and printed in the year ( 79 ) intended to have been presented to the last parliament . pursuant to a breviate of proposals for the promoting of industry , and speedy restoring the woollen manufactory , by him formerly published . 〈…〉 to the right honourable sir patience ward , knt. lord mayor of london . my lord , though the ensuing reasons , by the nature of the thing , are addressed to the honourable house of commons , whereof you are so valuable a member ; it being that great council , whose vnited votes can alone promote with effect , what is herein humbly offered . yet , my lord , by reason this work is of very great import , and ( as in all such cases ) requires the more time to demonstrate the value , vsefulness , necessity and feaseableness thereof , or otherwise is apt to be neglected or thrown by ; therefore i have taken the boldness to dedicate the same in particular to your honour , as a most proper advocate and patron , humbly intreating , that as you are a known publick spirited promoter and encourager of all things tending to the weal , safety and prosperity of the king and kingdom , so your honour would be pleased to recommend these reasons and the matter proposed , to that honourable house , and to improve your interest to have the same read before them , if after your perusal , your honour shall find them worthy of such your countenance and approbation ; wherein i hope you will do your king , city and country no inconsiderable service , as well as a very great honour to , my lord , your lordship 's most humble servant , richard haines , england's weal and prosperity proposed : or , reasons for the erecting publick work-houses in every county , &c. forasmuch as our wool is the main support of that trade which maintains and encreases the wealth , strength and glory of the english nation ; therefore , of all commodities of our own growth , this ought to be most carefully maintained and encouraged in that way it is thvs serviceable , which consists not in the exportation of unwrought wooll , nor in the consumption of our woollen-draperies at home ; but in the exportations of , and quick markets for our woollen-draperies abroad , as fast as they can be made and spared at home ; that this may be done , and that for the doing thereof , publick work-houses to be erected in every county , will be a most certain and effectual expedient . these following reasons are prepared for the satisfaction of all concern'd therein . reason i. because such work-houses ( are no new project , but ) have already in fact proved the best expedients to bring all . idle , poor people , beggars , vagrants , &c. into such a habit of industry , that there is not a beggar , &c. bred up , or suffered in those countries where such houses are erected and well-governed . reason ii. because , without such houses , in which such poor , and now idle people may be kept to labour under good government , it is altogether improbable to convert them to such habit of industry , and keep them employed in such profitable manufactures , by which the trade , wealth and safety of the kingdom may be promoted . reason iii. because , as by these expedients , there may not be any beggars in the nation , so shall not they , or any poor people have occasion to complain for want of an honest employment , food , raiment , or habitation . reason iv. because , by these expedients , an hundred or two hundred thousand people may be suddainly converted , to their own , and the nations present and future happiness ; and as it hath been the fatal practice of this nation , to breed up 30 or 40000 persons every year to be maintain'd for begging , &c. so by these expedients , they may breed up every year successively 30 or 40000 ingenious cloth-makers , who may convert wool enough to make as much cloth as may encrease the wealth of the nation many hundred thousand pounds per annum . reason v. because for want of such expedients , whereby industry , and the woollen manufactory may be effectually promoted , our wooll is fallen from 12 d. to 6 d. per pound , by reason that the number of the people at present employed therein , are not able to convert our wooll half so fast as it grows ; so that it seems very unreasonable to prohibit the exportation of unwrought wooll , whilst the expedients by which it may be converted at home are rejected . reason vi. because , that as our clothiers and merchants do infallibly demonstrate , that the exportation of unwrought wooll , hath destroyed our forreign markets for the sale of our cloth ; so it is as easie to be demonstrated , that had not such quantities of english and irish wooll been exported , as at present there is in abundance , it would have fallen from 12 d. to 3 d. per pound ; because as the stock of wooll increases , the price must decrease . so that there is no way to raise the price of wooll , nor yet to keep it up where it is , but either the nation will be brought to extreme poverty , or made to encrease mightily in wealth and power , viz. either we must export our wooll , asdaily ( especially within these last nine months ) we do to those that destroy our trade thereby , or bring all idle , poor people to industry , to convert it at home as fast as it grows ; by which means only , our wooll will soon mount to 12 d. yea , 18 d. per pound , which will also quickly remove the occasion for the exportation thereof . this being done , the woollen manufactures of france , flanders , &c. will soon be destroyed to that degree , as not to hinder the sale of ours , seeing they cannot make cloth without a mixture of our wool , but on very unequal terms ( as our clothiers have affirmed before a committee of the last long parliament . ) wherefore as the ready way to destroy the wealth and trade of our nation , is to export our wooll , and maintain our many thousands of poor in idleness and debauchery : so the most certain expedient by which we may revive and regain the woollen manufactory , is to prosecute these expedients that will bring all the people aforesaid to industry . by which we may raise the price of wooll at home , and afford our cloth and draperies cheaper than our supplanters , in markets abroad ; which is not to be done , but by the expedients proposed . obj. if it be objected , that if our wool should be raised to 18 d. &c. per pound , then other nations will under-sell us with cloth they make of french and spanish wooll . answ . to this i answer , this cannot be , because the spanish wooll is so short and fine , and the french so short and course , that they will neither work together , nor yet apart , without a mixture of ours , but upon very unequal terms . the truth of this is well known and affirmed by persons of good judgment and experience . reason vii . that without these expedients for promoting industry , all the laws and statutes now in being , can never raise the price of our wooll , nor keep it up at the price it now yields , nor yet have it converted at home , because all the wooll of england and ireland is ( as it were ) monopoliz'd into the hands of the clothiers by act of parliament , notwithstanding they cannot by their present course of trade convert it half so fast as it grows , which being so , they may keep down the price at their pleasure , ( they having power to hang , &c. those that export it from them , if they could catch them ) which intollerable grievance by the expedients proposed , would most happily be removed , to the great satisfaction of all that wish well to the interest of england . reason viii . because , by these expedients , many hundreds of well-skill'd , but poor decayed clothiers , who have little or no stock of their own , may promote this manufactory in every county , where every one of them may as easily employ 200 people in work , in such a publick honse , as he could ten elsewhere . reason ix . because in such houses a multitude may be instructed in art and skill in short time without difficulty or charge : for beginning upon the very coursest : wooll there can be no loss , but rather advantage , because , as the coursest cloth is as ready money as the finest , so the greater quantity is made , the greater will be the consumption of our wooll . but if it be doubted , that by reason of our double encrease of clothing , there will be want of market for our cloth. my answer in short , is , that if all the wooll in europe were converted in england , there would no more cloth be made than what was before : for what wooll is not converted here , is converted elsewhere ; therefore the trade for our draperies will be as good as ever , and much better , seing by the expedients and methods proposed , we may make and sell our cloth cheaper than our supplanters . that we may under-sell them is plain , because we have greater advantages than any of them ; we having fullar's earth , they have none : our wooll is the kindest in the world to be converted without mixture of other ; but they cannot convert theirs without some mixture of ours , unless upon costly and unequal terms , for the reason before-mentioned . therefore as by the expedients proposed , we may double our o●●●●●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we may under-sell them , and encrease and double our markets proportionably . as for the charge , 't is no more , than as if every parish were obliged to that which law and reason already requires , viz. to provide habitations and employments for their chargeable poor ; only with this difference , that in these houses , far greater numbers will be employed , and to far greater advantage when under such government as will teach them skill and art , administring councel , encouragement and correction . so that twice the work will be done , and less time spent idly , than where they are apart . reason x. because without these expedients , the wealth and strength of the nation will unavoidably be invaded and destroyed at the pleasure of those that are our supplanters , because the woollen manufactory is the grand support of our trade of merchandize : for 't is affirmed by some of very good knowledge and judgment , that if all the manufactures of england that are exported , were divided into thirteen parts , the woollen manufactures would make ten of the thirteen . so that if the expedients which may promote and uphold the woollen manufactory be rejected , and our supplanters increase in trade , as of late years they very much have done , then of necessity , our flourishing trade of merchandize , which alone encreased our wealth and treasure must be destroyed , together with our seamen and navies of ships , to the hazard and ruine of the nation . but were it so , that we were upon equal terms with the dutch in respect of industry , it is easie to be demonstrated , that england would excell all nations in the world in that trade , which is the only mother and nurse to bring forth , and encrease riches , seamen , and navies of ships , &c. as appears , if we consider , that the united netherlands , notwithstanding their provisions for bread , beer , flesh , clothing , timber , iron , materials for manufactures , &c. together with their vast expence to maintain their land against the 〈◊〉 all which costs them ( as 't is adiudged ) at least ten times more than the natural product of their land is worth ; yet we know , that for trade , fulness of people , moneys , treasure , seamen and shipping , they are more famous than any nation in europe . but now put case their industry were as little as ours , and that they also were to breed up and maintain their poor for begging , &c. as we do in england , might we not then infallibly conclude , that within one age , nay in twenty years they would be the poorest , miserable , and most despicable people in all the world . wherefore we having all sorts of provisions for food and rayment , as it were for nothing , several hundred thousand of people to be employed , and materials enough of our own likewise for nothing , to make the richest manufactures . our industry , were it but proportionable to that of the dutch , must needs encrease our wealth three times more and faster than theirs . so that most plain it is , that industry , not money , is the life of that trade which encreaseth both money , treasure , seamen , and shipping . furthermore , as these houses are the mother of industry , so 't is most certain , that for want of the same expedients , in every 100 l. worth of wooll exported unwrought , there is 1000 l. losses to the nation , our wooll being at 6 d. or 8 d. per pound , as now it is ; of which , if any be not satisfied , they may thus demonstrate it to themselves : a yard of fine broad-cloth of 16 s. or 18 s. price will not exceed a pound in weight and the like for fine worsted stockins of 6 s. price will not weigh six ounces . so that put case two pounds of wooll should be allowed for one pound , yet still every shilling in wooll will amount to more than 10 s. in cloth and stockins , which is what was to be demonstrated . thus all this which might so have been got by workmanship , &c. being ten times the value of the wooll is clearly lost to the nation , whilest those that might do it are maintain'd for begging , &c. reason xi . because , as by these expedients industry , trade , treasure , seamen and navies will encrease , so the intollerable charge bred up to such habit of industry , as to learn whilst they are young , to gain their living while they come old , so that it will be very rare to find any chargable , but such as are meer objects of charity , viz. those that by infancy , old age , or sickness are uncapable of all kind of imployment , neither of which continue long . reason xii . because , ( as i have again and again demonstrated by several printed sheets ) by the expedients proposed , the wealth of our nation may increase 30 or 40 hundred thousand pounds per annum , the greatness of which makes many rash persons contemn all that i have proposed as a thing impossible . nevertheless upon diligent and repeated inquiries and deliberate consideration , i dare affirm , with all confidence , that it will amount to much more . 1. because the returns of our woollen draperies that are now exported do amount to more than ten millions per annum ; as is attested by such as are well skilled and experienced in this matter . 2. wherefore there being as much more english and irish wooll to be converted , as is now converted by the present course of trade ( as most certainly there is . ) then if all the people aforesaid ( being double the number of those that are now imployed therein ) were brought to industry , as by these expedients they certainly and speedily might , it as certainly follows , that a double quantity of woollen draperies would be made . 3. and considering there 's none of these draperies to be deducted out of such our additional trade to be consumed at home , or to be carried to the dismal low markets in golgotha , from whence there are no returns : but the whole of what is raised by this our new trade , is to be exported to such markets as will afford good and quick returns . 4. it will therefore , from all this infallibly likewise follow , that if the old , viz. the present trade of clothing , af 〈…〉 said doth now bring in more than ten millions per annum ; then must the new , out of which there is no defalcations bring in much more . which at least amounts to as much as what was to be demonstrated . but put case we have not wooll enough to imploy all the people aforesaid , yet the expedients still remain unshaken , because we may imploy them in making of linnen with great advantage ; for as the first will bring treasure into the nation ; so the other will preserve it from going out , ( and then whether our dead be buried in woollen or linnen it matters not . ) so that the case is plain we have wooll enough , hemp and flax enough , fullers-earth enough , and poor people enow , to make draperies enough to make our nation to excel1 all kingdoms in the world in wealth and power , strength and safety : and as certainly may the same be accomplisht , to the honour of almighty god , and happy reformation of many thousands , who are bred up in idleness , and live in all manner of debauchery , and dye most miserably . nor may any member that wishes well to the interest of england oppose it : for as for the landlord , he above all men , ought to promote it , because the charge properly belongs to the tenant or possessor , who is accustomed to contribute to the relief and maintenance of the poor . nor , secondly , may the tenant or possessor complain , because they will not only be much eased in such their charge , but vastly advantaged by quick and good markets , for wooll , corn and cattel , when so many thousands are imployed more than now are , and earn , and pay for all that they eat , drink and wear . nay , what they now suffer by hous-rents , hedg-breaking , pilfering , and unnecessary contributions to beggars , &c. amounts to near as much as will pay for the building of these houses : for , put case there be 200000 beggars and idle , chargeable people in the nation , and what they eat , drink and wear , amount but to 5 l. per annum a piece , this amounts to one million in 〈…〉 reason xiii . because the charge of such houses of industry , by which the wealth of the nation may encrease so many millions per annum , &c. considered as a national charge , is no charge at all to the nation , because the money that must pay for doing of it , never goes out of the nation , but like the blood in its circulation , remains within the body for the comfort and benefit of every limb and member . nor hath any person reason to think , that his just share of contribution-money might be better bestow'd , seeing that by this expedient , his posterity to all generations shall be secured from beggary , so as never to be destitute of a lawful imployment , food , raiment and habitation . reason xiv . because , by these expedients , his majesties revenue , by the encrease of customes , poundage and tollage , cannot amount to less than 100000 l. per annum , because answerable to the encrease of trade , so the encrease of customes will be near proportionable : wherefore it concerns his majesty as much as the nation , to encourage the expedients that will hasten it . the greatest objections raised against this expedient , proceed from two sorts of men , the one against it , the other for it . 1. obj. as for the first , all that they alledge centres in this , namely , that the expedient is impracticable , because people are generally so base , deceitful and dishonest , that one may not trust another ; and ( say some ) let the poor beg , starve , steal , and be hang'd and damn'd ; it 's best for me and mine to keep our money whilst we have it . answ . to this i shall only say , that there is no reason to account that impracticable , which we daily see done before our eyes by our next next neighbours , and to say the english are less trusty , is too gross an affront to be put upon our country : however , i have offered such a method for erecting and manageing these houses , that it shall be the interest , as and effectually to promote the good ends thereby design'd ; and as for the latter part of the objection , 't is such a misery , uncharitable and atheistical folly , as deserves no further regard . 2. obj. the most important objection is of the latter , which calls loud for answer : we approve ( say they ) of the thing , but 't is next to impossible , that this honourable house should take cognizance thereof before they have establisht and secured that religion which god hath appointed for his own worship and service , without which , all hope of obtaining his mercies and blessings for the wealth and prosperity of the kingdom is in vain . answ . to this i answer , first , as to religion and worship , that is already establisht by law , &c. but how to secure this religion , together with the peace and safety of the king and kingdom , depends only upon the nations submission unto , and concurrence with the will and good pleasure of god in other cases , to wit , the good of the poor , &c. without which , our religion and worship , although it be the same which himself hath appointed , is altogether unacceptable , as is most fully declared by all the prophets , and confirm'd by our saviour's own words . we know , that god always had a nation , church , and people in all ages , ( although in every age subject to error in an high degree ) so also there was a babylon , &c. as a rod in the hand of god , to correct them for their wilful failings and offences . litteral-babylon in the time of the law , and mystery-babylon in the time of the gospel . the first , to correct his people , kings and princes of israel : and the last , to correct his own christian kings , princes and churches under the gospel . this we know is true , if we believe the prophets , christ , and the apostles , and modern writings . and as true it is also , that the rod is now in an high manner lifted up against the whole land , the king , and the church appointed ; so that misery , desolation , death , and unmerciful cruelties , do ( as it were ) stare in our faces , and nothing remains for our comfort but this , namely , that this revengful and bloody rod , is in the hands of a gracious and merciful god , who will assuredly throw it into the fire before it ever hurt us , if the crying sins by which his most holy majesty is most highly provoked and displeased , be put away , whereof this ever was , and now at this time , is one of the most intollerable and provoking evils , namely , the lamentable condition of those many thousands of poor people , widdows , and fatherless children , the many thousands that have been , and are bred up in ignorance , idleness , and all manner of debaucheries , unserviceable to the nation , unfit for church-members , and that live and die most miserably . and for this very thing which the most high could never endure , god was offended , and his wrath kindled against his own people , their kings , and nation , to that degree , that he abhorr'd their most solemn services and worship which himself had commanded . yea , when by fasting , praying , &c. they cried unto him , he would not hear , nor regard ; it was iniquity , even their solemn meeting , until this intollerable thing was effectually reform'd . which is an infallible demonstration , that god hath a greater regard to the poor , &c. than he had to the external religion and worship which himself commanded : and for this insufferable crime , he delivered his people into the hands of the king of babylon , who worshipped images , &c. now that the sum of this is true , moses and all the prophets do testifie . and that the same love and care for the one , and his indignation against the other , remains and continues to this day , is also as certain . witness our saviour's parable of the rich man and the beggar ; when the rich man , for being regardless of the beggar 's condition , lift up his eyes in the flames of hell , and finding it impossible to obtain ease or relief , made earnest request in the behalf of his brethren , that a messenger might be sent to testifie the verity of the matter , that they might repent , &c. but behold the answer from heaven was ( no , let them alone ) they have moses and the prophets , viz. their sayings and writings ) if they will not hear them , neither will they be perswaded if one arose from the dead . which doth plainly shew , that the will and mind of god , delivered by moses and the prophets in this matter , still remains so unchangeable , that if a man should keep all the commandements of god besides , and offend in this matter , it will profit him nothing : as is positively declared by christ , when upon this very occasion , he turned himself from the hopeful rich man , whom he loved , and said , how hard is it for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of god : it is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle , than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven . so that for a nation or person to have more love or regard to worldly wealth , than to the low and despicable poor , though beggars , or to defer the relieving them , appears to be one of the highest provoking sins for which god will be aveng'd ; and to sum up the whole , it amounts to this , that although we worship no false god , nor bow to any image , but do worship , the true god , according to his appointments , do fast , pray , and humble our selves before him , and keep all the rest of his commandments from our youth up ; yet if we judge not the cause of the fatherless , and the right of the needy , shall not i visit for these things , saith god ? shall not my soul be aveng'd upon such a nation as this ? — god almighty grant that this may never be said of england . and to prevent the dreadful stroke of babylon . may it please this honourable house , to consider , that as national sins and provocations incur the displeasure of heaven , so likewise to reflect how much this present parliament may concilliate to themselves and this poor nation , the favour and blessing of the almighty ; and also how gloriously the renown shall to all posterity be recorded ; when by one act more than an hundred thousand shall be converted , as it were at once , in your day , to their own , and the whole nations present and future happiness 〈…〉 posterity ( yea , every individual in the kingdom ) in all ages may call you blessed . wherefore if this honourable house do believe , that what i have with all humility and zeal to the publick , offered to your grave and pious consideration , be well pleasing to god , and accordingly be approved of by this honourable house ( as it is by the king 's most excellent majesty , who hath been graciously pleas'd to declare , that he would be ready in his station , to encourage it all he could ) then my humble petition to this honourable house , is , that i may obtain leave to bring in a bill , which i have prepared , containing such clauses , rules and methods as may ( with such corrections and amendments , as this honourable house shall think meet ) in short time compass the design in such manner , that all cheats and frauds may be so far prevented , that the contributers cannot be injured unless they themselves will willfully be regardless of their own interest , together with such rules and methods for prosecuting the design , as may for ever secure it from failing or ceasing after it is begun . finis . a method of government for such publick working alms-houses as may be erected in every county for bringing all idle hands to industry . as the best known expedient for restoring and advancing the woollen manufacture . humbly offered to the kings most excellent majesty and both houses of parliament . by r. haines with allowance . a method of government for publick working alms-houses , &c. the scope or end aimed at , and promised by my former proposals , is , that all the wool of england , and what scotland and ireland have to spare , may be manufactured in england , as fast as it grows and arises , on such terms as that all the cloth we have to spare , being exported , may find quick markets as fast as 't is made . the expedients or means to effect all this ; are , first in general , to bring all poor people and idle hands to industry . secondly , in particular , as the only effectual way or method , to do this to the best advantage it is proposed , that two or three , or more , publick work-houses be erected in every county , where all such poor people and idle hands may under good government be constantly employed in that manufacture , which having been perused and considered by several publick spirited persons , known promoters of the nations wealth and safety , they have generally very much approved and encouraged the said expedient , as most certain , feasible , and effectual to accomplish the great and good ends aforesaid ; if i could but propose such a method of government in these work-houses as the nation may be secured of these four things , viz. the country from being cheated of their money raised for erecting and furnishing such houses ; the poor from being abused ; unfit persons kept from being officers and bearing rule in them ; and justice from being wrested so as not to redress grievances and punish offenders . wherefore ( with all submission to better judgments ) i humbly offer such a method of government , as far as concerns the preservation of the stock raised , and prevention of frauds and corruptions in officers , as will , i conceive , remove all apprehensions of any the before mentioned mischiefs , that so all ju 〈…〉 since all parishes are to contribute to this work , and every parishoner is concerned in the charge , and may reap benefit by it , if honestly managed , therefore , because it cannot be imagined that any people will cheat or injure themselves , let each person in every parish be concerned in or about the government or inspection thereof ; as follows . 1. that it be enacted , that all contributing parishioners , or the greatest part of them , meet quarterly in their own parish , and elect one , or more , as their overseer or delegates for this inspection ; and so every parish to chuse and send their overseers every quarter of the year to inspect the state of that house to which they belong . each parish neglecting to chuse , to forfeit 5 l. to the treasury of the said hospital . each overseer to be allowed 2 s. 6 d. a-day by his parish for the time he is out on this affair on horseback ; and 1 s. 6 d. being out on foot , provided that none continue out above 6 or 7 days at one time . or if this seem too burdensome , two , or three , or more , small parishes may joyn to this purpose as one . 2. that these overseers , being assembled , may have full power to elect governours , prescribe rules and orders , chuse trustees , appoint officers , enquire into the welfare of their respective poor there , hear and redress their grievances , see that they be not abused or discouraged , reform all disorders , call each officer or trustee to an account , turn them out , and elect new ones as often as they think necessary , &c. to which purpose they may subdivide themselves into several companies , and dispatch much business in little time . 3. that all men in this assembly may be of equal authority , and no one person over-rule the rest , who shall likewise before they are admitted , oblige themselves by oath , or solemn promise made before a magistrate , to do those things that are just and honest , to suffer no wrongs or injuries to pass uncorrected , to do nothing for favour or prejudice , but to perform all that lies in his power for the safety and publick good of the stock and house , and to give a 〈…〉 ted to have any office there , but that for the encouragement of such as are sent to the house to earn their living , all inferior offices or places of preferment may be conferred on such of the house as most deserve it , if capable . 5. that if it be known any person or persons , directly or indirectly , hath given or taken any bribe or fee , or offered so to do , in order to obtain or confer any office or trust , or do improve his interest to promote or continue any dishonest scandalous person in office , then every such person shall thenceforth for ever be incapable of having or holding any office in the said work-houses , or giving his voice concerning the same in any meeting of the parish or overseers . 6. that the assembly of overseers , with the assistance of a magistrate , have power to injoyn all officers and trustees of the house , either by oath or solemn promise , that they shall act according to such rules and orders as shall be agreed on in the said assembly ; that they shall not conceal any ill practises in any but discover them to the next quarterly assembly : that they shall every quarter give a fair and just account to that assembly of all moneys by them received or disbursed ; what goods they buy or sell , and the quantity and prizes , and what goods or money they have in their custody ; and that any one breaking such their oath or solemn promise shall be punisht as in the case of perjury ; and besides , the offender to make satisfaction , for what he hath detained , imbeziled , or defrauded , to the house , or those that intrusted him . 7. that the overseers neglecting at the time appointed to use their utmost endeavour to take a true and just account of all persons intrusted , or failing to deliver a true account thereof to their respective parishes , shall forfeit five pound a-piece , to be paid to the treasury of the hospital . 8. that for the building and first stocking such work-houses , every parish , or parishes united , shall ( till the same are finisht and government settled ) send their overseers every fortnight , or month , who shall carry the proporti 〈…〉 rying on the work , shall be chosen by such overseers , and be accountable to them till the house be finisht and settled . 9. that if any difference arise between the overseers of the parishes , and the trustees of the house , it shall be refered to a meeting of the respective parishes , concern'd in such workhouse ; and in case the like difference arise between the parishioners and their overseers , the same be referr'd to the next quarter sessions , or if it require speed , then to two justices , one to be chosen by the parish , the other by the overseers ; provided none shall have power to hinder the parish or parishes from chusing such overseers as they shall think most fit to be trusted ; or turning out such as they find dishonest . 10. that every parish , and parishes united , do bring a fair account of what moneys are collected for the present year , and how disposed of , what remains in hand , and what poor they relieve at home , and in the hospital , to the justices at their easter sitting , after the manner now practised . 11. that the parishes united shall be equally taxt at a pound-rate for the relief of their poor , and that their taxes and accounts be confirm'd by the justices , and that the justices may in join the parishes to contribute what is fit , when otherwise they refuse , and that any poor inhabitant when abused , and cannot be redress'd , may make his case known to the justice , when the governors or overseers shall refuse to do their office. this method of government or inspection i humbly offer as most safe , because from head to foot the interest of one member hath its dependance on the other . 1. 't is the interest of each parish to elect honest overseers , 2. 't is the interest of these overseers to act righteous things , and elect honest trustees , not only because , if they betray their trust , they are in danger of punishment and dishonour , but also , because their own private interest lies at stake in the common interest of their parishes . 3. 't is the interest of the officers & trustees , whether honest men or knaves , to do honestly , because then they may con 〈…〉 , they cannot hope to conceal their misdemeanors , and then must be severely corrected , and pay dearly for it . thus much for the form of government , as to the governors ; i shall now add a few words concerning the persons to be governed ; the rather for that our design is abusively represented , as if we intended these houses to be places of slavery , and to keep people per force there all their lives , whereas we propose only this . 1. that the children of all poor people , who are chargeable to the parish , be without abuse imployed in these houses at six years old and upwards , and all impotent people who are capable of imployment , and do not earn their livings at home , having no children under the age of six years to be maintained . 2. that the men-children brought up in these houses have their liberty to go to trades , or husbandry , when they come to the age of 18. years . and the maiden-children liberty at the same age to learn housewifry . 3. that all beggars , vagrants &c. who have no habitation , nor will earn their livings in any lawful imployment , be placed there . 4. that all dangerous persons , criminals , &c. whom the law condemns to be hang'd , &c. ( except in the case of murther and treason ) especially such as are guilty of perjury & forgery , may be confined to these houses during life , or for a certain term of years , to serve the publick , being able by their labour to maintain as many more as themselves . 5. that all debtors in prison , not able to pay their debts , or maintain themselves ( whereof many hundreds there are ready to starve ) may remove themselves to this hospital , where they may live comfortably and be instruments for publick good . these are the persons that may compose & fill up these houses . as for the officers way of providing their diet , cloaths , and other circumstances , we need not here particularize , christs hospital , or the like foundation , may afford a good president for 〈◊〉 to imitate . 〈…〉 like , which to prevent the most happy reformation and weal of our nation , remains a gazing-stock to discourage all publick spirits , as the devil and self-interested people would have it , the same ought to be no plea or obstruction to what we propose . for , 1. that which rendred that and other houses unsuccessful , was the ill-government thereof , but such regular method of government as we have offered , at least with some amendments , will prevent all such inconveniencies . 2. as for that house , 't is nothing strange that it did miscarry , rather it would have been strange if it had not ; since the persons governing such houses ought to be inferior to those by whom they are intrusted , that the latter may speedily bring them to account , and if they find any one dishonest , correct and turn him out of doors ; whereas the governors of clerkenwell house were great men , and authorized to raise money at pleasure , not to be corrected , but by act of parliament , &c. so that their quality , and business , or want of honesty , hindred them from using that inspection over inferior officers as was necessary , and when money came into their hands , and was diverted who could force them to an account ? 3. if this be a precedent of ill-success , and only for the reason aforesaid , we can shew you many precedents in holland , &c. of such work-houses erected & managed with good-success ; nay there is scarce any thing contributes more to the wealth and strength of that nation , than their prudence and industry in this respect ; but there they are managed not by grandees , as clerkenwell was to be , but by honest laborious men , who if they fail in their duty are forthwith severely corrected . a person intrusted in a spin-house in amsterdam , was publickly whipt and turn'd out of doors for being partial , viz. because by his connivance a young woman , who was sent thither to work for her living , made her escape . another officer was whipt and committed to the rasp-house , for diminishing what was allowed for the comfortable maintenance of the poor . at leiden i saw a fellow most severely whipt upon a scaffold , erected for thousands , and after committed to the rasp-house , for that he under pretence of being zealous to serve the states , inricht himself by abusing and oppressing the poor . 't was for want of such strict government clarkenwell , &c. came to naught . 4. if because that house , meerly for want of right method , and persons of fit qualifications to govern it , miscarried , therefore no such houses must be made use of ; may not our merchants as well conclude , that because some ships , for want of an honest fit master or skilful pilot , have been cast away ; therefore tho there be men enough whose qualifications and integrity are sufficient , yet they will never venture to send forth any more ships ; if you say the case is different , for tho the houses have failed , yet we know most of our ships return safe , then i may return you the same answer ; in holland none of these houses fail , therefore if we take right method of government , our houses will not fail so often as our ships , and will become as profitable to the kingdom , for if the houses prosper , to be sure our shipping will increase , therefore whoever is an enemy to these houses , is as great an enemy to the encrease of our ships and seamen , and consequently an enemy to the true , wealth , safety and interest of the english nation . at least since this expedient is no new project , but dayly practised with extraordinary success and advantage by our neighbors ; 't is humbly hoped that the same shall not be contemned or rejected by any , before they have first found out , and demonstrated some more certain , effectual and feasible expedients to accomplish the work in hand , and by the proposer humbly offered , viz. to convert all the wool of england , and what scotland and ireland have to spare , into cloth , on such terms as to vend the cloth as fast as 't is made , whereby 30 of 40 hundred thousand pounds , per annum , may be gain'd to the nation , and all poor people bred up to such an habit of industry , that for the future a beggar may not be seen in the kingdom ; but neither they their childrens children shall ever want a lawful 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a43803-e310 exodus 22 , 23 , 24. isaiah 1 from the 11. to the 24 verse isai . 58. from 1. to the 10. v mark 10. 21 , 22 , 25. luke 16. from the 19. to the 31. v. jer. 18. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. and jer. 5 , 28 , 29. a treatise of wool and the manufacture of it in a letter to a friend, occasion'd upon a discourse concerning the great abatements of rents and low value of lands ... : together with the presentment of the grand jury of the county of somerset at the general quarter sessions begun at brewton the thirteenth day of january, 1684. treatise of wool and cattel clarke, george, fl. 1677-1685. 1685 approx. 54 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33258 wing c4445_variant estc r10931 13115195 ocm 13115195 97740 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33258) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97740) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 411:9) a treatise of wool and the manufacture of it in a letter to a friend, occasion'd upon a discourse concerning the great abatements of rents and low value of lands ... : together with the presentment of the grand jury of the county of somerset at the general quarter sessions begun at brewton the thirteenth day of january, 1684. treatise of wool and cattel clarke, george, fl. 1677-1685. 31 p. printed for william crooke ..., london : 1685. written by george clarke. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). first published as: a treatise of wool and cattel. 1677. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-09 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of wool , and the manufacture of it : in a letter to a friend . occasion'd upon a discourse concerning the great abatements of rents , and low value of lands . wherein is shewed how their worth and value may be advanced by the improvement of the manufacture and price of our english wool . together with the presentment of the grand jury of the county of somerset , at the general quarter sessions begun at brewton the thirteenth day of january 1684. london , printed for william crooke at the green dragon without temple bar. 1685. sir , it is now seven years since i publish'd a treatise of this nature ; it came forth then accompanied with something concerning hospitality , and the consumption of our cattel ; but the age at present being not that way inclin'd , i have wholly omitted that part ; and shall only offer in this , that which concerns our english wool , and the manufacture of it . for i find that a great many are very busie about this commodity , and the trade of it ; but yet i do not find any proposals offered , whereby the price of our english wool may be advanc'd ; i shall therefore lay down this assertion ; that the greatest cause of the abatement of rents , and low value upon lands at this day , ( which i suppose every man that hath any is sensible of , ) hath been the great fall , and low price of wool for these few years past . then on the contrary , the only way to raise our rents , and to bring our lands to their former worth and value again , must be by advancing the price of our english wool. now which way this is to be done , will be the subject of this following treatise ; which is desired may be accepted , as it is freely offered ( to wit ) as the real intention of a true english man , for the benefit of his native country . the occasion of publishing this at this time , was meerly accidental ; for being at white-hall some few months since , i heard of great complaints made , with a petition to the king and council , setting forth the transportation of our wool , to the great prejudice of our clothing trade , and the ruining of our poor for want of work ; with many dismal apprehensions of the evil consequences thereof : but not one word offer'd which way either to advance the trade of this our woollen manufacture , or to raise the price of our english wool ; but the whole design i perceived was for the clothiers advantage to buy wool cheap , and for the merchant and drapers to have cloth at a low price ; both very destructive , not only to the kingdom in general , but also to the trade it self ; as shall hereof be made appear . the complaint i confess was of great concernment , that our wool , and other materials for the making of cloth , as fuller's earth , &c. ought not to be exported ; the many acts of parliament in all ages since king edward the third , for preserving this trade and manufacture to our selves , and prohibiting under severe penalties , the transportation of our english wool , is sufficient to convince us of what absolute necessity the manufacturing of our wool was look'd upon to be , as to the wealth and trade of our english nation ; and what advantage our ancestors in former ages ( even to the times of the late rebellion ) made by this trade of cloth. the account of the russia and turkey company , but especially the hamborough company , which took off so many thousand cloths yearly , may serve us only to bewail the present decay of so great a trade . so that our business now is not only to prohibit the exportation of our wool , but more chiefly to advance the trade and sale of our cloth ; whereby the price of our english wool may be raised again to what it was formerly worth . for to what purpose is it to keep all our own wool at home , and to admit all other wool to come in gratis ; if we have not vent enough for that of our own growth . i confess it may sometimes enrich the clothier by buying cheap , but i am sure it will impoverish the gentlemen and farmers , by selling at so low a price ; therefore , if by the following discourse our ancient trade for this commodity may be restored , and our wool brought to a more considerable price then it now bears , whereby the rents and revenues of the kingdom may be increas'd , and our lands brought to their former worth and value again ; i hope this small treatise may be accepted . sir , you may please to remember upon the discourse we had on this subject , that it was your desire i should give you the heads and substance thereof , against the next meeting of the parliament ; that as you found a convenient opportunity and compliance with you herein , by some of your fellow-members , with whom you did intend first to advise , you would accordingly proceed in it for the publick good : but the business of the popish plot then breaking out , all things of this nature were then put off , and this also was laid aside . but meeting with this opportunity , i thought it a very fit time to retrieve it ; especially considering that neither our wool , or our clothing trade have since advanc'd , but on the contrary grown worse and worse ; even to so low an ebb , that it is impossible to sink lower . and that it being at this time more particularly in his majesties royal hands , to dispose and regulate the sale of cloth at that great and chiefest market in the kingdom for the same at blackwel-hall in london , by appointing such officers , and such regulation of the sale of cloth there , together with such rules and orders to be observed , both by the clothier , merchant , and draper , according to the several laws and statutes heretofore made , for the encouragement of this great trade , as in his princely wisdom shall be thought most fit and convenient . and although many offers have been made of late years for england's improvement , which shews that we are sufficiently sensible of our decaying condition , if we could but tell how to help our selves ; yet it is a very great question whether several of those designs might in the end prove for the real good and benefit of this kingdom , as to endeavour the planting of several foreign commodities , whereby to engross the manufacture of other nations to our selves ; for the saving , as we alledge , many thousands of pounds at home , which they cost us abroad ; and the cutting of so many rivers to make them navigable , through the very heart of most parts of the kingdom , to london ; whereby all our trade and carriage might pass up and down without waggons and horses , at far cheaper rates than now they do by them ; with several other the like projects , that carry with them fair pretences of thrift and good husbandry ; while on the other hand it might easily be made appear , that many of those designs would prove so disadvantagious to us , notwithstanding the specious shew of profit . that our lands which are already fallen a fourth part of their ancient worth and value , would not then , in most parts of the kingdom , yield the one half , especially the pasture and meadow grounds . for it is not the having all things of our own growth on the one hand , and the saving of our money on the other can make us rich ; neither can our increase and plenty in some sence be said to be our wealth , if we have not a suitable vend and consumption thereof . besides , nature hath otherwise provided , and so furnish'd each particular part of the world with something which the rest want , whereby to preserve a friendship and commerce together . sir , i have hinted at this , that the following discourse might meet with the less prejudice , when the design of it shall appear , that it is not for the prohibiting any foreign commodity , or for the engrossing all within our own growth ; but that which we call our own growth and manufacture , may be spent , if not by others abroad , yet among our selves at home : and this i think is so reasonable , that no nation in the world , but will allow us that liberty . let us now proceed to that which is intended in this following discourse ; and in the first place , to shew how much our estates and rents are fallen from their former value within these few years , and what may probably be the causes thereof , with some ways and means that may be conceived necessary to restore them to that value and esteem again . first then , that our rents are abated , and that the value of our lands are fallen , most mens particular experience will justifie me in the truth hereof ; for from twenty years purchase , the usual rate not many years since , they are now sunk to eighteen at the highest ; and in some places sixteen or seventeen years purchase is the selling rate , and these very same estates at a low under value ; so that if we sum up what an hundred pounds a year , the rent well paid , was worth thirty or forty years since , in the beginning of the late rebellious wars , we shall find , that the real value of our estates are a third part less than they were then ; and but two parts of three , of what money they would have yielded then , can now be raised where any man hath occasion to sell . for example , let an hundred pound a year be the standard , the just value then that this hundred pound a year would have yielded at twenty years purchase , is two thousand pound . now there is twenty pound a year with the least , and in many places thirty pound a year abatement in rent out of this hundred . we will touch the sore as easie as possible , and allow but twenty per annum abatement in rent , so there remains but eighty pound , which at eighteen years purchase comes to 1440 pound ; so that at this rate , here is near a third part lost of the real value what the lands and estates of the kingdom were formerly worth . and this we may believe , that that parliament about seven years since were very sensible of : witness their many debates in their several sessions about raising money for his majesties supplies , and the great care the houses then took in all those debates , that none of those supplies should be provided for by a land tax , whilst there could any other way possibly be found out , or thought upon ; and those small helps , as the excise on the law &c. which were so long a raising but a very inconsiderable sum , at last cannot be look'd upon to stand the king and kingdom in any stead , should there be any extraordinary occasion for money . if we should expect any supply from the merchant , and from trade , they will tell you that there is as much custome and excise laid upon all sorts of commodities as the trade is able to bear ; this shall be the general answer of the whole body of merchants , and the whole-sale-dealers throughout the kingdom , especially in london , so that little help is to be expected from them . have we not reason then to endeavour the restoring our lands and rents to their former value and esteem , when we have hardly any other way left for the preservation of our lives , estates , yea , and our trade too : for should there be any extraordinary occasion for a speedy supply of money , when all heads and wits are puzl'd which way to raise it ; there can be no speedier way possibly found out , then by a land tax ( or subsidy ) which is much the same , provided our lands and rents may be raised to their former value and esteem . this being then the true state of the case , and the condition we are fallen into , since the beginning of the late wars ; let us now proceed to examine the causes of this great mischief , to make way for remedying the same ; and these may be sum'd up into these two grand ones ( to wit ) our wool , and cattel , the latter of which was endeavour'd to be provided for , by that irish act which utterly prohibited the bringing in of any sort of cattel out of ireland into this kingdom , upon forfeiture thereof ; when there was the same reason , at the very same time , against the importation of their wool , ( to wit ) to prevent the beating down the rents of that part of the kingdom which depended most upon breeding . let us now proceed , and enquire into the reasons of the low rates and prices of our wool , and we shall find that we may bring them under these few chief heads . first then , the great quantity of spanish wool sold here at very low rates , and that made into cloth , and the most part of it ( to our shame ) worn by our selves ; is a very great cause of the abatement and low price of ours . secondly , the not wearing , and other ways using the cloth made of our own wool , both by our selves at home , and by our people in our several plantations abroad , may be look'd upon as another cause of the great abatement of the price of wool. thirdly , the decaying condition of the merchant-adventurers , and hamborough company , who did formerly send away so many of our english cloths into germany , and all those eastern parts of europe , more than now they do , may be reckon'd another cause of the low price of wool. fourthly , the not making our cloth of that size and substance as it ought to be , as by several statutes to that purpose , it may appear , and for which the alnage office was at first establish'd . and lastly , the great abuses and cheats of late years put upon our clothiers , by the brokers and factors at blackwell-hall , to the breaking and undoing of many of our young clothiers , especially if their stocks be small ; these may be accounted some of the chief causes of the great abatement and low price of our wool. we will examine them in their order . and first , concerning the spanish wool. if we look no farther back than 1660 , the year of his majesties happy restauration , we shall find that the superfine spanish wool ( as they term it ) was sold for four shillings , and four shillings and four pence the pound , and the other sorts at three shillings , and three shillings and six pence the pound , according as it was in goodness : and our wool at that time was sold for sixteen pence and eighteen pence the pound . now this present year 1684 , and seven or eight years since , the supersine spanish wool , is not worth above two shillings , or two shillings and two pence the pound , and the other sorts at twenty pence and two and twenty pence the pound ; and our wool will not yield above seven pence or eight pence a pound ; so that in less than twenty years time our wool is fallen the one half and more ; and so long as the spanish wool is sold at this low rate , it is not likely that our own can advance in price : and if so , then our rents , especially those farms that depend most upon corn and sheep , must continue at this low ebb they are now at , if they fall no lower . the removal then of this great mischief , is the next thing we are to consider ; and herein i must content my self to receive the censures of several persons of the contrary party , i mean those persons whose fortunes and imployments lye principally in the buying , not growing of this commodity ; but they are not so many . first then , spanish wool must of necessity advance something towards the price it was formerly at , when our wool yielded sixteen pence and eighteen pence the pound : for that being so much finer than ours , and bearing but a low price , we cannot expect ours should rise ; and if this advance of the spanish wool is not to be expected from abroad , then we must endeavour what can be done at home . if some duty or custom were laid upon it ( i shall not presume to propose the sum ) so as to bring it to bear a considerable rate , his majesty by this means would receive a good addition to his revenue , and our wool would be brought to a considerable price . as for the prohibiting this or most other foreign commodities , we may find upon examination , and by experience too , that that way will not so well answer our design , as the laying a sufficient duty upon them more or less according to the quality of the commodity . i will instance only in the irish act ; if ten or twenty shillings , more or less , upon a bullock , and five shillings upon a sheep , or thereabouts , had been laid as a duty upon them , instead of prohibiting them ; we had not only continued still our trade and commerce with them , but his majesty had received e're this many a thousand pound for his custom . for , as the case now stands , the king receives no advantage by them ; his officers in all ports where they are landed ( being not obliged by their office , take no notice of them ) do rather help the concealing them , than any way endeavour a seizure : which if otherwise , they were then all bound by their offices to receive his majesties duty ; and then each bullock and sheep paying so much custom , they could not under-sell us , which was the great design of that act. viz. the keeping up the price of our english cattel , so that an impost upon wool , as well as all other commodities , will better answer our interest and designs against them than a prohibition : for here can be no other shift , if the officers be honest and careful , but the paying their money . but here will arise an objection . if this should be so , that a duty should be imposed upon the spanish wool , then would the dutch and other nations get away our trade , by under-selling us in all places where spanish cloth is a commodity : for if we must pay dearer for our wooll than they , we cannot expect to have any trade ( with them ) where this commodity is vended : for neither will our clothiers make it , or our merchants buy it , if they cannot see some probability of profit and advantage . to this objection ; we must believe that the dutch are a people that will lose no opportunity of profit where they can get it ; and if they could vend more spanish cloth than they do , we must also believe they would make more if they could ; they having the same liberty to buy the wool as well as we , but there is little danger of their getting this trade from us this way . for they have their hands as full already , and do make as much cloth as they have people to imploy about it , with respect to their other business and manufactures . as to the other part of the objection , that concerns the dutch , that if we give more for spanish wool than they , then we must of course be under-sold by them , and so by consequence lose our trade . we must first be inform'd what sort of spanish cloth it is they chiefly make , and where it is vended , to do us this hurt . as for the sorts of cloth they make , they are most blacks , and many of them sold here , and worn by our selves ; and this i hope may be remedied ; but for the medlies , i suppose they make but few , for the french and others with whom we trade for them , cannot be furnish'd by any other nation in the world but by us : so that if we raise the price of them among our selves , we shall not be in danger to be under-sold by the dutch. but what is all this to that which we have to say for our selves ? here is a fourth part of the real value at least of our kingdom within these few years lost , and that principally by the fall in price of this one commodity ; and we have no way possibly left to raise money upon any urgent occasion , but by our estates . and have we not reason then ( as i said before ) to endeavour our utmost to restore them to their former value and esteem again . which way had it been possible for the nation , in the late war , to have maintained so many vast armies in all parts and corners thereof , had not that war begun upon us in the very height of our wealth and plenty , when our wool at that time was worth three times the price it now yields , with a full trade for our cloth both at home and abroad ; especially into germany , sweden , and all those eastern countries ; and our cattel then paid sufficient profit , both to the breeder and grasier , and gold was as plenty with us then , as it was in jerusalem in the reign of king solomon ; there was no throwing of farms into the landlords hands , no complaining of hard rents , every commodity of ours then yielded a profit , for we had a consumption for them , and the poor could not want victuals , when the kitchin was accounted the best room in the house . but to proceed . the second cause of this great abatement of the price of our wool , may be this , viz. the wearing and using of so much spanish cloth our selves , both at home and in our several plantations abroad ; whereas if we were but injoyn'd to wear , and otherwise to use no cloth but what is made of our own english wool , we should find some alteration in the price of it in few years ; and i doubt not but our clothiers could pick out enough of the finest sort of it to make cloth very little inferiour to the spanish . and it is easie to be made appear , that we spend as much spanish cloth in our own kingdoms and plantations belonging to the crown of england ( and a great part of that too not manufactur'd by our own people , as dutch black ) as is worn in all the kingdoms of the world besides , and more . so that if any shall object against the laying a duty upon the spanish wool , i hope they will give us leave to enjoyn our own people to wear no cloth but what is manufactured by our selves , and made of our own wool ; and if this consumption of our cloth at home be added but to that trade we have yet left abroad for it , we should soon find an increase in the price of our wool. and i know no reason why any should be offended with us for endeavouring our own interest and advantage , the general design of all nations : neither can this spending of our own cloth among our selves hinder any thing of our trade abroad . and that this may appear to be no new or upstart project , the statutes of 2 edward the 3. cap. 1 , 2 , 3. may sufficiently satisfie us ; in which kings reign it was , that the manufacture of our wool began to be our national employment . for among all our staple commodities , wool had at that time the precedency , as being the most principal and ancient commodity of the kingdom , wherein the generality of the people were deeply concern'd ; and the manufacture of it , though of long use among our selves , yet it received but little encouragement for a trade into foreign parts , till these times ; the flemmings having the principal manufacture then by the continual supply of wool that they received from hence . but the wisdom of this great prince soon discern'd of what unspeakable value the manufacture of our own wool would be to the trade of this kingdom ; who , like a provident and careful father , look'd farther than his present time ; and who , beingwell acquainted with the flemmings affairs , by a joynt engagement with them in the war with france , had therein gain'd so good an opinion amongst them , that he might adventure to change a complement for a courtesie ; the staples where our wool was sold being now taken clean away , and by the statute of 2. edw. 3. cap. 1. made felony to carry any wool out of the realm : he now prosecutes his design for the setling of the manufacture at home , and represents to those flemmings the danger they were in by the bordering wars with france , and the peacable condition of england , and freedom of the people that are subjects here ; propounds an invitation for them to come over hither , wherein he promises them the same priviledges and immunities with his own subjects : which they accepted , and came over , and brought their manufacture with them , which could never after be removed hence . so as now the manufacture and our wool were joyned together ; and so long as they agree together , both will thrive ; but if they once part , ( as the spanish wool at this time puts fair at it ) they will both be losers in the conclusion . the manufacture of our wool being brought to this settlement at home , this heroick king edward the third , makes this other statue in the same 11th year of his reign , that no merchant , foreign or denizon , nor any other , after the feast of st. michael , shall cause to be brought privately , or apertly by himself , nor by any other into the said lands of england , ireland , wales , and scotland , within the kings power , any cloths made in any other places than in the same , upon forfeiture of the said cloth , and further to be punished at the kings will , as is aforesaid . but because this nation formerly had been , and still is too much wedded to the wearing of foreign manufactures , the importing of which did hinder the using of our own home-made manufactures ; ( for too much of them make our own a drug , our nation poor , and our people to want work ) as a cure for this disease , our own english cloth is enjoyn'd by a law to be worn by all persons under the degree of a lord ; and then the wisdom of the times thought fit to provide for the true and perfect making of cloth ; several statutes were made in this kings time , richard the second , and were also confirm'd by queen elizabeth , and king james ; but especially in the fifth year of edward the 6th cap. 6. for the length , bredth , weight , and goodness of all sorts of cloth ; with several proviso's to prevent frauds and abuses both in the making and selling thereof : such care our ancestors have had in all former and latter ages , for the improvement of this our woollen manufacture , by which we may plainly see , of what absolute necessity it is to be encouraged and advanced : shall it now by us ( after so much care and industry used by them to settle and bring it to our doors , and into our very houses ) be neglected , and scarce thought worth the entertainment , for fear of i know not what jealousies of disobliging some foreign nation , by putting a duty on their wool. shall their wisdom and prudence that judg'd this manufacture and trade for it , the great support and and glory of our nation , be call'd in question by our carelesness ; and shall we suffer our selves to be thus cheated of it , when we are as well able to maintain and defend it as they ; and by exprience find , that it is our chiefest , if not only manufacture and support of the strength , honour , and wealth of our english nation . for which way can we continue a trade long , that have no money of our own growth , but only what is brought unto us for commodities ; and if we can find nothing of our own to barter and exchange for , we must in short time sink our trade abroad , if we intend to keep our money at home ; our staple commodities must therefore of necessity be advanc'd and encourag'd , to enable us by the return thereof , to hold a commerce with those parts of the world that must supply us : for if trade be maintained barely out of the main stock , the kingdom in time must needs be decay'd , and so brought to penury ; it being our magazin . a third cause of the great abatement and low price of our wool may be this , viz. the decaying condition of the merchant-adventure , and hamborough company within these few years ; a company that vended many thousands of our english cloths yearly ; for after that our staples for wool were taken away , and the manufacture of our cloth setled among us , this company also had their motion from flanders through holland , untill at last it came to be fixed , for the conveniency of those eastern countries , at hamborough and it would not be needless if the discreetest of them were advised with , to know the reasons they can give of this loss or decay , at least , of their trade in germany , and all those adjoyning kingdoms . for a trade of so large extent , and vast covernment to us , ought not thus easily to be parted with . and there may possibly , upon such an enquiry , something appear , that a great cause of this decay of that trade proceeds from our selves ; which if so , there may then be some way found out to recover that ancient company of the merchant-adventurers , their trade , credit , and esteem again ; the only company that transported most part of our english cloth. and we may more then probably guess , that the two following and remaining causes of the low price of our wool , which i propos'd , to wit , the not making of our cloth of that size and substance as it ought to be , and as it was order'd in former times to be made , as by the several statutes before recited may appear ; and the cheats and abuses of the brokers and factors at blackwell-hall ( a sort of people never heard of there , before the beginning of the late rebellion ; and in those times there setled , that their masters , who first granted them their charter , and made them a corporation , might have the more time and leisure to attend their other imployments of more weightier and publick concernment ) might be a great means to help ruin this our trade . but for the regulating a business of so great a concern , i shall not presume to propose the method ; there will be application sufficient from all parts of the kingdom , were there a committee appointed purposely for this business ; whereby we might have some hopes and encouragement that our english cloth may be a commodity again . and upon their arraignment , there will be bills plenty enough brought in for their conviction : for , from men not worth much when the device began , they are now many of them worth 5 , and 10000 l. and some of them 40 and 50000 l. a man ; while many of the lower rank of our clothiers daily break and run away ; those men by their wiles and tricks creeping into their estates : for they have brought the trade to that pass , there shall not now be a cloth sold in a market-day at blackwell-hall , by many of our clothiers , if these men have not the selling of it ; and it would grieve a mans heart to see how harmlesly the poor clothier waits at the heels of his factor all the day long whither he pleases to lead him ; and when he puts into a drapers shop , he hears of nothing but of bad trading , uncomfortable news , and no mony stirring : for they are both agreed to send the poor man out of town without selling a cloth himself ; neither shall he perhaps , hear in a long time what is become of his cloth , whether sold or not , untill it be for the factor's convenience to give him an account , or untill a draper or a cloth-merchant or two break , and then 't is ten to one but he may have an account , that some of his cloth is gon that way : so that as the manufacture of our cloth is now managed wholly by private interests and designs , were our trade abroad for it never so good , it is not probable ( lying in such hands ) it should ever be restored to its ancient credit and esteem . it therefore begs , and that earnestly , if we value the strength , honour and wealth of our nation , that we should use our utmost endeavour to advance it to its just worth and reputation again , by freeing it from this great monopoly , and to set it at that liberty , that the laborious and careful clothier , who not only spends his time , but hazards his stock , and that small fortune he began with , for his own maintenance , and those many he doth imploy in his trade , may have so much favour as to sell his own cloth himself ; that what honest profit can be made thereof , he who only deserves and takes pains for it , may receive it , to the encouragement of that manufacture , which must help the price of our wool , which must help the advancement of our rents , &c. and not the lazy factor , whose only labour is between blackwell-hall and his counting-house , and who suck the gains from the honest clothier , through the very heart of himself , his family , and all the poor therein imploy'd , and thereby ruines our trade , the great cause of the abatement of rents , and the improverishment of our kingdom . and as these factors are the greatest enemies to this trade in general , that either malice or envy could possibly set up , so if they be but narrowly look'd into , they will appear , for the most and richest part of them , as to their principals to the present government , the same with those who first brought them thither , and who , by the influence they have upon the buyers , and the command they have upon the clothiers , are able to draw more people into faction and rebellion , than any other sort of men in the kingdom besides . there would such another generation of men be brought to the bar from smith-field too , who put as great injuries and abuses upon our young grasiers especially , by buying and selling of cattel there , and yet butchers by their trade , who can either dull or raise the markets at their pleasure ; so that we may see into what hands the two great commodities of our kingdom of late years are got ; but this latter only by the by . we will go on with our woollen manufacture , which being once more retriev'd , let the alnage-office have a whet , and be strictly look into , that they should not only receive their fees , but perform their duty , that we may rightly know how far short our english cloth will come to the spanish , when well and truly made ; that by this means we may recover it that credit and esteem it once had , both at home and abroad . for methinks we are all asleep ; we see a trade snatch'd from us to our ruine , and yet seem to be unconcern'd ; nay , which is worse , we help forward with it our selves ; and though we are taken notice of sufficiently , and jeer'd for the french apes , an english man pictur'd with a piece of cloth under his arm , to chuse his fashion , yet i thought it had been always understood to be cloth made of his own wool. having now given some particulars that may be great causes of the low price of our wool , with some ways and means for the restoring of it to its former value and use again , which each particular carries along with it ; i shall wind up all with that act of parliament made some years since , for the burying in woollen : and he that will but read that act , may very well satisfie himself , that the parliament were sufficiently sensible of the great loss we were like to be at , if some way or other were not found out to consume our wool ; and certainly they were worthy patriots for their country , that first moved for , and afterwards pursu'd it to an act , however it hath not been received or obeyed as it worthily deserv'd ; we will therefore examine , and give some guess how much wool might have been buried , since that act of parliament was first made , without any disparagement to the dead , or to the surviving friends of the deceased ; and we shall find that a very great part of the wool now in the kingdom , i speak as to the quantity , out of cloth , had been at this day under ground . in london is buried one year with another ( when no plague or other epidemical distemper reigns ) about twenty thousand , which , by observation of some , bears a seventh part with the kingdom ; so there dayes in england an hundred and forty thousand yearly , with the least ; and we will allow two pounds of wool for a shrowd , one with another , which amounts to two hundred and eighty thousand pound of wool yearly buried ; so that in every ten years we shall spend this way about twenty hundred thousand ponds , a good proportion of one years growth ; but with this advantage to our poor , that it is first made into cloth. so that had that act of parliament been duely observed , as it was our interest so to do , we may plainly perceive what quantity of wool we had by this buryed in our own kingdom of england ( for i have not reckon'd either scotland , ireland , or any of our plantations into this account ) but if all could be brought within the compass of this act , and the charge of seeing it punctually performed , carefully observed , we should not only spend in all these kingdoms and islands belonging to the crown of england , a most incredible quantity of our own wool manufactured by our selves , but save above threescore thousand pounds sterling a year of our money , which we lay out for linnen-cloth purposely for that use , as may appear by examining this charge by the former rule ; equivalent to a story we have of one of our kings , who finding a great glut of cloth in the kingdom , beyond their vent and trade for it , bought it , and caused it all to be burnt . and the dutch , those subtil traders , as it is generally reported of them , when their ships are fraighted with their spices in the east-indies for that years provision into europe , they return the rest in smoak , by causing the overplus of that years growth to be burnt at their own factories ; so that the consumption of every growth of our wool is of absolute necessity towards the improvement of our rents , and for recovering that third or fourth part of the real value of our kingdom , now lost since the fall and low price thereof . but before i conclude wholly with this cloth-trade , the chief and only manufacture of this kingdom , i shall premise something by way of quere , as a remedy to this great mischief ; and whether it may prove of advantage to the growth , and manufacture , and trade of this commodity , i shall leave it to far better judgments to determine . suppose there were a company of merchants of this staple , setled by patent or charter , as such companies there are ; the east-india , turkey , &c. that should buy up in spain every years growth of the spanish wool themselves , and thence transport it , or as much as they should judge convenient for our trade , hither , to be manufactur'd by us ; where a duty should be impos'd upon it , according as it should be judg'd the trade would bear , in order to the advancement of our own ; for there lies the bottom still of the design . i ask the question , where would the inconveniencies arise ? for the truth is , a business of this nature is more fit to be discours'd of by a committee , than medled with by any private person ; i say , if such a company were set up , what would be the objections against it ? for , first the spaniard can receive no prejudice by it ; we shall by this means rather advance something the price , than any way abate it . and secondly , for the hollanders , i suppose we should make no scruple of getting the trade from them , for this cloth trade is our ancient right , and did alwayes belong to our nation , and no other people in the world could in reason pretend to the manufacture of it , the staple growing upon our own soil . and since there is now another sort of wool started up within these few years , which proves to the prejudice of ours ; i see no reason against me , if we can compass to make both our own and that too , but that we may justly ingross it if we can , without offering any injustice to our neighbouring nation ; and then , what is their growth and manufacture , as linnen-cloth , and the like , if they will quietly desist , and yield up this to us , as it is our right , we may , i presume , be perswaded ( i speak only for my self ) to do the like by theirs . but if we examine this business a little farther , we shall find , that there may be a necessity for the laying a duty upon this spanish wool ; and that it will be impossible while the trade is free , and that every man may buy and make what he please of this sort of cloth , that ever our wool should advance in price ; for as the rates now go , unless the spaniard raise the price , our merchants will not , and our clothiers drive the old design in buying as cheap as they can ; so that between them they will keep down the price of ours ; for one man in a fair or market may beat down the price of what he deals in , by under-selling his own commodity , but where is all this spanish cloth made that doth us this harm ? were it the manufacture of the whole nation that kept all the poor at work , there might be something said for it ; but it is all made ( i mean the medlies ) in the corners of two shires , ( to wit ) somerset and wiltshire , and that within the compass of twenty or thirty miles at most ; and not an hundred ( i speak with the most ) principal clothiers concern'd in the making of this spanish cloth ; what dammage can the engrossing then of this spanish wool , or putting a duty or custom upon it do the nation ? it is very true , there are many that call for the liberty of the people , that every man may buy and sell as he please . and it were well if these men would consider themselves as well in the relative as in their own personal concerns : for if every man were independant , his liberty were so too ; but so long as any man is a member of a kingdom , his liberty must likewise depend upon the good of the same kingdom . and if it be not good for a nation that every man should buy and sell , and wear what he paid for , as he please , he must not think himself injur'd , if his liberty , as an english-man , be confin'd , so long as his country hath an interest in his commodity and trade , for its safety and welfare as well as himself . so if the trade for spanish wool , which is now at liberty , were in the hands of one particular company , it would not then lye in the power of any private persons to sink the trade and manufacture of our wool , as now they can : for certainly , a liberty for a private trade , in some cases , may bring that mischief upon the publick concern of a nation , not easily to be removed again . i will only instance one passage , which may be fresh in every man's memory , that had then any concern in wool , to shew what command the great clothiers , factors , and others have of that commodity and the trade for it . when the peace was last made with the dutch , about ten years since , by the mediation of the spanish ambassadour , and the french left wholly out in that agreement , the price of our wool , in less than a months time , did rise from 18 s. and 19 s , to 25 s. and 26 s. the weight , that is a quarter part more than it would yield a week before the news of that agreement with holland . but the scene quickly shifted , for the parliament being soon after prorogued , our wool did not so fast advance before , but now it came tumbling down ; so that it return'd not only in a week or fortnights time to its former price , but pass'd by without any stay or stop , until it was almost impossible to run lower , even to 12 , and 13 s. the weight . what should be the reason of this ? was there more wool now discover'd , or was there like to be less trade ? certainly , there was as much wool in the kingdom of our own growth an hundred years ago as now ; we have no increase of sheep ; for all those lands that now feed , ( to wit ) our downs and sheep-pastures , could never be employ'd to other use . then it must be in the trade . and if so , then we may see where the command of that lyes ; as those dealers like the motions of the times , they shall either advance or sink it at their pleasure , for the trade lies sullen , and must be rows'd ; it hath been so long manag'd by some particular persons , that they now look upon it , not so much the staple manufacture , and chief commodity we have to support the wealth and honour of our nation , as a business only for some few men to gain wealth and estates by . but to proceed . now what quantity of this spanish wool is brought yearly into this kingdom , and here made into cloth , and how much of it is transported when made , is worth our enquiry . and upon this enquiry , i doubt it will appear , that there is as much spanish cloth spent and worn among our own people , as the spanish wool will make that is imported ; for in lieu of those few medlies we send abroad in trade , we have a supply of blacks , &c. brought out of holland to us , and here sold at double the rate of that made in our own kingdom of the same goodness : for at this day the very servants and mechanicks , especially in towns and cities , will scorn to wear any cloth but spanish , if their purses can but reach the price . it is not many years since that spanish cloth of the same goodness they now make , was sold for 23 s. and 24 s. the yard by the clothier , which he now sells for 15 s. and 16 s. the yard : and so long as it can be bought at this low price , there is scarce a cobler but will have his best suit of it . in a word , all the ruine that hath happen'd to our clothing trade by the low price of our wool , cannot be imputed to the exportation of our english wool , but to the importation of the spanish , and other foreign wool , without paying any duty or custom for the same . and this , among other grievances attending the clothing trade , the grand jury of the county of somerset , at their general quarter sessions , presented as the grievance and complaint of the whole county : the which i have here set down verbatim , as it was to have been presented to the late kings most excellent majesty , in council . somerset . at the general quarter sessions of the peace held at brewton , in and for the country aforesaid , on the thirteenth day of january in the thirty sixth year of the reign of our sovereign lord charles the second , by the grace of god of england , scotland , france , and ireland , king , &c. the presentment of the grand jury there was as followeth ; viz. hearing the daily sad and lamentable complaint of the greatest part of the clothiers of this country , concerning the great decay of their trade , whereby many of them with in few years last past have been ruin'd and undone ; and finding by sad experience the great fall that is happened of late on the price of english wool , that commodity now yielding but little more than the one half the value of what it was wont to be sold for at the beginning of the late unhappy rebellion in this kingdom ; and having seriously considered these things , do humbly conceive the causes of these great evils to be the importation of spanish and other foreign wools , without paying any custom or impost for the same ; and the great abuses that have been put upon the clothiers at the principal mart for cloth in this kingdom , by a sort of people called factors ; men first set up in the late times of distraction , and increasing ever since in number and power , till now at length they have gotten the sole command and sale of most mens cloth brought thither to be sold ; and have thereby advanc'd themselves from little or nothing to be men of great estates , and as much impoverished their masters , who sadly complain of these abuses , and are left without prospect of a remedy : the consideration of which mischiefs growing more and more upon us , and , if not timely prevented , being likely in the end to prove the ruine of this ancient staple commodity and manufacture of our kingdom , hath caused us at this time to make this following presentment . first , that the wool of this county in particular , as well as of the whole kingdom in general , is the greatest staple we have ; and that which adds more to the rents and improvement of the real value of the lands and revenues thereof , than any one commodity whatsoever ; and that it is as much our interest ( if not more ) to improve the rents and revenues of the lands and estates of this kingdom , as to maintain the trade , without which improvement we shall in no case be able to raise any considerable sum of money by a land-tax , if any sudden or extraordinary occasion should require it . we present therefore , that the importation of spanish , and other foreign wools , without paying any duty or custom for the same , is a very great prejudice to the price of english wool ; and so consequently contributes much to the abatements of the rents and profits issuing from lands . we present , that the making of woollen cloth is the greatest manufacture of this kingdom , and that wherein many thousands of poor people are employed and set to work , and thereby relieved and maintained ; and that since the time that the art of clothing was first known amongst us , it has continued free , untill the beginning of the late rebellion , there sprung up a sort of people , who , under the name of factors of blackwell-hall , have gotten into their power the management and disposal of most of the cloth that is sold there : and besides , are grown to be the greatest merchants of oyl and dying-stuffs , but chiefly of spanish wool ; all goods belonging to the clothing trade , of whom the clothier is forced to buy , the factor having his stock both of cloth and money in his own hands ; and therefore we present , that these factors of blackwell-hall are a publick nusance and prejudice to the clothing trade ; and to have been the ruine of many poor clothiers , and the causes of many other mischiefs and inconveniencies that now lye heavy upon us . item , we farther present , that this honourable bench will be pleased to implore the royal power and prerogative of his sacred majesty , for convenient remedies to these great abuses ; and that this presentment may be with all submission presented to his majesty as the grievance and complaint of the whole country . thomas ludwell , joseph gappy , barnard russ : william ridcut , thomas pitman , john bradny , john mulford sen. thomas gapper jun. thomas field , william lewis , thomas biging , thomas harvye , john mabz , wor. brice , henry strode , gabriel iveleife , robert king. vera cop ' ex ' per ph. bennet , cl. pac. this is a true copy of the grand juries presentment , which we agree to , and desire it may be presented to his majesty in council by mr. clarke . weymouth . fitzharding . fra. powlett . e. phelipps . john hunt. ed. berkeley . tho. wyndham . fra. warre . will. basset . geo. clarke . jo. harington . the reply of w.c. carter, w. (william) 1677 approx. 64 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34888 wing c676e estc r4126 99833778 99833778 38256 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 38256) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2205:03) the reply of w.c. carter, w. (william) 54 p. s.n., [london : 1677] w.c = william carter. imprint from wing. in response to "reasons for a limited exportation of vvooll". reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng reasons for a limited exportation of wooll -controversial literature -early works to 1800. wool industry -england -early works to 1800. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reply of w. c. a full and clear reply to a paper intituled , reasons for a limited exportation of wooll . before i come directly to reply to the said answer , i shall premise a few things ; first , though my antagonist finds his design opposed by several discourses under the name of w. c. ( and chiefly by one called englands interest ) yet he hath done me the honour to front his discourse course with divers propositions , allowed even by himself ; i shall therefore answerably endeavour to treat the said author with all that civility , that is necessary in this case , granting to him what is true , rectifying what i conceive to be mistaken ; and answering such objections , as are material . i must needs say , that i had no thoughts of appearing in publick any more , and could not easily have been moved thereunto , had not my zeal to the commerce of the nation ( which is at present solely maintained by the woollen manufacture of it ) raised my fears so far as to believe a great prejudice is coming upon us , and so far as to doubt also that we may be hastning of it , by those very means we would endeavour to prevent it . and therefore i cannot but like the dumb child speak , when he saw a knife at his fathers throat , i mean , when i consider the extremity we are like to be in from the french kings vigilancy , and the great endeavours that he hath of late used to acquire the making of the woollen manufacture in his own kingdome , and what artifice and vast expence he doth use to effect his said design , both in france , and by his agents here in england , even at this very day , notwithstanding his mind is and cannot but be so much engaged in the present wars : and if he doth this in the very midst of his distractions , what will he not do , or what may we not expect hereafter from him when he shall be at peace with all his neighbours , especially having already gotten such quantities of our wooll , as he hath . and to encourage the manufacture thereof in his own kingdom , he hath even very lately issued forth his edict , for the erecting hospitals in many towns in france , both for the setting all sorts of persons at work ( that are able ) in the woollen manufacture , and for the maintenance of all indigent persons , and not to suffer a begger there . and if the french king , how fair soever he pretends a friendship to us , be designing by all wayes and means , to undermine our commerce , and by it to prejudice us in our trade and strength by sea , i may i hope be pardoned , if i am more than indifferently concerned , or more than ordinarily warm , to think that we our selves should endeavour to perfect his design by delivering up our wooll , the. foundation of so rich a manufacture , into his hands ; for that which is moved , is moved principally ( if not solely ) for the french kings advantage , and that which is desired ( if granted ) tends to our own inevitable ruine . nor can we hereafter think of so vain and idle a vhing , as to recover our woollen manufacture once lost , or to preserve the kings customs , or the strength and shipping of this great kingdom without it . upon all which considerations , i cannot but humbly entreat the nobility and gentry , ( and more especially such as have the honour to serve their country , in parliament ) seriously to reflect upon the wisdom of that great prince , king edward the 3d. and upon the method which he in his reign used , now so long since to gain the woollen manufacture out of flanders into this countrey , and withal impartially compare that with the present practise of the french king before mentioned . and then to consider whether , we have not reason to do the utmost we may to prevent his design , or whether we have reason to do all that we can ( nay more than he himself doth ask or expect from us ) by a law to promote and incourage his design . we must be very short-sighted , if we understand not that after he hath supplyed his own country , he will not only endeavour , but will soon be able , to supply flanders , portugal , spain , and the streights , to gain an advantage to his own subjects ; for if he may break the laws of commerce , and lay what impositions he pleaseth upon our cloth , and all other our native commodities , even while we are at peace with him , why may he not also lay an imposition upon all our ships that pass rhe streights , or that shall dare to trade or bring the same commodities that he doth in any port of italy , or turkey , where the subjects of his greatness comes ? and when our commerce is lost and our manufacture gon , and our ships imposed upon that shall pass the seas , what shall be left to defend our selves in case we will not also receive his codex , or whatsoever he shall ( for the greatness of his name ) think fit to require of us . all which things , whether they be convenient not only to be wished but to be contributed to by a law , i humbly leave to my opponents themselves to judge . for when the trade that not only brings such a revenue to his majesty , but is the riches and strength of this kingdom shall be lost , as is now attempted , what way or means may we as rational persons , think ( on ) to prevent any of those mischiefs before mentioned . this general being premised , i shall now enter upon the discourse it self : the main aim or scope of my antagonist divides it self into two parts , the one to prove that there ought to be a limited transportation of wooll ; the other that by a limited exportation of wooll the price of it may be raised : and by the raising of this , the rents of lands , may and will be encreased , and his majesties customes greatly advanced ; and if these things were really practicable , i should not only be so just to my self , and to my opponents , but so just to the nation , as not to put pen to paper to trouble my reader , and much less to expose my self to a stage of contention , as i am now like to do ; but for as much as the quite contrary will ( if i mistake not ) appear , i shall therefore examine and weigh those reasons and grounds which my oppnent hath brought for those assertions . whereas my opponent doth endeavour to alarm the nation , that for want of the vending our superfluous wooll abroad , that the farmer and the landlord are so much damnified , that the one cannot pay his rent , nor the other sustain his taxes , and that this is the chiefest , if not the sole reason of sinking our rents , and throwing up farms , and the misery of the whole country . this consiquence is not allowed , that being assigned for a general cause , which is but one amongst many , and that a very small one ; the true cause of the abateing the price of land , and lessening the rents , shall be given in the answer to the next pretence in this head ; ( viz. ) that it is much more the concern of the nation to preserve the nobility , gentry , and those that the land of this country belongs unto ; rather than regard a few artifficers , who are employed in the working up of the wooll of this nation , or to regard the merchant , who gains by the exportation of our manufacture . i humbly crave leave to say , that the said argument doth wholly depend upon a supposition , which is no way fit to be granted , ( viz. ) as if the interests of the merchant , mariner , and artificer , were not only opposite to , but wholly inconsistent with the interest of the nobility , gentry , and farmers , whereas there is nothing more evident than the contrary ; so that the whole argument it self falls for want of a foundation . for the clearing of which let us consider , that in as much as it is imposible , that we should defend our selves , as an island , otherwise than by the strength of our shipping , and seeing this is much less posible to be done now , at such a juncture of time when our nearest neighbours do ( partly out of fear , and partly out of emulation ) multiply shipping upon us , and use all endeavours that are possible to gain the dominion of the sea from us , it is hence clear , that we must either say , that the intrest of the nobility , gentry , and farmer , is not the same with the interest of the nation , or if it be the same with the interest of the nation , it must be their interest then , to uphold the trade and shipping of this country , and consequently to uphold the merchants . but for as much as all that understand trade , do well know that all the commerce of this nation , doth for the value and bulk of it , intirely depend upon the woollen-manufacture , consequently it must be the interest of the nobility , gentry , and farmer , to uphold the woollen-manufacture , as much as 't is to uphold trade , or to uphold the strength of our shipping by sea : for what will the lands of the nobility and gentry proffit them ? or what will become of the privilidges and rights of english men , if through the loss of our wollen-manufacture , we loose our trade , and by the loss of this , we want shipping to defend our selves ? to this argument let us also add , that if there be no opposition between the interest of the nobility and gentry , and the interest of the farmer , ( as no man doth pretend there is ) than there can be no opposition between the interest of the nobility and gentry , and the interest of the artifficer , who works up the wooll of all he country . for besides the proffit that doth arise to the nobility and gentry , by the houses which are taken , and by the lands that are rented by the clothiers , and by the workmen under them , it 's well known , that the said clothiers , and workmen are serviseable to the farmer , not only for the buying up of his wooll , but for the buying up all manner of victuals also ; by the which not only one , but all the parts of the farmers rents come to be discharged , one clothier imploying not only one or two hundred persons , but sometimes one or two thousand ; and consequently , if we shall admit that there are in england not above five thousand clothiers , and that each of these ( one with anothet ) do maintain but two hundred and fifty workmen , the whole will amount to upward of one million ; wherefore if we allow for each of these people , but four pound per. an. one with another ; the whole will amount to between four and five millions of pounds sterling per. an. which yearly sum the farmer doth immediately receive , and consequently the nobility and gentry , from the poor and contemptible artificer , over and above what is further contributed by them to the shoomakers , taylors , and other trades , that could not live and be maintained without them , nor the farmer himself , if all these trades should fail . and this leads us also , to take notice of another mistake in my opponent , and such as is no small one , which is , that in asmuch as it is matter of fact , and such as may be clearly demonstrated ; that there is at least if not much more than a milion of persons , employed in the clothing-trade , and hath their dependance wholly upon the said manufacture : it 's hence evident , how much my opponent hath mistaken himself in supposing , that though our clothing-trade should be lost , yet all the persons that are now employed in it , might find work from the farmers , foreseeing it's matter of fact , that the farmer is able to supply himself with as many labourers , and more than he hath occasion for , without somnch as medling with that of the clothing-trade : it must unavoydably follow ; that if our manufacture should be totally lost , as there will be above a million of people ; that must either starve , or beg , or be put to the charge of several parishes , ot be forced to steal or rob , or leave the kingdom ; so it 's as evident , that the farmer after all this , will not only be less able to employ labourers , than he was before , but less able to pay his landlord , by four or five millons every year . and when such an abatement as this shall be made of the farmers income : i shall leaveit then to any wise man to consider what will become of the price of lands , or value of rents , and how much this will advantage the grower or breeder of wooll ? and to make good this computation , and free it from all suspision of slightness , we shall further offer to consideration , that whatsoever is the true vallue of all the woollen-manufacture of england , the nobility , genrty , and commonalty do receive among them , near , if not more than nine parts of ten. for inasmuch as all who are well acquainted with the clothing-trade , do know that it is not a tenth part of the proffit , nor sometimes the twentieth that is gained by the clothier , or first employer , who frequently looseth of the very interest of his mony ; consequently it must of necessity follow , that nine of the ten parts , if not nine-teen of twenty parts of the whole value of the said manufacture must be distributed to the nation ; so that admitting the whole wollen-manufacture of this nation , comprehending cloath , stuffs , bays , stokings , and all other of the said manufacture , do amount to four millions of pounds sterling per. an. ( more or less ) there will not come of that great sum to the clothier , or first employer , much above two hundred thousand pounds ( if so much ; ) so that three millions and eight hundred thousand pounds per. an. must of necessity be distributed to the nation by virtue , of the said clothing-trade ; whereof we cannot but suppose the farmers , and therefore the noblity and gentry must receive the greater part. it is well known also , that it is solely by our trade , that not only this great city of london it self , but several other large cities of this nation do wholly depend ; and which if our trade were removed , they would soon be deserted by their respective inhabitants . and then we cannot but offer to consideration , where the nobility , gentry , or farmers , would find a market for their commodities , or find a price answerable to them . all which particulars i have been the larger in , to remove that mistake , which is almost as distructive to the nation , as the pestilence it self ; which is that mentioned by my opponent ( viz. ) that the interest of the merchant , or the interest of the cloathier and artifficer is not consistent with the interest of the nobility and gentry ; the contrary being made sufficiently to appear . my opponents third argument is , that wooll was at twelve pound per pack in the year 1647 , when wooll was prohibited , and that in the following year , it was sold for sixteen pound per pack , but that wooll ever since by reason of the said prohibition , ( as is pretended ) is fallen of its price , and is now not worth above four or five pound per pack . in which argument , there seems to be a failure in two respects , one , as if the wooll of the nation hath never bore any price since the time of the prohibition , whereas it may be made appear , that after the year 1650 , wooll bore a very considerable price , from ten pound per pack to twenty foure pound per pack , according to the goodness of the said wooll , and continued so for some time , which shews us another mistake in his arguments , as if the fall of the price of wooll were wholly to be ascribed to the prohibition of it , whereas indeed there are two other causes that are very evident . first . from the discouragment that hath been put upon the clothier , and upon the vent of our woollen-manufacture , by the french kings arbitrary impositions upon it , to the almost utter prohibition of it ; whereby now there cannot be so much wrought of it as formerly , which had otherwise certainly been , and then no such occasion or pretence as this would have been taken to complain of superfluous wooll , and therefore as this cannot be denyed to be a true cause why more of our wooll comes to be unwrought than formerly , so 't is clear that those very men that are now pleaded for by my opponent , ( i mean the stealers and transporters of wooll about canterbury , and the places adjacent , not for necessity , but for filthy greediness of gain and lucre ) have highly contributed to it , notwithstanding the lawes of the nation against it , and notwithstanding the ruine of the nation that is dayly jeoperdied by it , in which respect i cannot but confess , that rumney-marsh hath indeed created an interest by it self , but it 's such an interest , which neither is , nor hath been consistent with the interest of the nation , nor with the interest of the nobility and gentry in general , so that the said stealers or transporters of wooll , have been the main and principal cause of both these inconveniences , ( viz ) both of the loss of our manufacture , and the loering the price of our wooll . the other cause of the fall of the price of wooll , especially of late years , hath been the necessitating of ireland to stock their pasture ground with sheep , instead of great cattle , and those of the best-breed of england , by which meanes , as wooll hath of late years been more encreased , then ever at any time before within his majesties dominions , so the consequence of this extraordinary increase ( and not any fault in the clothier or manufacturer ) is that which hath not only brought down the price , but hath occasioned so great a quantity to be sent abroad into forreign parts , as it bears now almost as smale a price beyond sea as here ; and therefore in this argument , my opponent hath assigned that for a cause ; which is no cause at all , may clearly appear , because it 's matter of fact , that wooll bore as good a price , if not a better ( after the said prohibition as it did before ) for many years , till that breach of commerce which was put upon us by the french king ; which wee before mentioned , and until that unfortunate act ( for so i must humbly crave leave to call it ) was made against the importing the irish cattle , upon supposition that it would raise the price of land here in england , whereas the quite contrary effect hath been too much experienced ( viz ) that it hath laid such a foundation for the impoverishing england , as will not quickly ( i fear ) be recovered . the next thing alleged by my oppoent , is , that a limited exportation of wooll , will be more for the advantage of our woollen trade , and less for that beyond the sea , than the hindring of it hath been . which ascertion , if my opponent had really , sufficiently , and effectually made good , he might justly have merited the name , for being the greatest master of reason in england . and indeed seeing a paradox more strange , and more hard to be conceived , could not easily be stated , i could not but expect , that some arguments more remarkable than ordinary , would immediately have followed it , but finding ( contrary to my expectations ) nothing beyond a bare affermation , that if strangers had a liberty to buy what wooll soever they please , they would pay dearer for it , then now they do , and that our clothiers would therefore have it the cheaper , and by this advantage would be able to under-sel the strangers in their manufacture : i say finding litle or nothing more , to be brought , either by way of reason , or of argument , to maintain this parradox , i was soon convinced that it remained as uncapable to be proved as it was before , and a little to evidence the improbability of the said consequence , we shall here offer some few reasons to the contrary . and first i crave leave to say , that it 's no way likely that the grower in any part of england , should not be willing to get the utmost price for his wooll that he can , and therefore not likely that any grower whatsoever , will sell his wooll to the natives of this countrey , for a less price than he presumes he may have of strangers : and therefore not at all likely , that our own manufacturers should buy it cheaper than others . secondly . admiting that it should be made unlawful , for any stranger to buy up wooll , till such a time or season of the year , to the end that our clothiers might first provide themselves of what they need , yet it would no way follow , but strangers may have their agents and factors here , that may purchase it at the same ease , with the same conveniency , and at the same rates that our clothiers are like to do , nor can i perceive any thing propounded by my opponent , that would be able in the least , either to prevent it , or obviate it . thirdly . and this great omition in my opponent , i could not but take the more notice of , because if no expedient can be found out by him ( which i doubt there will not ) to prevent strangers , from giving what commssions they please , to buy up what quantities of wooll soever they shall think fit , here in this countrey ; as i see not how , or by what meanes , the exportation of our wooll , should be any way possible to be limmited , so neither do i see how the clothier here , should be sufficiently ; and certainly furnished , or how the manufacture it self should be capable of being any way preserved , and if these mischiefs , and inconveniencies cannot but follow , and cannot but be a necessary consequences of such a law , as is propounded by my opponent ; and that nothing to obviate or prevent these inconveniencies , hath been either regarded , or so much as attempted by him : i cannot but take it to be a very great blot to his judgment , barely and boldly to offer at such a thing , which is attended with so much hazard . fourthly . because my opponent seemes to to put his cheifest stress in this , ( viz. ) that a large custome may be put upon all wooll that is exported by strangers , and that at least by this meanes , they may come to pay double the price of what our clothiers do , and not only so , but by this means also , his majestie may receive an advantage by the custome , that is imposed upon it . to try the weight or strength of this expedient , or rather to shew the vanity of it . let us suppose that 3d. or 4d . per pound , should by a law , be imposed upon all wooll , that shall be shipt out by strangers ; or others , as it will not follow , that the said custome should be paid to his majestie , for one half of the wooll , that shall be so shipt out : seeing under the colour of one hundred packs , many hundred may be exported . so this will much the less follow , from the very observation ; which my opponent himself hath made , of the nature , of the stealers or transporters of wooll ; for if as he confesseth they will be contended with 12d . a day profit so they may play the merchants ; & if they are content to run the hazard of their necks , and to be tryed as fellons , for so small a matter as this a mounts to , which cannot be above 8 , or 10s . upon a pack , how much more then , will they bee encouraged to steal the custom of it when their excuse shall be fairer , and their advantage much greater , and the hazard less a hundred times then now it is ? but in the fifth and last place , let us admit for arguments sake , that if 4l . was imposed upon every pack of vvooll that was transported , and let us admit , that all this custome was duely paid , yet i see not the least ground for my opponents confidence , that we shall for this cause be able to under-sell the french , in the vvoollen-manufacture . for beside that the nature of their manufacture being but slight ; and such as takes up much less wooll then ours doth , and a great part of their warps , being made of their fine-spun linnen and their own course vvooll : i say besides this , the impositions that have been of late , arbitralily put upon all our vvoollen-manufacture in france ; and considering also there is no custome at all put upon wooll there , when imported , both these will utterly prevent , our selling the said manufacture there , cheaper than the french can make it , though they shall not only give double , but treble the price , that we our selves do give for wooll . the next thing alledged by my opponent is , that our fore-fathers did never prohibit the transportation of wooll , unless upon some great occasion , and for a certain season , till of late years , for makeing good of which , a summary of several statutes , are brought from the time of edward the 3d. downwards to our times . for answer to all which statute , i shall make use of no other argument , than what my opponent himself hath put into my mouth , which is ; that wooll was for many ages , by the wisdom of the government , at least very often prohibited ; and that whensoever the govenment it self saw , there was a greater occasion than ordinary for it , they did alwayes prohibit it ; and consequently , if the interest of the nation at present be such , and the circumstances relating to our neighbours about us , be not only so great , but so instant and importune , that these two considered , there will be much more reason , and much more necessity , for the prohibiting of it now , than formerly . then all that my opponent labours at , in producing instances of other kinds , and where the circumstances are not the same , falls wholly to the ground ; for the clearing of which , let us consider , that the circumstances peculiar to this present time are , that we have not only been possessed for many ages , of the manufacturing of our wooll , but have of late so improved our trade and commerce by it , that we have exported it by shipping of our own , not only into france , portugal and spain , but into italy , turkey , and to the remotests parts of the world. by which means , as our wealth came greatly to increase , so we our selves became more powerful in shipping than ever , which greatness of our trade and the strength of our shipping being not only observed , but forthwith emulated by some of our neighbours , and seeing it was likewise clearly discerned , that the cheifest meanes for the maintenance of it proceeded from our woollen-manufacture , as the hollander therefore first , so the french since , have by many undue lawes and pressures upon us , contrary to the ancient treaties of peace and commerce , endeavoured to rob the said manufacture from us . nor is the state of the contest now at present between us only , who shall have the trade , but who is fittest to have the strength and dominion of the sea. wherefore if my opponent be not only an islander , but so much an english-man , and be so true a subject to the interest of his majestie , which i doubt not but he is , as to think there is none so fit as his majestie to command the sea , then my opponent must of necessity grant , that nothing ought at this time to be done by us , that may hazard the greatness of our trade and commerce , and consequently , that nothing ought to be suffered by us , ( so far as we are able in any wise to prevent it ) that may either lessen or endanger our woollen-manufacture , and consequently , if nothing can so much hazard it , and hazard the very loss of our trade , and of the dominion of the sea it self through it , as the countenancing and contributing to the woollen-manufacture now set up in france , then this is not to be done by us , but is rather , if we will pursue the interest of the nation , by all means to be prevented by us . and consequently till my opponent shall be able to make it appear , that the dominion of the sea , if lost , will be no great harm to us , or till he make it appear , that we are able to keep the dominion of the sea ; even , notwithstanding our trade and commerce should be utterly lost , and notwithstanding our woollen-manufacture , should be wholly carried away by our neighbours . or till he make it appear by other arguments than hitherto he hath done , that the french though they encrease their woollen-manufacture , will neither be able to under-sell us abroad , nor be able to prevent our clothes and stuffs from going into france , as formerly . i say till my opponent shall be able to make good all these things , i must crave leave to differ from him wholly , and plainly to affirm on the contrary . 1. that the transportation of wooll , if allowed by a law , can no way be limited . because if the transportation of wooll shall be allowed by a law , no meanes , ( speaking rationally ) is able to prevent the hollanders , flandrians , and french , to give each of them such commissions as they please , to buy up here what quantity of wooll soever , they shall think fit . 2. in regard that this can no way be prevented , and that my opponent himself offers not the least grain of an expedient towards it : i therefore farther affirm , that it cannot appear that our clothiers or manufacturers here , shall have the least priviledg above the stranger ; either in poynt of provision , or point of price . 3. that our clothier , or manufacturer here , must of necessity have a far greater disadvantage , with reference to the furnishng himself , than the stranger abroad , in regard it cannot be thought , he shall be able to raise any such stock of money as the stranger can , to prevent the strangers forstaling of him ; and consequently ( if it be lawful to talk reason ) there can be no ground to imagin , that our manufacture shall not in short time be utterly lost , and this being lost , as our trade and strength at sea must be inevitably lost with it , so not only the honour , wealth and rents , but the very priviledges , liberty , and property of the nation , must be hazarded to such strangers as shall carry away the trade and strength from us . as to the next allegation , made by my opponent , ( viz. ) that the transportation of wooll , will better his majesties : customs i see but little in it that may require my answere to it , inasmuch , as i have spoken already to this , under the fourth head : nevertheless i must crave leave to say , that my opponent here also goeth upon an extraordinary mistake , it being not at all in dispute between us , whether his majesties customes would be bettered if a subsidy were paid only for that wooll that is now exported , instead of haveing it all stollen : but the dispute between us strictly is , what his majesties customes will hereafter amount to , comparatively to what they at present now are , in case there should be a law for the free and unlimited exportation of wooll , and that by reason of this law , and the consequences that must follow from it , our woollen-manufacture shall come to be wholly and entirely lost : for it becomes not a wise man ( and such i must in civility judge my opponent to be ) in making such proposals as tend to the altering of lawes , to look at the present only , but to look more principally at the time to come . and therefore it is not in this case at all , to be considered what the advantage will be , that may come to his majesties customes for a few moneths , or a single year , but it is to be considered , what the advantage or disadvantage will be to his majesties customes for the time to come ; admitting these inconveniencies , which i have before mentioned to be unavoydable , from the law which is propounded by my opponent . besides my opponent cannot doubtless be so ignorant , as not to have considered , that the greatness of his majesties customes ( which is at this day greater than ever ) is not at all raised comparatively from the export but from the import , which is 10. if not 20. times greater than the export , the vallue of all which import must proportionally fall , as the quantity of our manufactury shall faile to be carried out , and as our raw and unwrought wooll alone shall instead of it be exported , and consequently to pretend that by such a law as is desired , his majesties customes would be advanced , is either greatly to betray ignorance , or greatly to betray the revenues of the customes it self . the next thing alledged by my opponent is , that the cause of the decay of our clothing doth not lie in the exportation of our wooll , but on the contrary , ( viz. ) because our wooll is no more freely exported than it is , and that we may be sure not to mistake his sense , herein he further adds , that inasmuch as the decay and fall of our manufacture , comes properly from the prohibition of our wooll , the stopping or hindring of it is but the applying to our disease a wrong remedy . which argument , had it been brought by a stranger , we should immediately have turned it into merriment , as supposing that he thought us such children , that any thing would easily deceive us ? but being brought by a gentleman , and an english-man , i confess i could not possibly think what might be the meaning of it , unless it were , that my opponent was resolved to cross the proverb for a while , and by a piece of wit to make it appear , that it is not always true , that interest cannot lye ; for that nothing can be more contrary to truth , than what is here alledged , ot more against the interest of the nation , and of an english-man than what is here asserted , ( if that be the very interest of my opponent ) is most cleare . for if it be true which my opponent saith , that the decay of our clothing-trade , is not from our exportation of wooll , but rather the contrary , because no more of our wooll is not carried out raw and un-manufactured , it must follow then , by how much the more our wooll is thus exported , by so much the more our manufacture will not only be preserved , but encouraged , and the reason for this must needs be , that if we are once rid of our wooll , and have got a good price for it , we need not trouble our heads so far as to imagin , that they who buy it will do any thing with it , but only will lay it up to look upon it : for if we shall seriously believe that they will have so much wit as to make use of it , and to make use of it as becomes rational persons , in order to the increase of their own clothing by it , we cannot be so sottish as to think , that they do intend after this to buy our manufacture any more , but do on the contrary design to prevent , and shut out the importation of it , as a thing not expedient for them . and if this and no other be really the intent of buying up of our wooll by our neighbours , then must it not necessarily follow , that by how much the more wooll they have , by so much the more manufacture they will make for the furnishing themselves , and furnishing their neighbours , and then by so much the less place , or possibility , there will be that we should be able to furnish them , and then also by so much the greater stop must of necessity be put to the vending of our cloths : and is it not plain that by how much the less we vend of our manufacture , by reason of the increase of it abroad in other places , by so much the more our manufacture must decay : not only in point of price , but in point of its necessity and use ? and is it not then as manifest , that by how much our manufacture decayes , our trade must decay , and our wealth must decay , and the strength of our shipping must decay , and we our selves must be the more made a scorn , a prey , and a laughing-stock by it to our neighbours : and if all this be not for the interest of the nation , but the contrary wholly , is it not plain that my opponent , seeing he is an english-man , and seeing it is for the interest of the nation that he writes , doth cross the proverb , and give us a demonstration by his thus arguing , that interest may now and then lye , though not alwayes ? but in the next place , to try whether my opponent be in earnest , or not , let me humbly beg of him , to tell me truly , why those naughty men that usurped the government in the year 1647. did upon such penalties strictly prohibit the exportation of our woolls ; if he saith , it was because they were not only rebels , but men of no reason , and understood not the interest of the nation : will he not by this brand many of the parliament also that now sits ? who though they did not confirm the rebels law , did think fit at least to make a new law to the same purpose , even soon after his majesties most happy restoration . granting then that the laws now in force of the 12 and 14 of his majesties reign , were not made by other , than by the wisest and most loyal persons of this nation , the said persons must consequently have some grounds or other for making of the said laws , and if we may guess at their grounds by their own words in the preambles of the said lawes , they appear mainly to be these three following , ( viz. ) 1. for the setting on work the inhabitants of theis realm . 2. for the improving the native commodities of this country , to its best , fullest , and utmost vse . 3. and that the advantage accruing hereby might redound to the subjects of this kingdom , and not to the subjects of forreign realms , as hitherto , and as it would , and must otherwise do . wherefore , either these three grounds , when the said lawes were made , were either good and sufficient motives for the prohibiting our wooll , and for the laying so great a penalty upon such as should export it , or they were not : if my opponent shall say , they were not good and sufficient grounds , then he must say that the wisdom of these honourable and loyal persons , who at that time served in parliament , were indeed not much better than that of the usurpers of the government in the year 1647. but if the said grounds were good , valid , and sufficient , and such as did both regard and comprehend the true and sincere interest of the nation ; then my opponent must confess , that the said laws ought to stand , or he must shew wherein the case is altered now , from what it was then , with reference to the said motives or grounds , that the said parliament then went upon , in making the said laws . for , 1. if my opponent can make it appear by letters that he hath lately received , that the hollanders have laid down their woollen-manufacture , and that they in france are alltogether grown sick and weary of it , and that the french king hath wholly forbidden it , and hath released all the impositions that he hath of late years put upon it , then i must needs confess the case is altered , and that the sd . lawes ought justly to be repealed ; or , 2. if my opponent hath received information from sure and good hands , that the hollanders make use of no other wooll than that of their own growth , though they breed few or no sheep ; and that he hath also received information from good and sure hands , that the french make use only of their own wooll in all their manufacture ; or , 3. if my opponent can make it appear , that the setting on work the inhabitants of this realm , is not now a thing so convenient or fit , as it was when the said acts were made ; or , 4. if the improving the native commodities of this country to its best and utmost use , be found by experience to be no good policy , but to bring many inconveniences with it ; or , 5. if it be much more adviseable that forreiners should goe away with the gain of our manufacture , and with the sweet of our trade , rather than that his majestie 's subjects should have it , in all these cases i must confess , it must inevitably be for the interest of the nation to repeal the said acts , and lay them aside . but on the other hand , if none of all these five cases can possibly be put , and that those very reasons and grounds do still remain , and are the same now , which they were when the said acts were made . then my opponent's motion to repeal the said laws , must be against the interest of the nation , or interest doth not alwayes speak true ; which was the paradox intended to be argued by my opponent . as it is clear then , that by both these arguments , my opponent hath wholely mistaken himself in the cause of our manufactures decay , to evidence yet farther the manifestness , and palpableness of this mistake , we affirm that it is matter of fact , that our woollen manufacture did greatly encrease after the sd . prohibition of wooll ; and not only encreased , but bore a good price , and that i may not be found like some others , who regard not the credit of what they affirm ( and particularly , like him who hath contracted the arguments of my opponent , and hath published them together in one sheet of paper ) i shall to justifie what i say , appeal for the truth of it , not only to the custome-house books , and to the quantity of the woollen-manufacture there entered ; but to the gentry themselves : and to the price that the land bore ( and victuals ) for many years together after the sd . prohibition . yea , as our manufacture did encrease for many years together , after the sd . prohibition of the exportation of wooll , so it had to this day still encreased , had not those accidents happened , that laid so effectual a foundation for the ruine of it , as it was neither in the power of the clothier , nor in the power of the grower to prevent : i mean those new and immoderate taxes , which were laid upon our manufacture by the french king , on purpose to encourage his own workmen to gain the sd . manufacture from us ; and on purpose to prevent our cloths and stuffs from being brought into his country , ( the fruits of exportation of wooll ) although we yearly take of his commodities , to the value of above a million of pounds sterling , and i mean in the second place , the making of that unfortunate act against the importation of irish cattle , which hath not only tended to the ruine of the grower , but to the ruine of the clothier , and to ruine of the very trade of england it self ; and which if it should continue to stand un-repealed , must necessarily , and inevitably ruine more and more : both the gentry , merchant , and clothier every day . and therefore as a further proof of what i say i shall give one instance instead of many , and leave the truth of it to be strictly examined , and judged accordingly ; which is , that since the said accidents have befallen us ( i mean of the french kings arbitrary impossitions upon us , and that act against the importation of irish cattel ) exeter alone , hath lost of what it did formerly vend , near , if not above three hundered thousand pound sterling every year : and if we shall reckon proportionably for all other countries and cities , we shall then easily see there is a just ground for the decay of our woollen-manufacture , and for the fall of the price of our wooll by it , and for the fall and ruin of our rents , not as my opponent allegeath by reason of the prohibition of of transporting our wooll , but truly and really by reason of the multiplication and increase of our wooll , to that degree , that the exportation of it hath almost been necessary . the serious consideration of which true and real cause of the decay of our manufacture , i shall humbly leave to the wisdom of the parliament . and shall likewise leave it to their wisdom to be considered , whether in this conjucture of affairs , and according to the circumstances which now attend us , while our neighbours do not only emulate us , but are become actual rivals with us , not only for our clothing , but for our trade it self ; and for our strength and dominion at sea , we shall , or ought so far to contribute towards the design , and towards the certainty and effectualness of our own ruine , as either to repeal our acts that prohibite the exportation of our wooll , or to let that unfortunate act stand , which makes the transporting absolutely necessary , whether we will or no , and by this means make our neighbours scorn the commerce and trade they formrely had with us , and thanked us for it . and whereas my opponent doth lay a great stress upon the false makeing of our manufacture , as one cause of the decay of it , i cannot but confess there hath been to much aud to great cause for that complaint , we ought therefore to consider the maine reason thereof , ( viz. ) that as the said manufacture for a great part is under no manner of regulation , yea not so much as it may not be restrain'd to an apprentiship , by which meanes , persons unskilful , and unable also in point of estate , undertaks it , having got some credit , and when they have got a considerable estate of other persons into their hands , in a little time breakes , not only to the great loss of their creditors , but to the dishonour of our woollen-manufacture , and the nation it felf ; instances to many may be given , ( the like may be said of merchandice when irregular , ) but though this abuse hath not been redressed , notwithstanding which , the generallity of the most substantial clothiers , though not tyed to it by any law , hath for their own repute and advantage , made such an alteration in the makeing our said manufacture , that neither dutch , nor french , ( whose fancies we are apt to follow ) doe come near us , either for the accuratness and goodness of our workmanship , or for the honesty and integrity , that is used in makeing both of cloth , stuffs and bays . and that i may here vindicate the credit of what i say , and that it may be clear , i speak nothing but truth , i shall appeal to the most considerable dealers in all london either as merchants , drapers or mercers , whether there be not many clothiers , many stuff and bay-makers , who tho they be under no check at all at present ; do nevertheless so value their name , their word and their repute , that they dare adventure all the commodity they make , to be forfeited , if it do not prove as long as broad , and as truly made and as well quallified , yet there are many both drapers , mercers , and merchants , who will trust to the private mark of divers clothiers , with less scruple then they will trust to the stamp of some sorts of coyn. yea i should much wrong many of the clothiers of england , if i should not upon this occasion professedly declare , ( and whoever denyeth it , will greatly injure them ) that such is the sense which they themselves have had for divers years , how much it is for their interest , and for the name and honour of the english nation it self , to keep up an exact goodness in all the woollen-manufacture of this kingdom , that they have for many years , not only solicited the parliament , that they might be incorporated in each county , and that none might be admited to take upon them the making of cloth , and other woollen-manufactures , but such only as have served a due number of years , to learn the profession of it , might be sufficiently versed and skilled in it ; but they have for many years desired also , that all and every the sorts of the woollen-manufacture , might be brought to such a certainty of regulation for the length and breadth of each manufacture , and for the true making of it , that it may not be in the power of any unskilful or deceitful person to falsifie it , but that by marks of their own , as is used in colchester bays , all maner of cheats and defects should be openly signified ; than which i humbly conceive there is scarce any thing can be instanced that might , or would tend more to the general good and advantage of this nation , and to the promoting and recovering of our manufacture again , and consequently for the consumption and advancing the price of our wooll , which is the thing mainly my opponent seemes to drive at , and in thatwe shall agree . but here my opponent may parhaps say , that after all i cannot deny , but there is a surplus of wooll which cannot be wrought up by the clothiers , and that i offered not one word , how it should for the future be disposed of : ( to which i answer ) 1. that it appeareth not by any thing which mp opponent hath hitherto said , at least not by any thing that he hath hitherto proved , that the clothier either cannot or doth not work up the wooll of the proper growth of england to the full of it , but if a far greater quantity of wooll be brought into england from ireland then ever until of late years , as the clothier cannot be responsible for his not buying up all the wooll which is sent into england so neither can he or ought he to be responsible for the glut proceeding from the importation of it , or for the cheapness of the said wooll , by reason of the said glut. notwithstanding which glut i may presume to say , ( or at least to suppose ) that if an account was taken both in ireland and england before the time of shearing , there will not be found one quarters gronth , or at the most 6 months vn-manufactured , in the greatest year of plenty of wooll and dulness of trade ; which duly confidered , doth require more care for a stock beforehand in england , and not to suffer it to engrossed and stored up in france and holland as now it is : and for ought i know would there be a peace concluded abroad , that our trade was revived , and our clothiers were incouraged , we might find a want of wooll before the next shearing ; notwithstanding our great complaint of a surplus of wooll , as it hath frequently accurd in corn very lately , and more formerly as in st. walter rawly's remains . 2. if the proper and only way for removing all evil effects , be to remove their respective causes , and that this is and must be acknowledgec by all rational persons , then considering what we have said before , and not only said but proved and made it appear , ( viz. ) that the cause of the said surplus of wooll ( with the cheapness of it at present ) among us , is partly from the irish act that prohibiteth the bringing in of live cattle , and puts the kingdom upon the breeding of wooll whether they will or no , and partly by the decay of our , manufacture , through the supply that we our selves do make to our neighbours of our own wooll , fur the promoting of their manufacture , to the ruine of our selves . the proper remedy then , for the removeing the cheapness of our wooll on the one hand , and employing our poor , and recovering of our trade on the other hand , must necessarily be the stoping the excesive grouth of it in ireland , and as strictly stopping , and restreining the export of it from ireland , and from hence . and here imust take the boldness to say again , what i have in part said already in my second argument , ( viz. ) that where a nation is not rich in mines of gold and silver , it is not capable of being enriched any other way , than by its manufacture . and consequently if it be from our manufactures alone , that the riches of this nation comes , and if it be from our manufacture cheifly that our shipping is imployed , and our marriners bred , if it be from our trading alone , and from the riches which our trading brings in , that his majesties customes are raised , and that our fleet have been hitherto built and maintained , and the dominion of the seas hath been preserved , than it is and must be from our manufacture only that our bullion hath been brought in , and that the rents of our nobility and gentry doth depend and are sustained . and therefore it must be granted me , that there is no higher interest in the nation , than that which preserves his majesties customes , and that which sustains the nobility and gentrys rents , and that which supports our navy and shipping . then in regard our manufacture alone doth by all this , our manufacture alone and the encouragement of it must necessarily be the greater interest of the nation it self : and i must crave leave to say that whoever placeth it in any thing elce ( as the circumstances of this nation stands at present ) must either mistake the interest of this nation , or can be no freind to england . wherefore if it be granted by the wisest of layers , that a mischeif is better than an inconvenience , some privat men ought to suffer rather than the whole nation : which i humbly conceive is a sollid and sufficient answere to my opponent , as to this part of his objection . supposing also that our manufacture and the encourageing of it , is the main and cheif , if not the sole and only interest of the nation , then as no interest besides can , or ought in reason to stand in competition with it , so much less the irish act , without the repealing of which ; nevertheless it is simply impossible , that either our manufacture , or that the trade , or navigation of the kingdom should be preserved : for if there be no reason to make a law that they must starve in ireland , there can be no reason to forbid their breeding of sheep , if we will not let them employ their lands in the breeding of cattle . admitting also that the pasture lands of ireland are proportionable to the bigness of that kingdom , far larger than the pasture lands of england , as they are and must necessarily be , partly through the smalness of their tillage , ( their corn being not capable to be exported ) and partly through the thinness of their inhabitants , and it must necessarily follow , that these being converted mostly to the feeding of sheep , must breed a vast quantity of wooll , and such as must equal , if not exceed the quantity bred in england , by our selves . wherefore it must needs be plain to every person , that not only the breeding of wooll , but the disposing of it , an dt he disposing of it to most advantage , is now become the interest of the nobility , gentry , yeomandry , and of all others whatsoever that have a concern in ireland , which if it were possible to prevent , it ought to be allowed to none besides our selves , whose whole proper and intire interest it is , to be sole manufacturers , or workers of it . the breeding , growing , disposing and improving of wooll , being now by our selves , made the intire interest of ireland , who desired it not of us , and would have been very well content without it , if we cannot desire their nobility , or gentry , to burn their wooll , we cannot then deny them , to take all such lawful and just courses , whereby they may improve their wooll . wherefore seeing these courses can be but two wayes , either to send it where it is most wanted , and where it will yeild the best price , which is to our neighbours , to improve and increase their manufacture , or else to keep it themselves , and manfacture it up in that countrey . and seeing one of these courses are wholly inevitable , and that both one and the other do not only tend , but must and will certainly , and effectually bring an utter destruction to the trade , commerce , strength , shipping and navigation of this kingdom , we have small reason to expect our neighbours the dutch , or our neighbours the french should help us , or pitty us , when we do wilfully contribute to the ruin of our selves , and may ( if we will ) either prevent it , or easily remedy it . and indeed if our all be at stake , by reason of the continuance of that unfortunate act ; and if this all , i mean the very interest of the nation it self , will not move us to alter it , i think it would be very impertinent , to insist upon lesser arguments . and therefore , though it would be for the interest of the nation greatly , to arrest this occation , i mean the cheapness of wooll , to beat out our neighbours , in the forraign trade of our manufactures , and by under-selling them at least abroad . and though this might now more easily be done then ever , seeing our mauufacture is improved of late years in the goodness of it , and might soon as we said before , be brought to an absolute perfection . and though it be but equal and just , to forbid the commodities of those countries that are near us , who refuse to deal with us for our commodities , or by exorbitant and arbitrary impositions laid upon them , do in efect prohibite them ; and though the doing of this , is but agreable to the rules of justice , and to the law of nations , and law of commerce . though also it cannot be denyed , that it must be greatly consistant with the publick good of the nation , to make sumptuary lawes , and to restrain the excess that is at present among us ; yet i must humbly crave leave to say , that this is but like the taking much paines , to stop the leaks of a barrel , and let the liquor run out at the bung ; for these are all petty things to the main concern of the nation which must be ruin'd , and ruin'd , as i humbly conceive irrecoverably , if the irish act doth stand . finis . the proverb crossed, or, a new paradox maintained (viz.) that it is not at all times true, that interest cannot lye being a full, clear and distinct answer to a paper of an english gentleman, who endeavours to demonstrate that it is for the interest of england that the laws against transportation of wooll should be repealed. carter, w. (william) 1677 approx. 71 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34886 wing c676b estc r18389 11747027 ocm 11747027 48530 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34886) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48530) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 19:4) the proverb crossed, or, a new paradox maintained (viz.) that it is not at all times true, that interest cannot lye being a full, clear and distinct answer to a paper of an english gentleman, who endeavours to demonstrate that it is for the interest of england that the laws against transportation of wooll should be repealed. carter, w. (william) [2], 25 p. printed for authour, [london] : 1677. caption title: a full and clear answer to a paper intituled, reasons for a limited exportation of wooll. attributed to william carter. cf. wing. place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in columbia university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the proverb crossed , or a new paradox maintained , ( viz. ) that it is not at all times true , that interest cannot lye. being a full , clear and distinct answer to a paper of an english gentleman , who endeavours to demonstrate that it is for the interest of england , that the laws against transportation of wooll should be repealed . printed for authour , in the year 1677. a full and clear answer to a paper intituled , reasons for a limited exportation of wooll . before i shall come directly to answer the said papers , i shall premise some few considerations : and first of all , i shall doe my oponent that right as to acknowledge two things , the one is that though he findes his design opposed by several discourses under the name of w. c. ( and chiefly by one called englands interests ) yet that he writes like a gentleman , and not as too many do in our dayes in matters of another nature , like enemies exposing each other to shame . the next thing is this , that he doth grant divers things in that discourse of mine to be true , though it be but a handfull of corn ( as he calls it ) amongst abundance of chaff , and to evidence his approbation of them , he hath done me the honour to front his discourse with divers propositions , allowed even by himself . i shall therefore answerably endeavour to treat the said authour with all that civility which a person of quality doth deserve , ( as i suppose he is though he be unknown to me ) granting to him what is true , rectifying what i humbly conceive to be mistaken , and answering such objections as are material , presuming when after this is done , and is maturely considered by my opponent , we may joyn in our endeavours , to carry on the general good of the kingdom , supposing that is both our designs . i must needs say , that i had no thoughts of appearing in publick any more , and could not easily have been moved thereunto , had not my zeal to the commerce of the nation , ( which is at present solely maintained by the woollen manufacture of it ) raised my fears so farre , as to believe a ruine is coming upon us , and so farre as to doubt also that we may be hastning of it , by those very means we would endeavour to prevent it . and therefore i cannot now but like the dumb child speak when he saw a knife at his fathers throat , i mean when i consider the extremity we are like to be in from the french kings vigilancy , and the great endeavours that he hath of late used to acquire the making of the woollen manufacture in his own kingdom , and what artifice and vast expence he doth use to effect his said design , both in france , and by his agents here in england , even at this very day notwithstanding , his minde is and cannot but be so much engaged in the present warrs ; and if he doth this in the very midst of his distractions , what will he not do , or what may we not expect hereafter from him when he is at peace with all his neighbours , especially having already gotten such quantities of our wooll , as he hath ? and to encourage the manufacture thereof , the said french king ( for his interest it is we are about to promote ) hath even very lately ( viz. within this few moneths ) issued forth his edict , ( which is their law ) for the erecting hospitals in many towns in france , both for the setting all sorts of persons at work ( that are able ) in the woollen manufacture , and for the maintenance of all indigent persons , and not to suffer a beggar there . and if the french king , how farre soever he pretends a friendship to us , be designing by all manner of wayes and means , to undermine our commerce , and by it to ruine us consequently in our trade , and in our shipping , and in our strength by sea , i may i hope be pardoned , if i am more than indifferently concerned , or more than ordinarily warm , to think that we our selves should endeavour to perfect the french kings design by delivering up the foundation of so rich a manufacture into his hands , and by this means delivering up all our forts , castles and strong holds : for that which is moved is moved principally , ( if not solely ) for the french kings advantage , and that which is desired ( if granted ) tends onely to our own inevitable ruine and destruction . seeing the thing desired is that after the french king hath laid all this method in a readiness , to rob us of our clothing trade , we to the end we may shew our selves not onely his good friends , but his obedient servants and vassals , desire that what wooll our clothiers cannot work out in cloth by reason of the french kings late imposition upon it , to the breach of commerce ( and consequently as farre as in him lyeth , to the breach of the peace with us ) may for the time to come be sold to his subjects , that we may not hereafter think of so vain and idle a thing , as to preserve or recover our woollen manufacture any more , or to preserve the kings customs , or the strength and shipping of this great kingdom . upon all which considerations i cannot but humbly entreat our gentry , ( and more especially such as have the honour to serve their country in parliament ) seriously to reflect upon the wisdom of that great prince king edward 3d. and upon the method which he in his reign used , now so long since , to gain the woollen manufacture out of flanders into this countrey , and impartially to compare this with the present practice of the french king before mentioned . and then to consider whether we have not reason to do the utmost we may to prevent his design , or whether we have reason to do all that we can ( nay more than he himself doth ask or expect from us ) by a law to promote and incourage his design ; and therefore to consider whether there be reason upon the supposition , that our own people do not steal wooll enough into france , sufficient to pleasure the french kings design fully ; and in regard the carrying our wooll thither by stealth , doth not manifest friendship enough to him to desire therefore that his majesty and the parliament will please to make a law , that all the french kings subjects without any controle may ( after such a day of the year ) constantly come and buy what wooll they please here as at a free mart , because it is more for the interest of his majesty , and more for the advancing the honour , wealth and repute of the nation in general , and consequently more for the enhauncing the price of lands , that the whole woollen manufacture and commerce of the nation , together with the strength of our shipping , and all the forts of the kingdom be given to the french king and his subjects , and that we be his servants and vassals , here to breed his wooll for him , rather than to carry our woollen manufacture into france our selves , or rather than to suffer so good a design of the french king 's to fall , as tends to the utter ruine of our forreign trade . for if in stead of preventing his design , we shall by supplying him all we can with our wooll , resolve rather to advance it and make a law for it ; we must be very short sighted if we understand not that after he hath supplyed his own countrey he will not only endeavour , but will soon be able to supply flanders , portugal , spain , and the streights , to gain an advantage to his own subjects , for if he may break the laws of commerce , and lay what impositions he arbitrarily pleaseth upon our cloth , sugar , and all other our native commodities , even while we are at peace with him , why may he not also lay an imposition upon all our ships that pass the streights , or that shall dare to trade or bring the same commodities that he doth in any port of italy or turkey , where the subjects of his greatness comes ; and when our commerce is lost , and our manufacture gone , and our ships imposed upon , that shall pass the seas , what shall be left to defend our selves in case we will not also receive his codex , or laws , or his religion , or whatsoever he shall ( for the greatness of his name ) think fit to require of us ? all which things , whether they be convenient not only to be wished but to be contributed to by a law , i humbly leave to my opponent , themselves to judge , for when the trade , that is , the riches , not only onely of his majesty and the kingdom , but also the main strength and support thereof shall be lost , as it is now declining whatever our imaginations are to the contrary ? what way or means may we as rational persons think to prevent any of those things ? this general being premised , i shall now enter upon the discourse it self , the main aim or scope of which seems to divide it self into two parts , the one tends to prove that there ought to be a limitted transportation of wooll ; the other to prove that by a limited exportation of wooll the price of it may be raised , and by raising of this , the rents of lands , may and will be encreased , and his majesties customs greatly advanced and if these things were really practicable , i should not only be so just to my self , and just to my oponents , but so just to the nation , as not to put pen to paper to trouble my reader , and much less to expose my self to a stage of contention , as i am now like possibly to do ; but for as much as the quite contrary will ( if i mistake not ) appear , i shall therefore examine and weigh those reasons and grounds which my opponent hath brought for those assertions . and first , whereas my opponent doth endeavour to allarm the nation , that for want of the vending our superfluous wooll abroad , that the farmer , and the landlord are so much damnified ; that the one cannot pay his rent , nor the other sustain his taxes ; and that this is the chiefest if not the sole reason of sinking our rents , and throwing up farms , and them sery of the whole countrey . this consequence is not allowed , that being assigned for a general cause , which is but one among many , and that a very small one . the true cause of the abating the price of land , and lessening the rents , being to be taken from the proportion that the said price alwaies holds to the rate of interest , as is generally given for money , which rate depends whether we will or no upon the plenty of bullion ; and that our bullion is decayed , and the decay of this is the main and principal cause of the fall of our lands , will easily appear to any that shall consider , first , the great loss that this kingdom did receive by the two last dutch wars . secondly , the further sad , and almost incomputable loss which it sustained by the firing of the city of london , and by firing of a great part of the suburbs since . and thirdly , by the vast expence that this nation hath been put to for the rebuilding of the said city and the suburbs . fourthly , by the over-ballance of the trade of france , through the french kings arbitrary impositions , and the breaking the laws of commerce with us , to the prejudice of our trade , and to the loss of near one million of pounds sterling by the year : which four causes of the decay of our bullion , as they are no way to be denyed , so neither can it be doubted , but that we have by all these means , lost near , if not above the one half of the bullion of this nation , ( as it was before the said accidents did happen ) and are daily loosing ; and if the bullion be thus decreased , no marvel if the landlord find it in his rents , and the shopkeeper finde it in his trade , and the farmer find it in his market , and no marvel , if all degrees of persons whatever do make a complaint , how hard money is to be got . so that if we shall speak accurately , though the fall of lands doth mainly and principally depend ( as we have said ) upon the loss and decay of bullion , in regard where plenty of money is in any nation , there will be store of chapmen for land , ( and perhaps greater store of buyers than there may be of sellers , ) and in regard where there is on the contrary a great scarcity of money , there will be few buyers to many sellers , nevertheless there are other concurrent causes of the fall of lands , besides this main and principal one . for it is also to be considered , that in former times , the main chapmen for the buying of lands , were the merchants or citizens , which being reduced now to a very small number , partly through the accidents before mentioned , and partly through the shutting up the exchequer , the buyers must now of necessity be restrained to the gentry , or to the lawyers , who observing that the building of houses doth oft-times bring in greater profit than the buying of land , especially if the rents prove good , they have therefore for this reason been induced to lay out their money in building , rather than in land. and we know it is matter of fact , that besides the building of the city again , there hath within these twenty years been more building upon new foundations , especially more fair and costly buildings , and more especially in the west part of the city , than in any one age before , since this nation stood . to all these causes let me add that also , which hath been for many years complained on , and oft mentioned or discoursed of even in parliament it self , which is the bad defective and uncertain title of lands for want of registering , and which how much soever it hath been complained of , hath never hitherto been remedied ; because there are some callings which gain more by mens contentions , and abuses of one another in bargains , than they do by mens integrity one towards another . and indeed if it be a good argument on my opponents part , that one occasion of the decay of our woollen manufacture , is our false and base making of it , and if this argument be so just and ingenious that i cannot but freely confess it . then i know not why my opponent should not in ingenuity , as well allow of my argument for the fall of the price of land , that among many other causes this is one very considerable , ( viz. ) the bad fraudulent and defective titles of land for want of a register or for want at least of some other method to ascertain the purchaser of them in his title to them . and if the several causes which we have here assigned for the fall of lands , be such as every man will grant to be self-evident , then my opponent will i hope not take it ill , if i allow not his to be a cause at all , or at least to be so small a one , as it is scarce to be reckoned in a day with these that we have here named . and whereas my opponents next pretence in this head , is , that it is much more the concern of the nation to preserve the nobility , gentry and those that the land of this countrey belongs unto ; rather than regard a few artificers , who are employed in the working up of the wooll of this nation , or to regard the merchant who gains by the exportation of our manufacture . and whereas he gives many reasons why the first of those ( viz. ) the nobility and gentry , should be preferr'd before the latter , which is the contemptible merchant , and marriner , and artificer , i humbly crave leave to say , that the said argument doth wholly depend upon a supposition which is no way fit to be granted , ( viz. ) as if the interests of the merchant , marriner and artificer were not only opposite to , but wholly inconsistant with the interest of the nobility , gentry and farmers , whereas there is nothing more evident than the contrary ; so that the whole argument it self falls for want of a foundation . for the clearing of which let us consider , that in as much as it is impossible that we should defend our selves , as an island , otherwise than by the strength of our shipping , and seeing this is much less possible to be done now at such a juncture of time when our nearest neighbors do partly out of fear , and partly out of emulation multiply shipping upon us , and use all endeavours that are possible to gain the dominion of the sea from us , it is hence clear that we must either say that the interest of the nobility , gentry and farmer , is not the same with the interest of the nation , or if it be the same with the interest of the nation , it must be their interest then to uphold the trade and shipping of this countrey , and consequently to uphold the merchant . but forasmuch as all that understand trade , do well know that all the commerce of this nation doth for the value and bulk of it intirely depend upon the woollen manufacture , consequently it must be the interest of the nobility , gentry and farmer to uphold the woollen manufacture , as much as 't is to uphold trade , or to uphold the strength of our shipping by sea. for what will the lands of the nobility and gentry profit them , or what will become of the priviledges and rites of englishmen , if through the loss of our woollen manufacture we lose our trade , and if by the loss of this we want shipping to defend our selves ? to this argument let us also add , that if there be no opposition between the interest of the nobility and gentry , and the interest of the farmer , ( as no man doth pretend there is ) then there can be no opposition between the interest of the nobility and gentry , and the interest of the artificer who works up the wooll of all the countrey . for besides the profit that doth arise to the nobility and gentry by the houses which are taken , and by the lands that are rented by the clothiers and by the workmen under them , it 's well known that the said clothiers and workmen are serviceable to the farmer , not only for the buying up his wooll , but for the buying up all manner of victualls also ; by the which not only one but all the parts of the farmers rents come to be discharged , one clothier employing not only one or two hundred persons , but sometimes one or two thousand ; and consequently , if we shall admit that there are in england not above five thousand clothiers , and admit that each of these one with another do maintain but two hundred and fifty workmen , the whole will amount to upward of twelve hundred thousand ; wherefore if we shall allow for each of these people but four pounds per year , one with another , the whole will amount to between four and five millions of pounds sterling by the year , which yearly sum the farmer doth immediately receive , and consequently the nobility and gentry from the poor and contemptible artificer , over and above what is further contributed by them to the shoomakers , taylers and other trades , that could not live and be maintained without them , nor the farmer himself , if all these trades should fail . 2. and here i must humbly crave leave to rectify another mistake in my opponent , and such as is no small one ; which is , that in as much as it is matter of fact , and such as may be clearly demonstrated , that there is at least , if not more than a million of persons young and old of both sexes , employed in the cloathing trade ; and in as much as all that are thus employed , are such as have their dependance solely and wholly upon the said manufacture , without intermixing themselves in the labours of hedging ditching , quick setting , and others the works belonging to husbandry ; it 's hence evident how much my opponent hath clearly mistaken himself , in supposing that though our cloathing trade should be lost , yet all the persons that are now employed in it , might find work from the service of the farmer . for seeing it's matter of fact that the farmer is able to supply himself all the year , with as many labourers , and more than he hath an occasion for , without so much as medling with , or requiring assistance of those who are now employed in the clothing trade , it must unavoidably follow , that if our manufacture should be totally lost , as there will be above a million of people that must either starve , or beg , or be put to the charge of the several parishes , or be forced to steal , or rob , or leave the kingdom ; so it 's as evident , that the farmer after all this will not onely be less able to employ labourers , then he was before , but less able to pay his landlord , by four or five millions every year . and when such an abatement as this shall be made of the farmers income , i shall leave it to any wise man then to consider , what will become of the price of lands , or value of rents , and how much this will advantage the grower or breeder of wooll . and to make good this computation , and free it from all suspition of slightiness , we shall further offer to consideration , that whatever is the true value of all the woollen manufacture of england , the nobility gentry , and commonalty do receive among them , near , if not more than nine parts of it in ten. for in as much as all who are well acquainted with the clothing trade , do know that it is not a tenth part of the profit , nor sometime the twentieth that is gained by the clothier or first employer who frequently loseth of the very interest of his money , consequently it must of necessity follow , that nine of ten parts , if not 19 of 20 parts of the whole value of the said manufacture must be distributed to the nation ; so that admitting the whole woollen manufacture of this nation , comprehending cloth , stuffs , bayes , stockings , and all other sort of the said manufacture , do amount to four millions of pounds sterling per year ( more or less , ) there will not come of that great sum to the clothier or first employer much above two hundred thousand pounds ( if so much ; ) so that three millions and eight hundred thousand pounds per year , must of necessity be distributed to the nation by virtue of the said clothing trade : whereof we cannot but suppose the farmers and therefore the nobility and gentry must receive the greater part . it is well known also that it is solely by our trade that not only this great city of london it self , but several other large cities of this nation do wholly depend , and which if our trade were removed they would soon be deserted by their respective inhabitants . then we cannot but offer to consideration where the nobility , gentry or farmers would find a market for their commodities , or find a price answerable to them . all which particulars i have been the larger in , to remove that mistake which is all most as destructive to this nation as the pestilence it self , which is that mentioned by my opponent , ( viz. ) that the interest of the merchant or the interest of the clothier and artificer is not consistant with the interest of the nobility and gentry ; the contrary being now made sufficiently to appear . thirdly , my opponents third argument is , that wooll was at 10 l. per pack in the year 1647. when it was prohibited , and that in the following year it was sold for 16 l. per pack , but that wool hath ever since by reason the said prohibition abated , as is pretended of the price of it and is now not worth above 4 or 5 pounds per pack . in which argument there seems to be a failure in two respects , one as if the wool of the nation hath never bore any price since the time of the prohibition , whereas it may be made appear that after the year 1650. wooll bore a very considerable price from 10 l. per pack to 24 l. per pack , according to the goodness of the said wool , and continued so for some time , which shews us an other mistake in his arguments , as if the fall of the price of wool were wholly to be ascribed to the prohibition of it , whereas indeed there are two other causes that are very evident . first , from the discouragement that hath been put upon the clothier , and upon the vent of our woollen manufacture by the french kings arbitrary impositions upon it to the almost utter prohibition of it ; wherby now there cannot be so much wrought of it as formerly , which had otherwise certainly been , and then no such occasion or pretence as this would have been taken to complain of superfluous woll , and therefore as this cannot be denied to be a true cause why more of our wool comes to be unwrought then formerly , so 't is clear that those very men that are now pleaded for by my opponent , ( i mean the stealers and transporters of wool about canterbury , and the places adjacent , not for necessity but for filthy greediness of gain and lucre ) have highly contributed , notwithstanding the laws of the nation against it , and notwithstanding the ruine of the nation that is daily jeopardied by it ; in which respect i cannot but confess that rumney marsh hath indeed created an interest by it self , but it is such an interest which neither is nor hath been consistent with the interest of the nation , nor with the interest of the nobility and gentry in general , so that the said stealers or transporters of wooll have been the main and principal cause of both these inconveniences ( viz. ) both of the loss of our manufacture and the lowring the price of wool. the other cause of the fall of the price of wool especially of late years , hath been the necessitating of ireland to stock their pasture-grounds with sheep instead of great cattel , and those of the best breed of england , by which means , as wool hath of late years been more increased than ever at any time before within his majesties dominions , so the consequence of this extraordinary increase ( and not any fault in the clothier or manufacturer ) is that which hath not only brought down the price , but hath occasioned so great a quantity of it to be sent abroad into forreign parts , as it bears now almost as small a price beyond sea as here , and therefore that in this argument my opponent hath assigned that for a cause which is no cause at all may clearly appear , because it 's matter of fact , that wool bore as good a price if not ( after the said prohibition as it did before for many years till that breach of commerce was put upon us by the french king which we before mentioned , and untill that unfortunate act ( for so i must humbly crave leave to call it ) was made against the importing the irish cattle upon supposition that it would raise the price of land here in england , whereas the quite contrary effect hath been too much experienc'd , ( viz. ) that it hath laid such a foundation for the impoverishing england , as will not quickly ( i fear ) be recovered . 4thly . the next thing alleadged by my opponent , is , that a limited exportation of wool will be more for the advantage of our woollen trade , and less for that beyond the sea , than the hindring of it hath been . which assertion if my opponent had really , sufficiently and effectually made good , he might justly have merited the name , for being the greatest master of reason in england . and indeed seeing a paradox more strange and more hard to be conceived , could not easily be stated , i could not but expect that some arguments more remarkable than ordinary would immediatly have followed it , but finding ( contrary to my expectations ) nothing beyond a bare affirmation that if strangers had a liberty to buy what wooll soever they please , they would pay the dearer for it , by much than now they do , and that our clothiers would therefore have it the cheaper , and by this advantage would be able to under sell , the strangers in their manufacture . i say finding little or nothing more to be brought either by way of reason or of argument to maintain this paradox , i was soon convinced that it remained as uncapable to be proved as it was before , and a little to evidence the improbability of the said consequence , we shall here offer some few reasons to the contrary , and first , i crave leave to say , that it is no way likely that the grower in any part of england , should not be willing to get the utmost price for his wooll that he can , and therefore not likely that any grower whatsoever will sell his wool to the natives of this countrey , for a less price than he presumes he may have of strangers , and therefore not at all likely that our own manufacturers , should buy it cheaper than others . 2. admitting that it should be made unlawful for any stranger to buy up wool till such a time or season of the year , to the end that our clothiers might first provide themselves of what they need , yet it would no way follow but strangers may have their agents and factors here , that may purchase it at the same ease , with the same conveniency , and at the same rates that our clothiers are like to do ; nor can i perceive any thing propounded by my opponent that would be able in the least either to prevent it or to obviate it . but , thirdly , and this great ommission in my opponent i could not but take the more notice of , because if no expedient can be found out by him ( which i doubt there will not ) to prevent strangers from giving what commissions , they please to buy up what quantities of wooll soever they shall think fit , here in this countrey , as i see not how or by what means the exportation of our wooll should be any way possibly limited , so neither do i see how the clothiers here should be sufficiently and certainly furnished , or how the manufacture it self should be capable of being any way preserved , and if these mischiefs , and inconveniences cannot but follow , and cannot but be necessary consequences of such a law , as is propounded by my opponent ; and that nothing to obviate or prevent these inconveniences hath been either regarded , or so much as attempted by him ; i cannot but take it to be a very great blot to his judgment , barely and boldly to offer at such a thing , which is attended with so much hazard . but fourthly , because my opponent seems to put his chiefest stress in this , ( viz. ) that a large custom may be put upon all wooll that is exported by strangers , and that at least by this means they may come to pay double the price of what our clothiers do , and not only so , but by this means also his majesty may receive an advantage by the custom that is imposed upon it . to try the weight or strength of this expedient , or rather to shew the vanity of it . let us suppose that 3d. or 4d . per pound shall by a law be imposed upon all wool that shall be shipped out by strangers or others , as it will not follow that the said custom should be paid to his majestie for the one half of the wooll , that shall be so shipt out seeing under the colour of 100 packs many hundred may be exported . so this will much the less follow from the very observation which my opponent himself hath made , of the nature and temper of the stealers or transporters of wool ; for if as he confesseth they will be contented with 12d . a day profit so they may play the merchants , and if they are content to run the hazard of their necks , and to be tryed as fellons , for so small a matter as this amounts to , which cannot be above 8 or 10s . upon a pack , how much more then will they been couraged to steal the custom of it when their excuse shall be fairer and their advantage much greater , and the hazard less a hundred times than now it is . but in the fifth and last place , let us admit for arguments sake , that 4l . was imposed upon every pack of wool that was transported , and let us admit that all this custom was duly paid , yet i see not the least ground , for my opponents confidence that we shall for this cause be able to undersell the french in the woollen manufa-cture . for beside that the nature of their manufacture being but sleight , and such as takes up much less wool than ours doth , and a great part of their warps being made of their fine spun linnen and their own course wool , i say besides this the impositions that have been of late arbitrarily put-upon all our woollen manufacture in france , and considering also there is no custom at all put upon wool there when imported both these will utterly prevent our selling the said manufacture there cheaper than the french can make it , though they shall give not only double but treble the price that we ourselves do give for wool . 5thly . the next thing alledged by my opponent is , that our fore fathers did never prohibit the transportation of wooll unless upon some great occasion , and for a certain season , till of late years , for making good of which a summary of several statutes , are brought from the time of edw. the 3d. downwards to our own times . for answer to all which statutes , i shall make use of no other argument than what my opponent himself hath put into my mouth , which is , that wool was for many ages , by the wisdom of the government , at least very often prohibited ; and that whensoever the government it self saw there was a greater occasion than ordinary for it , they did always prohibit it ; and consequently if the interest of the nation at present be such and the circumstances relating to our neighbours about us , being not only so great , but so instant and importune that these two considered there will be much more reason , and much more necessity for the prohibiting of it now than formerly . then all that my opponent labours at in producing instances of other kinds and where the circumstances are not the same falls wholly to the ground . for the clearing of which , let us consider that the circumstances peculiar to this present time is , that we have not only been possessed for many ages of the manufacturing of our wool but have of late so improved our trade and commerce by it , that we have exported it by shipping of our own , not only into france , portugal and spain , but into italy , turkey , and to the most remote parts of the world. by which means as our wealth came greatly to encrease , so we our selves became more powerful in shipping than ever , which greatness of our trade and the strength of our shipping being not only observed but forthwith emulated by some of our neighbours , and ●eing it likewise clearly discerned , that the chiefest means for the maintenance of it proceeded from our woollen manufacture , as the hollander therefore first so the french since have by many undue laws and pressures upon us , contrary to the ancient treaties of peace and commerce , endeavoured to rob the said manufacture from us . nor is the state of the contest now at present between us only , who shall have the trade , but who is fittest to have the strength and dominion of the sea. wherefore if my opponent be not only an islander , but so much an english man , and be so true a subject to the interest of his majesty , which i doubt not but he is , as to think there is none so fit as his majesty is to command the sea , then my opponent must of necessity grant that nothing ought at this time to be done by us that may hazard the greatness of our trade and commerce , and consequently that nothing ought to be suffered by us ) so far as we are able in any wise to prevent it ) that may either lessen or indanger our woollen manufacture , and consequently if nothing can so much hazard it , and hazard the very loss of our trade and of the dominion of the sea it self through it , as the countenancing and contributing to the woollen manufacture now set up in france , then this is not to be done by us , but is rather , if we will persue the interest of the nation by all means to be prevented by us . and consequently till my opponent shall be able to make it appear , that the dominion of the sea , if lost will be no great harm to us , or till he make it appear that we are able to keep the dominion of the sea even notwithstanding our trade and commerce should be utterly lost , and notwithstanding our woollen manufacture should be wholly carried away by our neighbours : or till he makes it appear by other arguments than hitherto he hath done , that the french though they increase their woollen manufacture will neither be able to undersell us abroad , nor be able to prevent our clothes and stuffs from going into france as formerly : i say till my opponent shall be able to make good all these things , i must crave leave to differ from him wholly , and plainly to affirm on the contrary first that the transportation of wool if allowed by a law can no way be limited . because if the transportation of wool shall be allowed by a law , no means , ( speaking rationally ) is able to prevent the hollanders , flandrians , and french to give each of them , such commissions as they please to buy up here what quantity of wool soever they shall think fit . secondly , in regard that this can no way be prevented , and that my opponent himself offers not the least grain of an expedient towards it ; i therefore farther affirm , that it cannot appear that our clothiers or manufacturers here , should have the least priviledge above the stranger , either in point of provision , or in point of price . thirdly , that our clothier , or manufacturer here , must of necessity have a far greater disadvantage , with reference to the furnishing himself , than the stranger abroad , in regard it cannot be thought , he should be able to raise any such stock of money as the stranger can , to prevent the strangers forestalling of him , and consequently if it be lawful to talk reason , there can be no ground to imagine , that our manufacture should not in short time be utterly lost , and this being lost , as our trade and strength at sea must be inevitably lost with it , so not only the honour , wealth and rents , but the very priviledges liberty and property of this nation must be hazarded to such strangers as shall carry away the trade , and strength from us . fourthly , as to the next allegation , made by my opponent , viz. that the transportation of wooll , will better his majesties customes ; i see but little in it that may require my answer to it , in as much , as i have spoken already to this under the fourth head , nevertheless , i must crave leave to say , that my opponent here also goeth upon an extraordinary mistake , it being not at all in dispute between us , whether his majesties customes would be bettered , if a subsidy were paid only for that wooll , that is now exported , in stead of having it all stoln ; but the dispute between us strictly is , what his majesties customes will hereafter amount to comparitively to what they at present now are , in case there should be a law , for the free and unlimited exportation of wooll , and that by reason of this law and the consequences that must follow from it , our wollen manufacture shall come to be wholly and entirely lost ; for it becomes not a wise man ( and such , i must in civility judge my opponent to be ) in making such proposals , as tend to the altering of lawes , to look at the present only , but to look more principally at the time to come . and therefore it is not in this case at all to be considered what the advantage will be that may come to his majesties customes , for a few moneths , or for a single year , but it is to be considered , what the advantage or disadvantage , will be to his majesties customes , for the time to come ; admitting these inconveniences , which i have before mentioned to be unavoidable , from the law , which is propounded by my opponent . besides my opponent cannot doubtless be so ignorant , as not to have considered , that the greatness of his majesties customes ( which is at this day greater than ever ) is not at all raised comparatively from the export but from the import , which is 10 if not 20 times greater than the export , the value of all which import must proportionally fall as the quantity of our manufacture shall fail to be carried out , and as our raw and unwrought wooll alone shall in stead of it be exported , and consequently to pretend that by such a law as is desired , his majesties customes would be advanced , is either greatly to betray ignorance , or greatly to betray the revenue of the customes it self . the next thing alledged by my opponent is , that the cause of the decay of our clothing doth not lye in the exportation of our wooll , but on the contrary , ( viz. ) because our wooll is no more freely exported than it is , and that we may be sure not to mistake his sense , herein he further adds , that in as much as the decay and fall of our manufacture comes properly from the prohibition of our wool , the stopping or hindring therefore of our wooll to go out , is but the applying to our disease a wrong remedy . which argument if it had been brought by a stranger we should immediately have turned it into merriment , as supposing he did intend by it to drole and make sport with us , or supposing that he thought us such meer children , as that any thing would easily chouse us , but being brought by a gentleman , and an english man , i confess i could not possibly think what might be the meaning of it , unless it were that my opponent was resolved to the cross proverb for a while , and by a peice of wit to make it appear that it is not alwayes true , that interest cannot lye ; for that nothing can be more contrary to truth than what is here alledged , or more against the interest of the nation , and of an english man than what is here asserted , ( if that be the very interest of my opponent ) is most clear . for if it be true which my opponent sayeth , that the decay of our cloathing trade is not from our exportation of wooll , but rather the contrary , because no more of our wool is carried out raw , and unmanufactured , it must follow then , that by how much the more our wool is thus exported , by so much the more our manufacture will not only be preserved but encouraged , and the reason for this must needs be , that if we are once rid of our wool , and have got a good price for it , we need not trouble our heads so far as to imagine that they who buy it will do any thing with it , but only will lay it up to look upon it . for if we shall seriously believe that they will have so much wit as to make use of it , and to make use of it as becomes rational persons in order to the increase of their own cloathing by it , we cannot be so sottish as to think that they do then intend after this to buy our manufacture any more , but do on the contrary design to prevent , and shut out the importation of it , as a thing not expedient for them . and if this , and no other be really the intent of buying up our wooll by our neighbours , then must it not necessarily follow that by how much the more wool they have , by so much the more manufacture they will make for the furnishing themselves , and furnishing their neighbours , by so much the less place , or possibility there will be that we should be able to furnish them , and by so much the greater stop must of necessity be put to the vending our cloathes and is it not plain that by how much the less we vend our manufacture , by reason of the increase of it abroad in other places , by so much the more our manufacture must decay : not only in point of the price , but in point of its necessity and use ? and is it not then as manifest that by how much our manufacture decayes , our trade must decay , and our wealth must decay , and the strength of our shipping must decay , and we our selves must be the more made a scorn , a prey , and a laughing-stock by it to our neighbours . and if all this be not for the interest of the nation but the contrary wholly , is it not plain that my opponent seeing he is an englishman , and seeing it is for the interest of the nation that he writes , doth cross the proverb , and give us a demonstration by his thus arguing , that interest may now and then lye , though not alwayes ? but in the next place to try whether my opponent be in earnest or not , let me humbly beg of him , to tell me truly , why those naughty men that usurped the government in the year , 1647. did upon such penalties strictly prohibit the exportation of our woolls if he saith , it was because they were only not rebells , but men of no reason , and understood not the interest of the nation ; wil he not by this brand many of the parliament also that now sits ? who though they did not confirm the rebels law , did think fit at least to make a new law to the same purpose , even soon after his majesties most happy restauration . granting then that the laws now in force of the 12. and 14. of his majesties reign , were not made by other than by the wisest and most loyal persons of this nation , the said persons must consequently have some grounds or other for making the said laws , and if we may guess at their grounds by their own words in the preambles of the said laws , they appear mainly to be these three following . viz. 1. for the setting on work the inhabitants of this realm . 2. for the improving the native commodities of this countrey to its best , fullest , and utmost use . 3. and that the advantage accruing hereby might redound to the subjects of this kingdom and not to the subjects of forreign realms , as hitherto , and as it would and must otherwise do . wherefore either these their grounds when the said laws were made , were either good and sufficient motives for the prohibiting our wooll , and for the laying so great a penalty upon such as should export it , or they were not : if my opponent shall say they were not good and sufficient grounds , then he must say that the wisdom of those honourable and loyal persons , who at that time served in parliament , were indeed not much better than that of the usurpers of the government in the year 1647. but if the said grounds were good , valid , and sufficient , and such as did both regard and comprehend the true and sincere interest of the nation , then my opponent must confess the said laws ought to stand , or he must shew wherein the case is altered now , from what it was then , with reference to the said motives or grounds that the said parliament then went upon in making the said laws . first , if my opponent can make it appear by letters that he hath lately received , that the hollanders hath laid down the woollen manufacture , and that they in france are altogether grow sick and weary of it , and that the french king hath wholly forbidden it , and hath released all the impositions that he hath of late years put upon it , then i must needs confess the case is altered , and that the said laws ought justly to be repealed ; or , secondly , if my opponent hath received information from sure and good hands , that the hollanders make use of no other wool than that of their own growth , though they breed no sheep ; and that he hath also received information from good and sure hands , that the french make use only of their own wool in all their manufacture ; or , thirdly , if my opponent can make it appear that the setting on work the inhabitants of this realm is not now a thing so convenient or fit as it was when the said acts were made ; or , fourthly , if the improving the native commodities of this countrey to its best , and utmost use be found by experience to be no good policy but to bring many inconveniences with it ; or fifthly , if it be much more adviseable that forreigners should go away with the gain of our manufactures , and with the sweet of our trade , rather than that his majesties subjects should have it , in all these cases i must confess it must inevitably be for the interest of the nation to repeal the said acts and lay them aside . but on the other hand if none of all these five cases can possibly be put , and that those very reasons and grounds do still remain , and are the same now which they were when the said acts were made . then my opponents motion to repeal the said laws , must be against the interest of the nation or interest doth not alwayes speak true ; which was the paradox intended to be argued by my opponent . as it is clear then by both these arguments , that my opponent hath wholly mistaken himself in the cause of our manufactures decay , so to evidence yet farther the manifestness and palpableness of this mistake , we affirm that it is matter of fact that our woollen manufacture did greatly increase after the said prohibition of wool in the year 1647. for at least 16 or 18 years together , and not only increased but bore a good price , and that i may not be found like some others , who regard not the credit of what they affirm , ( and particularly like him who hath contracted the arguments of my opponent , and hath published them together in one sheet of paper ) i shall to justifie what i say , appeal for the truth of it not only to the customhouse-books , and to the quantity of the woollen manufacture there entred , but to the gentry themselves : and to the price that land bore , and victualls bore for many years together after the said prohibition , and to the plenty of money that was then in the land. yea as our manufacture did increase for many years together , after the said prohibition of the exportation of wool , so it had to this day still increased , had not those accidents happened that laid so effectual a foundation for the ruine of it , as it was neither in the power of the clothier nor in the power of the grower to prevent , i mean those new and immoderate taxes which were laid upon our manufacture by the french king , on purpose to encourage his own workmen to gain the said manufacture from us ; and on purpose to prevent our clothes and stuffs from being brought into his countrey , although we yearly take of his commodities to the value of above a million of pounds , sterling ; and i mean in the second place , the making of that unfortunate act against the importation of irish cattle , which hath not only tended to the ruine of the grower , but to the ruine of the clothier , and to the ruine of very trade of england it self ; and which if it should continue to stand unrepealed , must necessarily and inevitably ruine more and more both the gentry , merchant , and clothier every day . and therefore as a further proof to what i say i shall give one instance in stead of many and leave the truth of it to be strictly examined and judged accordingly ; which is , that since the said accidents have befallen us , ( i mean of the french kings arbitrary impositions upon us , and that act against the importation of irish cattle ) exeter alone , hath lost of what it did formerly vend , near if not above three hundred thousand pounds sterling , every year : and if we shall reckon proportionably from all other counties and cities , we shall then easily see there is a just ground for the decay of our woollen manufacture , and for the fall of the price of our wooll by it , and for the fall and ruine of our rents , not as my opponent alleadgeth by reason of the prohibition of transporting our wool , but truly and really by reason of the multiplication and increase of our wool , to that degree , that the exportatition of it hath almost been necessary . the serious consideration of which true and real cause of the decay of our manufacture , i shall humbly leave to the wisdom of the parliament . and shall likewise leave it to their wisdom to be considered , whether in this conjuncture of affairs , and according to the circumstances which now attend us , while our neighbours do not only emulate us , but are become actual rivals with us not only for clothing but for our trade it self ; and for our strength and dominion at sea , we shall or ought so far to contribute towards the design , and towards the certainty and effectualness of our own ruine , as either to repeal our acts that prohibit the exportation of wool , or to let that unfortunate act stand , which makes the transporting of wool absolutely necessary , whether we will or no , and by this means makes our neighbours scorn-the commerse and trade that they formerly had with us , and thanked us for● . and whereas my opponent doth lay a great stress upon the false making of our manufacture , as one main cause of the decay of it ; i cannot but confess there hath been too much , and too great cause for this complaint , formerly , while those good lawes for the sealing of clothes in the water , and for acertaining the length of them , were wholly eluded through the negligence and corruption of the auluager , but though this abuse hath not to this day been redressed , yet there hath been so great an alteration in the making of our cloth within this thirty years , i say again within this thirty years , even since that naughty act that commenced in the year 1647 ; that neither dutch nor french do come near us , either for the accurateness and goodness of our workmanship , or for the honesty , and integrity that is used in making both of clothes , stuffs , and bays . and that i may here also vindicate the credit of what i say , and that it may be clear , i speak nothing but truth , i shall appeal to the most considerable dealers in all london , either as merchants , drapers , or mercers , whether there be not many clothiers , many stuff and bay-makers , who though they be under no check at all at present , do nevertheless so value their name , their word , and their repute , that they dare adventure all the commodity they make , to be forfeited , if it do not prove in every respect as long , as broad , and as truly made , and as well qualified , as they sell it for , which is a thing so well known as though none will now trust to the seal of the aulnager , or to the common stamps in use formerly ; yet there are many both drapers , mercers , and merchants , who will trust to the private mark of divers clothiers with less scruple than they will trust to the stamp of some coyn. yea i should much wrong the generallity of the cloathiers of england if i should not upon this occasion prosessedly declare ( and whoever denyeth it will greatly injure them ) that such is the sense which they themselves have had for divers years , how much it is for their interrest , and for the name , and honour of the english nation it self , to keep up an exact goodness in all the woollen manufacture of this kingdom , that they have for many years , not onely sollicited the parliament , that they might be incorporated in each county , and that none might be admitted to take upon them the making of cloath and all other woollen manufactures , but such only as serving a due number of years to learn the profession of it , might be sufficiently versed and skilled in it ; but they have for many years desired also that all and every the sorts of woollen manufacture , might be brought to such a certainty of regulation for the length and breadth of each manufacture , and for the true making of it ; that it may not be in the power of any unskilfull person to falsifie it , but that by marks of their own , as is used in the colchester bayes , all manner of cheats and defects should be openly signified ; which proposals , if they might be hearkned unto , might soon be effected ; and made practical through a standing councel , established to no other end than for the cloathing-trade , with power only to receive such proposals as are to be made by the clothiers , and their respective factors here relating to each county ; and to prepare the said proposals into distinct acts against the parliament shall be next convened ; than which i humbly conceive there is scarse any thing can be instanced that might , or would tend more to the general good and advantage of this nation , and to the promoting and recovering of our manufacture again , and consequently for the consumption and advancing the price of our wool , which is the thing mainly my opponent seems to drive at , and in that we shall agree . but here my opponent may perhaps say , that after all i cannot deny but there is a surplus of wool which cannot be wrought up by the clothiers , and that i offer ' not one word how it should for the future be disposed of . to which i answer , first that it appeareth not by any thing which my opponent hath hitherto said , at least not by any thing that he hath hitherto proved , that the clothier either cannot or doth not work up the wool of the proper growth of england to the full of it , but if a far greater quantity of wool be brought into england from ireland then ever before was brought untill of late years , as the clothier cannot be responsible for his not buying up all the wool which is sent into england , so neither can he or ought he to be responsible for the glut proceeding from the importation of it , or for the cheapness of the said wool , by reason of the said glut . secondly , if the proper and only way for removing all evil effects , be to remove their respective causes , and that this is and must be acknowledged by all rational persons , then considering what we have said before , and not only said but proved and made it to appear , viz. that the cause of that surplus of wool , ( with the cheapness of it at present ) among us is partly from the irish act that prohibiteth the bringing in of live cattle , and puts that kingdom upon the breeding of wool whether they will or no , and partly by the decay of our manufacture through the supply that we our selves do make to our neighbours of our own wool , for the promoting of their manufacture to the ruine of our selves . the proper remedy then for the removing the cheapness of our wool on the one hand , and for employing our poor , and recovering our trade on the other hand , must necessarily be the stopping the excessive growth of it in ireland , and as strictly stopping , and restreining the export of it from ireland , and from hence . and here i must take the boldness to say again what i have in part said already in my second argument , ( viz. ) that where a nation is not rich in mines of gold and silver , it is not capable to be inriched by any other way then by its manufactures . and consequently if it be from our manufactures alone that the riches of this nation comes ; and if it be from our manufacture chiefly that our shipping is employed , and our marriners bred , if it be from our trading alone , and from the riches , which our trading brings in , that his majesties customs are raised , and that our fleet have been hitherto built and maintain'd , and the dominion of the seas hath been preserved , than it is must be from our manufacture only that our bullion hath been brought in , and that the rents of our nobility and gentry doth depend and are sustained . and therefore if it must be granted me that there is no higher interest in the nation , then that which preserves his majesties customs , and that which sustains the nobility and gentries rents , and that which supports our navy and shipping . then in regard our manufacture alone doth do all this , our manufacture alone , and the encouragement of it must necessarily be the greater interest of the nation , it self ; and i must crave leave to say that whoever placeth it in any thing else ( as the circumstances of this nation stands at present ) must either mistake the interest of this nation , or can be no friend to england . wherefore if it be granted by the wisest of lawyers , that a mischief is better then an inconvenience , some private men ought to suffer rather then the whole nation . which i humbly conceive is a solid , and a sufficient answer to my opponent as to this part of his objection . supposing also that our manufacture and the encouraging of it , is the main and chief , if not the sole and only interest of this nation , then as no interest besides can , or ought in reason to stand in competition with it , so much less the irish act , without the repealing of which nevertheless it is simply impossible , that either our manufacture , or that the trade or navigation of this kingdom should be preserved . for if there be no reason to make a law that they must strave in ireland , there can be reason to forbid their breeding of sheep , if we will not let them employ their lands in the breeding of live cattle . admitting also that the pasture lands of ireland are proportionable to the bigness of that kingdom , far larger then the pasture lands of england , as they are and must necessarily be , partly through the smallness of their tillage ( their corn being not capable to be exported ) and partly through the thinnesse of their inhabitants , and it must necessarily follow , that these being converted mostly to the feeding of sheep must breed a vast quantity of wool , and such as must equal if not exceed the quantity breed in england by our selves . wherefore it must needs be plain to every person , that not only the breeding of wool , but the disposing of it , and the disposing of it to most advantage , is now become the interest of the nobility , gentry , yeomandry , and of all others whatever that have a concern in ireland , which if it were possible to prevent , it ought to be allowed to none besides our selves , whose whole proper and entire interest it is to be sole manufacturers or workers of it . the breeding , growing , disposing and improving of wool being now by our selves made the entire interest of ireland who desired it not of us , and would have been very well content without it , if we cannot desire their nobility or gentry to burn their wool , we cannot then deny them to take all such lawful and just courses whereby they may improve their wool . wherefore seeing these courses can be but two ways , either to send it is where it most wanting , and where it will yield the best price , which is to our neighbors to improve and increase their manufacture , or else to keep it themselves , and manufacture it up in that countrey . and seeing one of these courses are wholly , inevitable and that both one ; and the other do not only tend , but must and will certainly and effectually bring an utter destruction to the trade , commerce , strength , shipping and navigation of this kingdom ; we have small reason to expect our neighbours the dutch , or our neighbours the french should help us , or pity us , when we do willfully contribute to the ruin of our selves , and may if we will either prevent it , or easily remedy it . and indeed if our all be at stake , by reason of the countinuance of that unfortunate act ; and if this all , i mean the very interest of the nation it self , will not move us to alter it , i think it would be very impertinent to insist upon lesser arguments . and therefore though it would be for the interest of the nation greatly , to arrest this occasion , i mean the cheapness of the wooll , to beat out our neighbours in the forreign trade of our manufactures , by under-selling them at least abroad . and though this might now more easily be done then ever , seeing our manufacture is improved of late years in the goodness of it , and might soon as we said before be brought to an absolute perfection . and though it be but equal and just to forbid the commodities of those countreys that are near us , who refuse to deal with us for our commodities or by exorbitant and arbitrary imposition laid upon them do in effect prohibit them ; and though the doing of this , is but agreeable to the rules of justice , and to the law of nations , and law of commerce . though also it cannot be denied that it must be greatly consistant with the publick good of the nation to make sumptuary lawes , and to restrain the excess that is at present among us ; yet i must humbly crave leave to say that this is but like the taking much pains to stop the leaks of a barrel and let the liquor run out at the bung : for these are all petty things to the main concern of the nation , which must be ruined , and ruined as i humbly conceive irrecoverably , if the irish acts doth stand . finis . the usurpations of france upon the trade of the woollen manufacture of england briefly hinted at, being the effects of thirty years observations, by which that king hath been enabled to wage war with so great a part of europe, or, a caution to england to improve a season now put into her hand, to secure her self by william carter. carter, w. (william) 1645 approx. 87 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34896 wing c678a estc r24254 08096331 ocm 08096331 40839 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34896) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40839) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1225:4 or 2602:11) the usurpations of france upon the trade of the woollen manufacture of england briefly hinted at, being the effects of thirty years observations, by which that king hath been enabled to wage war with so great a part of europe, or, a caution to england to improve a season now put into her hand, to secure her self by william carter. carter, w. (william) 30 p. printed for richard baldwin at the oxford-armes in warwick-lane, and joseph fox at the cap in westminster-hall, london : 1695. this item appears at reel 2602:11 as wing (cd-rom, 1996) c678a, and at reel 1225:4 incorrectly identified as wing c678. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -great britain. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the usurpations of france upon the trade of the woollen manufacture of england briefly hinted at ; being the effects of thirty years observations , by which that king hath been enabled to wage war with so great a part of europe . or , a caution to england to improve a season now put into her hand , to secure her self . by william carter . london , printed for richard baldwin at the oxford-armes in warwick-lane , and joseph fox at the cap in westminster-hall . mdcxcv . the preface the subject of the following discourse being matter of fact , the less apology will be required ; nor needs it many arguments to demonstrate what we see and feel , viz. that the french have within this 40 years , not only by increase of trade , enriched their country , but also multiplied their shipping to that degree , that the effect thereof hath occasioned the effusion of so much blood and treasure in these late years ; and how much more few can tell . the consequences that have happened , i long since fore-saw , and publickly declared my fears , that unless some speedy method were taken , the french would in a short time engross the whole woollen-manufacture , and consequently trade it self , to the irreparable damage of this kingdom . and tho' the war with france hath cost vs so many millions , yet i question not but the perusal of the following sheets will convince all persons , that rather regard the publick interest than some private convenience that may attend themselves ; that had there been no war ( speaking humanely ) we should have ( ere this time ) lost the whole profit of the exportation of the said woollen-manufacture , ( amounting to several millions in value yearly ; ) the french ( before the war ) having made so great progress therein , that they had not only prohibited our cloth and stuffs to be imported into france , but had also so far advanced themselves in that manufacture , as to export the same into many foreign parts , as mr. andrew marvel hath formerly shewed at large , in a paper printed in the year 1677 , a part of which is inserted in the following discourse . and if this be the true state of the case in the infancy of the said woollen-manufacture in france , as it was before the war ( if a peace were concluded ) what the consequences will be when that king shall enlarge and bring it to a greater perfection , rational and wise men may judge and when ever a peace may be concluded betwixt england and france , unless such a provision be made while we are at war to keep the ballance of trade , i do foresee ( who have been almost 30 years observing the designs of france to get the trade from vs ) the evil consequence to england of that peace which may end in our ruine ; as was admirably well observed lately by another hand , viz. that peace made up with an enemy , whose power is too strong , and his fidelity too weak , is only a cob-web-lawn to break through at pleasure ; and a reconciliation of friendship with such a prince , is the only means to impower him , to be more dangerous , because then a more surprising enemy : should france in her present ( or rather late greatness ) give a cessation to hostillity , 't is certain she can never give a cessation to her ambition ; and 't is as certain that war is only rak'd up , not quench'd , when the coals of ambition are still glowing , that at any convenient rupture may set it fresh a blazing , to that aspirer that so visibly aims at universal monarchy ; universal peace can be no more than a disguise : in short in any present accommodation with france , her holding her hand will be no other than to take breath to enable her to make a stronger blow . the consideration of these things , hath all along prompted me ( as an english man ) to use the utmost of my endeavours in the post i have stood in for so many years , to prevent the designs of france on england , that those things threatnea may be prevented , otherwise i had not appeared in print at this time , being rather enclined to be more retire , especially when i reflect upon the discouragement and difficulties i have met withal in my former vndertaking ; of which i have given a short account in the close of this discourse , but more at large in another , written by me sometime since , for the clearing my self of some malicious imputations suggested against me in my said former vndertakings ; nor did i however intend to be named in this paper , when i put it to the press ; but finding my name made use of in several projects about raising of money , and in bringing in a bill to lessen the penalties about the exportation of wool ; and which occasioned the mistake of divers of my friends , who thereby were induced to believe me concerned in matters which were utterly against their opinion ; and indeed i may presume to offer my thoughts , will instead of preventing , be rather an encouragement to the said exportation ; and if experience for near thirty years may be credited , there is nothing now wanting in point of law but execution ; and if there were a thousand laws made and not executed it is just the same as if none at all . these reasons amongst others have prevail'd with me to subscribe my name , and to make use of this opportunity to declare , that i am not engaged in any of those matters which my friends might take to be against my former opinion in this case , and which , i believe , will rather redound to the prejudice than good of the publick ; not that i would be construed to reflect upon any person under mistakes , being charitable to all ; tho' in the following discourse i have been somewhat sharp on those i judged to be willful enemies to their own trade and nation . william carter . the renewing of a caveat entred in our court several years agoe against the growth of france . although it be beyond all dispute , that the french king ( who not many years ago was very inconsiderable both in trade and shipping ) is now become so formidable , as to be able to make war with so great a part of europe , insomuch that very lately he bid fair to be emperor thereof . and though the matter of fact be clear ; yet it is by many made a question , how so prodigious an alteration should come to pass in so short a time . for notwithstanding it be notorious , that that king's interest was very great in the two last reigns , and thereby he obtain'd many advantages here , not only moulds of our best ships of war , but some materials for their building ; and had it not been for a great man now of their majesties most honourable privy-council , much of our best timber had been long since in france : for the dutchess of portsmouth having a grant of forty thousand pounds , which was to be raised out of the timber growing in the new forrest , and that of sherwood ; his lordship prevented that mischief , which had it not been done with great prudence , it would have been of a had consequence to england . for which he was suddenly after , and for espousing the prince of orange's interest , condemned in the court of france , and brought out of favour here , ( to the honour of that noble lord , let it be remembred for the good of england , against the designs of france . ) and although it be too true , that the said dutchess promoted the french interest here , by which many advantages were procured thereby from england to france , ( which may be elsewhere enlarged ) yet that was but as flashes in a river , for a season : but its trade , that is the main spring or fountain that gives life unto , and that doth maintain , riches and strength to any nation , kingdom , or people . and though in trade it self its generally reported , that france ( by way of barter ) got from england upwards of a-million of pounds sterling per annum , for several years last past , which is only known by the entries made in our custom hou●● books ; yet this ( to those that know the intrigues of that people ) may not be ●ne half in value of the goods imported from france . for that which comes in by stealth ( and of such some persons are so fond , as to give double if not treble the worth of it only to have the name of french ) may be as much in the sum , if not more than what is truly and really entered , which for the most part are bulky commodities . and as our loss in the trade with france is about two millions per annum , by the importation of their commodities here ; so it s presumed , ( on very good grounds ) that the exportation of our wool thither , unwrought , enriches france much more than all the importation of french goods into england . so that if france , for upwards of twenty years last past , hath gained only from england more than four millions per annum ( besides what that king hath gain'd out of other countries by his intrigues , ) it is humbly presumed , the question before stated ( viz. ) ( how france in so short time became so great ? ) is in a great measure answered . when on the other hand , england ( if true to its real interest ) might quickly turn the scales , and beat france without fighting , though not now . for there are but few princes or states , that have such means to support their splendor , as the kings and queens of england : nor few ( if any ) countries , such staple commodities , as this kingdom hath ; yet those advantages were never as yet improved as they might be : and as to what might have been formerly done of this nature , sir walter rawleigh propounded to king james the i. that the native commodities of england , with other traffick , might have been then improved three millions of pounds sterling per annum , beyond what they then came to , and that the revenue of the crown might proportionably increase thereby . if matters stood thus at that time , woful experience tells us ( as before mentioned ) that the case is now far worse : for instead of increasing , we have lost so many millions by the intrigues of france , which will more particularly appear in the sequel of this discourse . the most of the goods , which are now yearly imported into this kingdom , being to the value of several millions of pounds sterling per annum , are no otherwise answered , but by the value of the commodities which are exported ; the bulk of which consists chiefly in our woolen manufacture , as being the great support of our trade and shipping . for before king edward the iii. the burgunder enjoyed that advantage , in making of a yard of cloth , of english wool cost eighteen pence , worth then ten shillings , to the enriching of that people , and advancing the revenue of their princes ; which being perceived by the said king edward , upon a visit made by himself to the duke of burgundy ; during his residence there , he employed such able agents amongst the elemish clothiers , so effectually representing to them the danger they were in by the bordering war with france , the peaceable condition of england , and the freedom of the people that are subjects here , that he found them inclinable to accept an invitation to come over hither , he promising them the same privileges and immunities with his own subjects ; by which means he prevailed with a great number of them to come into england soon after him , where he most royally performed those promises : he also called home many of his own subjects , who had been long setled in flanders ; and then strictly prohibited the exportation of wool. so the trade of cloth was then settled in england ; but the manufacture of bays , says , and perpetuanies , &c. ( which is now almost half the woolen manufacture of this kingdom ) was not set up here till the reign of queen elizabeth , but was till then wholly carried on in flanders , with english wool ; so that by these two princes the woolen manufacture came to be settled in england : by which means , as our wealth came greatly to encrease , so we became more powerful in shipping ; which greatness of our trade , and strength of our shipping , founded on that , hath been not only observed , but of late emulated by the french king. and seeing it was clearly discerned , that the chiefest means for the maintenance of it proceeded from our woolen manufacture , the said french king hath for several years last past used all means to get our wool to france ; and then prohibit the said manufacture , which is of so great concern to england . for the said manufacture , being exported together with its returns , doth pay more than three fourths of the customs ; and consequently the same in proportion are the ships and seamen employed thereby ; and it doth not only give life to all trade , but a value to land ; by which means also all other branches of the revenue of the crown are proportionably increased . but my lord cook saith , that its much more . for , saith he , divide the exported native commodities of this kingdom into ten parts ; and what comes from the sheep's back is in value nine parts ; which , as before hinted , the french king hath used all arts and means , for above twenty years , to encourage this woolen manufacture in his own dominions ; not only to furnish his own countrey , but to export it to foreign parts , which were formerly supplied by us ; to the increasing of their riches and strength by sea , ( now so formidable ) and then by so much the less place or probability there will be , that we should furnish them or export it into foreign parts ; and then also so much the greater stop must of necessity be put to the vending of our woolen manufacture beyond the seas ; because there is a determin'd quantity thereof consumed in the trading world. and is it not as manifest , that by how much our manufacture decays , our trade and wealth must decay ; and the strength of our shipping mainly depending thereon , must decay also ? and consequently the revenue of the crown , not only in the customs , but in all other branches of the said revenue that do depend upon trade . so that , if it be from our manufacture that the riches of this nation comes , and if it be chiefly from thence that our shipping is employed , and our mariners bred ; if it be from our trading alone , and from the riches which our trading brings in , that their majesty's customs are raised , and that our fleets have been hitherto built and maintained , and the dominion of the seas preserved , then it is and must be from our manufactures , that our trade is increased , and by which the rents of the nobility and gentry have been advanced . and therefore it may be easily granted , that there is no higher temporal interest in the nation , than that which sustains the nobility and gentry's rents , that which preserves their majesties revenues , and increases our navy and shipping . then in regard our manufacture doth this , the encouragement of it must necessarily be the greatest interest of the nation , to preserve it ; but for the want of due care therein , the french have gained so much from us , as before mentioned , which hath so highly contributed to their riches and strength at sea , and consequently to the impoverishing of us , even the whole kingdom of england : which evils i did not only long since foresee , but publickly declare above 20 years ago , and with some warmth too ; and also , with no little importunity , presented the same to king charles ii. and upon several occasions since , renewed the same , ( viz. ) that france was then learning to be too hard for us , which is too too true to be denied : and as i did it to those in authority ; so i did it , also , both to the merchants and clothiers ; and not resting there , i have also spent the greatest part of my small estate , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as well as lost a profitable trade ) about it , with the frequent hazard of my life , together with many and great indignites , which i have born up under , because my labour has not been altogether fruitless : though by my importunity , i have rendred my self burdensome to some , a scorn and reproach to others , when i have only reasoned in my discourse , and publickly declared , what i had too much ground for , ( viz. ) that the diligence of the french to enrich themselves upon us , hath so far exceeded our care to preserve our selves , that it is cometo , if not beyond , a question , who have the greatest benefit of the manufacture of english wool , ( of so great consequence ) they who have no right unto it , or to whom of right it doth belong ( as the very foundation of all our riches and strength ; ) that it is so , is too too obvious , ( viz. ) that france will be too hard for us by the steps already made therein ; desiring a serious consideration , and comparing the practice of the french king ( assisted by the counsel and advice of monsieur colbert , bred a merchant ) with what was done formerly by king edw. the 3d , that as the said king edward wisely transacted his affairs in flanders , in bringing over hither the manufacturers to the wool in england , so the said french king , by his agents here , is using no less policy in gaining oar wool to his subjects for his own advantage ; for without our wool they could never imitate our manufacture , all other wool being insufficient for that use ; but having our wool in such great quantities , even in the years 1669 , 1670 , and 1671 , that they gave out , that they could make as good manufacture as ours ; and further added , that they were got into a way of making a low sort of cloth called serge de-berry , which comes as cheap as northern cloth , but made of english wool. after all these transactions , comes forth an answer by way of objection against what i had done , entitled , reasons for a limited exportation of wool , pretending it was for england's interest ; which came forth in the year 1676. to which i made my reply , which i shall not here insert , but only crave leave but to abstract the introduction to that discourse , ( viz. ) i must needs say , that i had no thoughts of appearing in publick any more , and could not easily have been moved thereunto , ( my discouragements having been so great ) had not the importunity of some friends dealing much in that manufacture , and my zeal and affection to the trade and commerce of this my native country , ( which is at present solely maintained by the woolen manufacture of it ) raised my fears so far , as to believe a great prejudice is coming upon us ; and so far as to doubt also , that we may be hastning of it by those very means , we would endeavour to prevent it . and therefore i cannot , but , like the dumb child , speak when he saw a knife at his fathers throat ; i mean when i consider the extremity we are like to be in , from the french kings vigilancy , and the endeavours that he hath of late used to acquire the making of the woolen manufacture in his own dominions , and what artifices , and vast expence , he doth use and is at , to effect his said design , both in france , and by his agents here in england , even at this very day , notwithstanding he is engaged in a war with so great a part of europe ; and if he doth this in the very midst of his distractions , what will he not do ? or , what may we not expect hereafter , when he shall be at peace with all his neighbours ? and if the french king he designing by all ways and means to under mine our commerce , and by it prejudice us in our trade , and strength by sea , i may , i hope , be pardoned , if i am more than indifferently concerned , or more than ordinarily warm , to think , we should endeavour to perfect his design by delivering up our wool , the foundation of so rich a manufacture , into his hands ; nor can we think hereafter to recover our woollen manufacture once lost , or to preserve the king's customs or the strength of this kingdom , without it ; for we must be very short-sighted if we understand not , that , after he hath supplied his own country , he will also supply other foreign markets ( as already begun , which will appear by the testimony of another hand which i shall add ) to gain an advantage to himself ; for if he may ( as he already does ) break the laws of commerce , and lay what impositions he pleaseth , upon our cloth , &c. ( yea prohibit the same ) while we had a peace with him , why may he not also lay what imposition he please upon our ships that may come near his territories ? and when our commerce is lost , and our manufacture gone , and our ships imposed upon that shall pass the seas , what shall be left to defend our selves from whatsoever he shall ( for the greatness of his name ) think fit to require of us ? give me now leave to add the testimony of another person , who wrote upon this subject about the year , 77 , but came lately to my hands , mr. andrew marvell ; who observes , that the french , who were not long since at best but the milliners of europe , are now become , or pretend to be , the cape-merchants , and their king gives not only the mode , but garment to all christendom , and the world puts it self into his livery at their own expences ; well may we therefore complain of the death rather than deadness of our manufacture , when from this cause it receives such an obstruction even to suffocation , when we are not only deprived of that general and gainful vent that we had formerly in france it self , but in all other places where we traffick , we meet the french at every town , and the foreign post brings news from all parts , that they come before us , and have undersold us in the same commodities . and to this disease so mortal , and which is beyond any private men to remedy , we do more particularly contribute by those vast quantities of wool , which are transported to france , so that calice is still no less our staple , than when it was formerly under the english dominion . from the whole matter i then conclude , ( viz. ) in the year 1677. that not only the clothing trade , but the very interest of the nation was at stake , and in hazard to be utterly lost ; which there was just cause to suspect would come to pass , if the same were not with industry and diligence prevented ; and if this all would not move us , i thought it then impertinent to insist on lesser arguments ; upon which consideration i was then , as also before , prompted singly as an english-man , to use my utmost endeavour and unwearied diligence , to try what might be done , towards the finding out some method , that might prevent the threatned ruin , ( by the french king ) and that some good part of what is lost may be regain'd ( and why not that kingdom be under the english government , as well as part of the tithes of our king. ) these endeavours being used in the two late reigns , in which i drew up the hill , and strove against the stream , yet , it 's visible , i did many a time stem the tide , till huge torrents came down upon me , yet i did nevertheless recover again , though with hard rowing ; and in the very last year of the late king , when addressing his majesty with some clothiers of exon and taunton , in behalf of 200 , that then kept 100000 poor people at work , complaining of the french prohibiting the english woolen manufacture ; after that discourse was over , the king then told me , that the french embassador had complain'd , that i had disturbed the french king's fishermen , i did return this answer , that i owned the charge , and was glad of the season ( for i had heard before of complaints of that nature , made at the treasury , and at the custom-house , where i made my defence , and prevented the said design ) to give his majesty an answer , i did confess , that i had disturbed them , by causing above 20 of them to be taken and condemned to his own use , for that they had broken the laws , and came on shoar and fetched our wool , that was the fishing which was disturb'd ; which i told his majesty was the foundation both of his riches and strength : and moreover i added , that had i not been greatly discouraged , those gentlemen then present addressing his majesty , would not have had the occasion of giving him that trouble ; this relation is nothing but truth , the persons then present being my witnesses . i may without offence add , that the season of this address was such , that his majesty was then , in a quarter of an hour after we came forth from his presence , visited by father peter , sir edward hales , and sir john gage , that came to intercede for three persons then prosecuted for exporting of wool to france , one of which was the then mayor of galloway , who confest a judgment of 22000 l. and the earl of tyrconel wrote in his behalf , but the said king rejected the motion ; but the matter was again endeavour'd at the treary , which i still watched , and put in caveats , and prevented the design of his discharge . now if i did go so far then , against the french interest , shall i despond now in this government , when not only england , but a great part of europe , is in actual war with them ? now is the season , in this very thing , to humble france , which if we let slip , it 's very probable , there may never be the like opportunity . but after all , i suppose another question may arise ; viz. how this may be done ? i answer , though 't is not in my power to do ; yet to propose to such as can , i shall readily , as i have not omitted hitherto what lay in my power , in order to the compleating so great an undertaking ; but there are many things not so proper to be made publick , that may greatly contribute to the effecting so necessary a work ; which i shall not only offer ( with all submission ) when called thereto , but really and indeed put in practice when commanded ; and therefore desire to be excused from offering that to publick view , which may furnish french agents with such matter , as may render the whole abortive . for tho' we have seen and too much felt the power of france , and that some persons are very apt to magnifie that monarch , and yet the poverty of the generality of that people with the inland countries being depopulated by which a great scarcity of corn have been the effect thereof , and the great loss in their trade at present , ought a little to be considered to ballance their greatness . and tho' we have too much cause to fear ( but not despair ) that we are in a languishing condition , yet when i have considered how near ireland was lost , i would in my greatest despondency entertain some hope for england also : tho' 't is the fear of some , and too justly that without more than ordinary skill to abate the power of france , all our endeavours to that end will prove fruitless . there was a time , and that not long since , when england alone was able to bridle that prince and hold the reins , so as to be able to have turned about that monarch as it pleased ; but now we see that neither england , or holland , or both with their united strength at sea , nor all the confederates at land , can as yet give check to the ambition of that aspiring king. and altho' in england , we have formerly made several acts to curb that prince , and continued two of them lately , which were ready to expire , yet the experience of the time past hath demonstrated that little hath been done , and as little may be expected for the future , till those acts are put into strict execution , ( without which they are dead and useless ) which if we design to do , we must reasume that antient and generous temper , that heretofore ran so freely , and did circulate in english veins , which did preserve the liberty of free born english-men , and not to suffer our selves to be imposed upon , and made slaves to france , by our own folly , for if we expect to live by our laws , as a free people , we ought to use the means to support them , by a strict execution , and that cannot be well done , but by such persons , who will make it their interest , as well as their duty to execute the same , and also made capable of it . and if our predecessours , that were instrumental in procuring for us some of those great priviledges , which we now enjoy , were short of that experience which we have since attain'd to , it should call upon us to consider what may be expected from us , who have arrived to greater knowledege , and have more and better laws to assist us , for our preservation , and thereupon we ought to improve our priviledges as a free people , and to have attained many more and greater advantages , since the reign of that famous queen elizabeth , whose ministers agreed altogether against the common enemy which was then the spaniard , and tho' we have to our shame , lost many of those advantages , which was once in our hands , to have kept the french king lower , yet now if we were once true to our reall interest we might give a great check , if not a turn to that haughty prince , but then there must be a great change amongst us , for notwithstanding our present war with france , and the prohibition of french commodities , yet our general desire is for that which hath the name of france writ upon it ( tho' we have already paid and like to pay dearer yet ) wherein i need not descend to particulars ; but incert one parragraph out of mr. james whiston discourse of trade , printed the last year , ( viz. ) but if there be a necesity that our luxury must be indulged , there is nothing to that purpose that france could afford , which the industry of our friends and confederates cannot supply us withal ; having of late in their several countries set up some manufactors , which if the war continues , will be so established , that neither we nor they shall ever stand in need of being beholding to france for them again , to the utter and irreparable damage of that kingdom . and thereby we shall vent greater quantities of our own commodities in return for what we receive from them ; whilst our trade with france , did nothing but furnish us with trifles in lieu of those vast sums of sterling they have drawn from us . and though we shall in a great measure enrich several of our confederate neighbours , as well as advantage our selves , yet it will never put them into such a condition of doing us hurt as our trade with france hath done . i will add another parragrah out of the same author , viz. where trade is , there will be imployment ; where imployment is , thither people will resort ; and where people resort , there will be a consumption of commodities , and thereby the publick revenue will be raised : so that would we once make trade flourish we need not doubt but people from all parts of the glob , would resort hither to enjoy themselves , and improve their stocks , which formerly by reason of the shackles upon conscience , the continuance of which so long depopulated this nation , both by discouraging ingenious persons from repairing hither , and cramping the industry of others that remain by rendring them a prey to each other ; which deadly wound did not end here , but debauchery and prophaness were encreased to such a degree , that the nation was dissolved in luxury , and intemperance , whil'st the french had the wit to take the advantage of our negligence , by encouraging industry and commerce ; ( which all the while we were labouring to overthrow and undervalue , ) by which means , chiefly he is become so troublesome to us , and so dreadful to some of our neighbours . to stop this humour if we consider the many millions france hath gained this way upon us , ( as before alledged ) we may observe that as trade in general is introduced by rational methods , so it ought to be supportod by the same means , and it should be so in this case , that as france hath gained upon us in our trade , partly by stealth , and openly by imposing upon us , for the time past , so also we ought to consider the same for the future , and put no vallue upon their fancies , but more upon our substantial commodities which are staple , ceasing to imitate their vain and wastful fashions , for all other ways and means ( were there a peace ) will be totally insignificant to us , for that prince will not be held in by any other ways , unless it be in that wherein his strength lyes , which is trade , ( as before in short hinted ) for otherwise ( samson like ) he will break all other tyes of humanity , &c. and we at length shall be made both poor and miserable and tho' there is nothing ( speaking generally ) more certain , than that most persons pursue those things wherein they suppose their interest doth consist , yet 't is as true that many times they are apt to mistake the way to that interest , and if so , it s no marvel those measures are taken that tends to their great and inevitable prejudice . that this is the case of too to many of our english men in relation to france , woful experience proves , and nothing is more plain than matter of fact , for as france and england about forty years ago had an equal trade , supposing in vallue two millions of pounds per annum each from other , so it is as true that within those few last years ( even before the war ) the trade of the english woollen manufactuary was prohibited in france , but the importation of french commodities were rather more increased into england , that this is so is not to be denied , but how it is so , i shall endeavour ( with submission ) to demonstrate , but before i come to speak of that in general , would crave leave to be particular only in the county of kent , where the great mischief is , and where i meet with the greatest opposition , whose people always pleads the loss to them by hindring the exportation of wool , i will therefore state the case thus , ( viz. ) that there was only kent in england that did produce wooll , and admit that there grows yearly 6000 packs , and admit to be worth 10 l. per pack , which amounts to 60000 l. and supposing for arguments sake , that if it were freely exported ( as desired by some ) it would raise the price . 40 s. per pack , which amounts to 12000 l. whereas if the said wool was wholly prohibited , and fully manufactured in england , and supposing in kent , and there exported to france , and the same valued at 579999 l. in the particular sorts ( as i have elsewhere more enlarged , ) before it s put on board , let us now therefore compare the profit and loss of this county of kent , ( viz. ) the wool with its supposed advance vallued at 72000 l. and manufactured to be vallued at 579999 l. so that the county of kent would lose 502999 l. by that trade : but i would come a little nearer to the gentlemen in kent , being owners of wool by the sea-side , and admitting for arguments sake , that the land there would advance 10 l. per cent , per annm more then in other parts , and supposing that one gentleman had in value two or 300 l. per annum , by the sea-side , and the same gentleman had two or 3000 l. per annum , in an inland country that depends upon trade , and that for want of trade those rents were abated 20 l. per cent , i have no need to ask who was the loser ; for what would it signifie to advance 10 l. per cent , per annum on the lands by the sea-side in kent , in a small farm , and lose 20 on the lands in a great one in the inland country , but more especially when that loss we in england sustain by it , proves double the advantage to france , our mortal enemies country , for thither principal if not only and to the french kings dominions our unwrought wool is transported ; i would upon this accompt close this parragraph , with the preamble of that act made in the 14th year of king charles the ii. prohibiting the exportation of wool : ( viz. ) in these three respects , first for the setting on work the inhabitants of this realm , secondly for the improving the native commodities of this country , to its best fullest , and utmost use , and thirdly that the advantage accruing hereby might redound , to the subjects of this kingdom , and not to the subjects of forreign realms as hitherto , and as it would and otherwise must do . altho' i have formerly oft reflected and sometimes hinted at our mischiefs , for want of consideration , what is the true and real intrest of england , and the necessity of putting those good laws in execution , and also repeated some part of letters writ from some of our merchants then living in flanders ; yet i would crave leave at this time , and in this place to incert one particular letter that came to my hands in the year 1670 , dated at lile the 6th , of april , 1670. informing us that they then gave out that they could make as good manufacturs as ours , and that they were got into away of making a low sort of cloth called serge-deberry , which comes as cheap as northen cloth , but made of english wool , and that they had then made so much as to be able to cloath a great number of their army : and in another letter from the same person , dated the 5th , of march 1671 , writing of the great quantities of wool imported into the french kings dominions , he adds unless some were made examples there would be continual abuses ; about which time i did prosecute some offendors , and gave some stop to it as i had done three years before , which is confir-med in the same letter , ( viz. ) there is a city not five leagues form this , called tourney , a place renowed for the making all sorts of stockings of wool , it s not above twenty tears ago that they betook them selves to make the worsted hose a trade , which in my minority was considerable ▪ from london , it s not above three years ago , that there was a scarcity of kembed wool here in this quarter of the country , and several of those stocking merchants came here to buy some , i told them , that such severity was then used in england , as people were mad to adventure ( which was the time i first began to prevent it ) which put the people of tourney on a resolution to draw up a request to monsieur colbert , that he would make a defence of all english manufacture , since they in england had put a stop to the expertation of their wool , to the great prejudice of the manufacture of their city , after which those of this town joyned with them , and so came a stop to the trade which we enjoyed for some time , so that you can easily see how insensibly those dover and canterbury transporters draw the kingdoms hearts blood from them ; i could add much more of the great benefit our neighbours receive from it which proves an absolute ruine , but i guess you can as easily comprehend my meaning , as if i had further enlarged : in a word , france rejects our fabricks at this day , presuming that they shall never want our wool to make their own fantastick fabricks , which are so variable , as puts a great stop to the currant demand that used to be of our more solid fabricks , for they will pretend to give the mcde to all the world , and so by this means in time all the world , will be disgust with our fabricks , when by consequence they shall receive the mode from france , consider of this i pray that so there may be some speedy remedy ; i shall hear take leave to repeat part of another letter from the same person a little before mentioned , ( viz. ) some of our english men have the reputation of betraying their father for two-pence , it 's no marvel then that they will betray their country ; and as this was wrote to me above twenty years ago , ( which i also then printed ) so a late action which i saw my self , confirms the same temper in some english clothiers , as well as others contrary to the common proverb ) it 's a sory bird that defiles his own nest , and being upon record , and my self both an eye and ear witness to the main part thereof , i shall venture to relate the matter of fact , and make some observations thereon , being partly in my post obliged thereunto : that as i have observed the treachery , and falseness of some of our english men for the space of twenty years and upward , to contribute so much to the setting up the woollen manufacture in france , by furnishing them with our wool , so to discover the same temper , hath visibly appeared , not only in some english men , but also in clothiers themselves , by countenancing the exportation of fullers-earth to holland , to compleat their full improving the woollen manufacture in that country , who appeared , not only as witnesses to prove a negative ( against many positive and substantial witnesses ) but rather acted like soliciters , and advocates for holland , then for englands interest , at two several tryals in the exchequer , as also at several committes of the house of commons , the consequence of which must be wholly to destroy the english woollen manufacture , and consequently trade it self , and to promote a foreign interest . it may be looked upon as monstrous , that any english clothier should with so much industry endeavour to ruin their own trade , either for a muint gain or private friendship to any other person , and had not i been both an eye and ear witness , i should not , could not , nor durst i be so bold thus to charge any man , but am so tender of persons as not to name them , fearing the poor people might pull down their houses about their ears , when their poverty is so great for want of work. tho' this charge being in general as to persons , yet i shall adventure to be particular in the matter of fact. ( viz. ) there having been for some years several parcels of clayshipt off from england to holland , in the name of potters clay , and some years past , an officer of the customs made a seizure of a vessel loaden with it , as believing it to be fulling clay , but the said officer being poor was not able to deal with the proprietor , was forced to desist ; and so it continued to be exported , till about the month of january , 1692 , there being three vessels loaden with the said clay , and ry-ding at ancor in the river of thames , and entred in the custom house of london , to be exported thence to holland , as potters clay , but some of the officers being jealous that it was fulling clay , or scowring earth , made a stop of it , and it coming to the ears of the searcher , whose said office it is to look after the same , it being as well fellony in them to suffer it to be exported ( if it were fulling clay , ) as in the exporter , which officers being as well men of some reputation as experience in their office ( before any seizure was made to give the merchant any needless trouble ) caused experiments to be made of the said clay at several places and times , and found it to be a very good sort of fulling clay , upon which experiments they caused the said clay to be landed , and put into their majesties seller , or warehouse , and ordered the same to be laid in three distinct places , and then exhibited an information in the court of exchequer against the merchant for one of the said ships loading , on the statute of xii . car. which makes the forfeiture three shillings in the pound , ( as it is fellony by the xiv . of the same king , and the officer is at liberty to prosecute upon which statute he pleaseth , but not on both ; ) and tho' the forfeitures was so great , yet the officers were so tender of ruining the merchant , that in case he would not continue exporting of it , they would not take the advantage of the forfeitures , but he declining that offer the said officers did prepare for tryal ; and in order to have more experiments made of it , i was amongst others desired to take a parcel thereof out of the warehouse , which i did , and kept in my possession until i had made an experiment of it in the country , in the presence of about ten clothiers and fullers , and found it to be better earth for their use than any that those clothiers or fullers had used , upon which experiments the said officers brought it on to a tryal in hillary term 1692 , and notwithstand there were above twenty witnesses produced viva voce , and the clothiers themselves ( upon which the experiments were made ) were brought into court , yet the jury found it for the defendant , the coullor for the verdict being , that tho' skowring earth was named in the title , yet it was not in the body of the act. that after this verdict the clothiers that were then present petitioned the queen in council to order a second tryal , upon another of the ships loading , and although there were several other experiments made not only at the same mills as before , but also in more remote places , ( viz. ) in somerset , glocester , and worcestershires ; from which places twenty seven persons were then also produced , and the cloths upon which the experiments were made , not withstanding which , yet it had the same fate as the other tryal had , the consequence of which will be very prejudicial not only in its self , but also in the seizures of wool , and tho' those officers were able to bear the charge of near three hundred pounds , yet it s a great question whether any others will be at such vast expence to adventure to run such risks , for uncertain gain ( tho' it hath been familliar to me ) which will be very bad to the nation in the end . i shall say the less here upon this head , because i have enlarged upon it elsewhere , wherein also i have in short hinted some of the obstructions and oppositions , i have met withal in this affair , as those officers have in this about earth . and tho' i am now growing old , having spent almost thirty year , in the prime and strength of my time , ( with much hazard cost and pains ) and tho' in reason , i cannot expect my self to live and see its full effects , yet i hope to dye in the faith that others may live to see england again flourish , and yet i would not omit any thing worthy of imitation tho' in an enemy , and therefore will relate one project of the french king ▪ who hath within this forty years caused a nursery of young oaks to be raised in a great part of brittain that are now well grown for a provision of shipping against another generation , which piece of good husband like policy does both softly call us thither to nip his future ships in the bud ( the same way to beat him at the sea for hereafter ) , and loudly upbraids the neligence of us now in england , whose posterity must needs complain of this present age , that contents its self not with the providence of our predecessours , but are rather in a prodigal and careless way of destroying that which they took so much care and pains to erect . and then another advantage france hath over us is to encourage industry , and discourage the contrary ( viz. ) to pay well , and punish well , when as the contrary is toomuch in use at this time . i dread to name my fears ( if we are yet careless ) if england that hath been so famous to all the world , should now be given up to ruin , and be a prey to the french king , and thereby a scorn and a by word to the world , by the evil practices of its own natives , whereas were we unanimoufly true to our real english intrest against the common enemy , we need not fear all the world. but on the other hand , if we persist in that careless way , ( and prefer private intrest ) so much in use amongst us ; what misery may be justly expected by us , when we are so insensible of that train that hath been so long laying by the french king's intrest , to blow up those good foundations ( which have been long laid by our noble ancestors ) of all our english liberties , and properties ; or to expose us to a lingring consumption , by a long and costly war. give me leave here to mention what those persons that are chiefly the instruments of the great misery we are exposed unto , which consists of three sorts , ( viz. ) first , such as are pensioners to france ; secondly , such as that nothing is valuable with , or pleasing but french modes ( whose number is too great : ) and thirdly , such who are employed to conveigh those commodities from france , now at this time to england notwithstanding the war , which are all betrayers of their own country . and tho' this treachery be pleasing to , and desirable by our enemies ( for which they may well laugh at us , ) yet the parties so doing cannot but expect to be hated by our very enemies , even the french themselves , of which we may observe something of the like in former times ( viz. ) in the reign of king john : as that king had intrusted the defence of the famous castle called valle de royal in france , ( then under the english government ) to two of his nobles , that he thought he had confidence in , yet those persons , when the french king phillip set down before it , before one stone of the castle was shaken , or any of their men had lost the least hair of their heads , they dishonourably surrendred the fort ; for which treachery ( tho so profitable to the enemy yet ) he commanded them to be fetter'd in chains , and basely intreated in close prisons , till they had dearly redeem'd their liberty . but on the other hand , in that story , 't is pitty to omit an instance of the loyalty , fidelity , and resolution , of the lord delacy , ( governor of another english garrison in france ) who having received of king john the custody of that goodly castle rock andley , did bravely bear of the siege , and power of king phillip of france , and his host , almost a whole year , yet they could never make entry upon them ; but were repulsed with slaughter , till his provision of victuals being spent , he called his souldiers together , encouraging them , that it was more noble for souldiers to dye fighting than famishing , and together with their own lives , to sacrifice to their countries honor , the blood slaughtred enemies . whereupon fiercely sallying forth with his resolutes , after a blody shambles , made in the midst of his belegers ; he was by multitude over-born and taken . but in regard of his exemplary faith and prowess in maintaining his charge , he was by king phillips express command ( tho' an enemy ) honourably used , and without restraint of a prison ; yet this very king phillip ( just as lewis now ) shortly after used such instruments to get other places ; that he first corrupts them , that they might corrupt others to defection , with great rewards , and greater promises , that he might in time obtain the english diadem from king john ; ( which was very near obtained at that time ) in the mean-time go roan , and so all normondy , which had been in the hands of the english kings , ( viz. ) king john and his predecessours , about two hundred year ; and no less treacherously dealt phillip the french king with them , when he caught them with the trap of glossing proffers , causing without delay their cities goodly walls to be utterly demolished , and giving strict charge never to be built again : it may not be amiss to relate the occasion why normondy was so soon lost to the french ( and thereby afterwards lewis phillips son to come here , as by and by more of lewis ) when king john had notice of the french kings design on normondy , he prepared a very great army , and ships accordingly to transport them , and when ready to embark , hubert then bishop of canterbury ( that he might faciliate the french kings design ) prevented that enterprise , threatning excommunication from his holiness at rome , if he attemptsd it : the like have been by some others done , by hindring our attempts upon the french , when opportunities have been offered ; but to return by king john's being hindred from going to france , and loosing so much expence here , and his intrest in normondy ; by which means and his adhearing to rome , the barons war began , which gave opportunity for the french king phillip to put in execution what he did aim at before , ( viz. ) the crown of england , and to that end his son lewis ( being invited ) came over with an army , and after great destruction by that war , as king john was going from lynn , in norfolk to give lewis battle , as he was passing the washes in lincoln-shire , with his army in those sands , all his carridges , treasure , and provision ( himself and his army hardly escaping ) were irrecoverably lost ; many likewise were the grievances into which the barons the mean while were plunged , to see their native country thus horribly massacreed , their own castles , and possessions ruined by the king , and which bred in them most anxity their faithful service ( in their faithless adherance ) not so respected by lewis as he and their foreruning hope had promised them , while he conferred only on his french , all such territories and castles , as the hand of victory had lent him , but their distress were yet greater than those their jealousies could comprehend , till a noble french man ( vicont de modan ) a man of great esteem with lewis , having his soul in his sickness deadly wounded with the sin of his health , desired private conference on his death-bed in london , with those english barons , to whom lewis had committed the custody of that city , to whom he imparted , what lamentable desolations , and unsuspected ruines hung over their heads ; for that lewis with sixteen other his chief earls and barons , whereof himself was one , ( avowing it on the salvation of his now departing soul ) , had taken an oath , if ever englands crown was setled on his head , to condemn unto perpetual exile , all such as now adhered to him against king john , as traytors to their sovereign , and all their kindred in the land utterly to extirpate . so coucelling them timely to prevent their misery , which by the sudden death of king john , and crowning henry the third was accomplished , and then lewis was forcest to be gone , which had not king john been taken away so soon , great misery had then befaln england . i would upon this occasion crave leave to look back and consider how seasons and opportunities , have been neglected to have given that common enemy of mankind a very great check , and freed england from those losses , lately in our turky fleet , and and fears of more , who knows how things may be for the future , or who may hereafter call any thing their own , things are so uncertain whether we believe it or no ; i wish i may be deceived in my fears . i would upon this occasion ( as being not impertinent ) recite a passage that the turkish history affords us ; ( viz ) that at the taking of constantinople by mahomet the great , at which time the riches of the conquered were no better then poverty , and beauty worse than deformity ; but to speak of the hidden treasure there found passeth credit . the turks themselves wondering thereat , whereof if some part had in time been bestowed upon the defence of the city , the turkish king had not so easily taken both it and the city . but every man ( as now here ) was careful how to encrease his own private wealth , few or none regarding the publick state ( its still our case ) until in fine every man with his private abundance , was wrapped together with his needy neighbour , in the self same common misery ; yet the security of the constantinopolitans was such , that tho' being always environed with their mortal enemies , yet had they no care of fortifying of so much as their inner wall of the city , but suffered the officers which had the charge of it to convert the greatest part of the money into their own purses , as appears by one manuel geogrius , a little before a very poor man , and likewise by neophilu an officer , who had in a short time gathered together seventy thousand florens , which becometh a worthy prey unto the greedy turks . upon the whole matter i must conclude , that if our intrest , and the glory of our nation be things of value , i humbly submit to better judgments , whether the things before mentioned duly considered , and timely improved be not the properest way to promote the one , and preserve the other . if it be granted by the wisest of lawyers , that a mischief is better than an inconvenience , some men ought ( if necessity requires it ) to suffer , rather than the whole nation . supposing also that our manufactures , and the encouraging of it , is the main and chief ( if not the sole and only intrest of the nation ) then no intrest besides can , or ought in reason to to stand in composition with it ; which if it should , it is simply impossible , that either our trade , and navigation should be preserved , which must and will certainly and effectually bring an utter destruction both to the commerce , strength , and shiping of this kingdom . we have small reason to expect our neighbours ( who are now our rivals ) should help us , or pitty us , when we do wilfully contribute to the ruine of our selves , and may ( if we will ) either prevent it , or easily remedy it . and indeed if our all being at stake ( i mean the very intrest of the nation it self ) will not move us to alter our general temper , i think it would be very impertinent to insist upon lesser arguments . and therefore , though it would be for the interest of the nation greatly , to arrest this occasion ( i mean the cheapness of wool , and war with france ) to beat out the french in their foreign trade , of our manufactures , and by underselling them at least abroad . and though this might now more easily be done then ever , seeing our manufacture is improved of late tears , in the goodness of it ; and might soon ( if we would not be wanting to our selves ) be brought to an absolute perfection . and though it be but equal and and just to forbid the commodities of france ( had we peace ) who did refuse ( before the war ) to deal with us for our woollen manufactures , or by exorbitant , and arbitrary impositions laid upon them , did in effect prohibit them ; and though the doing of this , is but agreeable to the rules of justice , and to the laws of nations , and of commerce . though also it cannot be denied , that it may be consistent with the publick good of the nation , to make sumptuary laws , and to restrain the excess that is at present amongst us , yet i most humbly crave leave to say , that this is but like the taking much pains , to stop the leaks of a barrel , and let the liquor run out of the bung , while we neglect the main foundation , viz , the publick interest and benefit of the common-weal in general to promote any single and private design . post scrip . and tho' i have in the foregoing lines , in general , stated the gains of france from england , within these thirty years ; and tho' i have also in short named the county of kent , by stating a case to be compar'd profit and loss ; yet i shall here crave leave to be more particular therein , viz. that the cities of exon and norwich ( alone ) exported to france in serges , perpetuanoes , and stockings , the value of five hundred thousand pounds sterling per annum ; and from dorsetshire great quantities of bays and cottons , not only made in that county , but also in the west of sommerset : and from southampton great quantities of cloth-rashes made there and at rumsey , were shipp'd off to france . from hull , great quantities of york-shire-kersies and lancashire-bays , were exported thence , besides what was ship'd off from london , of all those sorts before mention'd , and also broad cloth , welch cottons , &c. in so much , that a merchant of my acquaintance in that city , had commission for the buying up the value of fifty thousand pounds sterling per annum ; and if one man had commission for so much , we may rationally conclude , that others might be considerable , besides our own merchants in london , that had factors there in france ; all which trade were lost before the war was begun with that kingdom , which was principally the effect of the exportation of wool. having been thus particular in the damage we have already receiv'd by france , through our negligence , i shall also crave leave to give a few instances amongst many of my endeavours , to prevent it , viz. that by the observations i had made in the year 1667 , and part of 68 , of the crafts and designs of france ( as formerly more at large appeareth ) i humbly proposed to the late king charles the second , several things that to me seem'd the most conducive to hinder so ill an effect , and to restore our trade to its former flourishing condition ; which being referred to the council for trade to examine , they upon hearing of my proposals , were pleased to testifie their approbation , by their report , viz. whereas in pursuance of an order of this board , of the 20th of november last , referring to the council of trade the proposols of william carter , for preventing the exportation of wool , the said council having returned their report to the board , that having discoursed with the said william carter , and such other persons , as they thought capable of giving them any good information , touching this matter , they find the exportation of wool is of a destructive consequence to the trade of this kingdom ; and that the same hath grown into practice , as well by reason of the doubtfulness and provisions in the statute made in the 12th year of his majesties reign , prohibiting the exportation of wool , as by the neglect and remissness of officers , in not putting the laws in execution . white-hall , council-chamber , the second of april , 1669. pursuant to which report , sir olando bridgman , the lord-keeper , in the beginning of the year , 1669. brought into the house of lords a bill to explain some words in the statute of the 12th car. ii. which are explain'd in an act lately made in the present reign . which bill i have solicited ; and during my attendance , was inform'd by one of their lordships ( yet living ) that one hundred thousand pounds were offer'd for leave to export wool to france , which design tho' ( by some lucky accident ) did not take effect . yet that interest so far prevail'd , as to get me into prison , only for printing some reasons of my proceedings , on pretence of wanting the form of a licence ; and during my imprisonment , the bill before mentioned , was so much clogg'd as to miscarry ; notwithstanding which , i proceeded in the interval of parliaments to watch the sea-coast ; and tho' betwixt the merchants in cailice and their corespondents here , a considerable purse of money was collected , and lodg'd at dover to wage war with me ( which i felt to my cost ) yet i so far succeeded , as to put a great stop to that impending mischief , by discovering divers of the exporters , and prosecuting them on two several statutes , viz. that of the 12th car. ii. which makes the forseitures three shillings per pound , besides the wool ; and the other of the 14th of the same king , which makes it capital ; of which i shall here incert an abstract of of a report and certificate , and of a letter from flanders , confirming the effects of my prosecution , notwithstanding the defects of the laws suppos'd ; and first from a second report from the late lord chief baron , sir edward turner , to king charles the second , in these words , viz. may it please your most excelent majesty , in obedience to your majesties second order of reference , bearing date the 20th of december last , i have considered of the matter to me referred , and have discoursed with the petitioner about his charges &c. in prosecuting the transporters of wool ; whereby it appears , that during this four years last past , wherein he hath brought into your majesties exchequer about eight hundred pounds more than in former years had been receiv'd , but there be many more informations still depending , if prov'd , may bring in a greater sum ; but without some supply at present from your majesty , he will not be able to proceed with them . january 3. 1671. edward turnor . upon which report i had three hundered pounds paid me towards my former expence , which was almost eight hundred pounds , of which i then expended about two hundred pounds in further prosecutions that year , some of which were at the assizes , as appears by the abstract of a certificate , viz. these are to certifie , that at the general goal-delivery holden at maidstone in the county of kent , the 12th of march , 1671. edward nichols mariner , was convicted of felony for transporting of wool. and that on the first day of august 1672 , thomas knight , nicholas davis , and thomas stoner , were convicted of felony for the like offence ; and that william catter did on his majesties behalf attend the respective tryals of the said nichols , knight , davis , and stoner , for the respective felons aforesaid , and did manage the evidences against them , and thereupon cause them to be prosecuted and convicted for the said felons aforesaid . given under my hand the 22th of april , 1676. tho. lee clerk of the assizes . and as those persons were convicted as aforesaid ; so there were about twenty more continued , and bound over to the next assizes ; but an act of grace discharg'd the said offenders at that timo ; and some officers compounding with those prosecuted in the exchequer , that gave encouragement to the offenders afterwards to continue that evil practice ; but by the aforesaid prosecutions , a great stop was then made to the said exportation , as may appear by a copy of a letter writ to me from lille , dated march 1671 / 2. viz. there is a city not five leagues from this , called tournay , a place renown'd for the making of all sorts of stockings of wool ; it 's not long ago , since that there was a scarsity of wool in this quarter of the countrey , and several of those stocking-merchants came hither to buy some ; i told them , that such severity was us'd in england , that people were mad if they did adventure . so that it 's apparent , the law was not so defective as 't is suggest'd , but the prosecution being vigorous , a stop may be made thereunto ; as another instance may be given by and by in the late reign . that upon those prosecutions , complaint was made to monsieur colbert , by the woollen-manufacturers at lille and tournay ( in french-flanders ) that a stop wa put to their gainful importation of english and irish wool ; which being by him represented here in england ; the assistance i had from king charles , in vessels at sea , and horse , as my guard at land , was recalled ( as well as my imprisonment , before-mention'd ) so i was forc'd to desist . that in the years 1676 and 1677 , the french interest continued so much to prevail , under a disguise , that when the parliament was endeavouring to pas an act to prohibit all french commodities , to prevent the growth of france ; nevertheless comes out a paper in print to invalidate all my endeavours , and in the front of which , i was somewhat exposed . the title was , reasons for a limited exportation of wool. the introduction runs thus , viz. reflecting upon the great mijery of this nation , by the cheapness of wool , and thinking of some remedy , found my design opposed by several pamphlets , under the name of w. c. and chiefty by one he calls england's interest . i have here endeavoured to winnow his handful of corn , from abundance of chaff , i repli'd ( as before hinted ) and frustrated that design at that time ; as also another design the following year , in lessening the penalties of former acts. in the year 1684 , i was again importun'd by divers eminent merchants , factors and clothiers , to proceed in that service ; and tho' those great oppostions i met with , were a sufficient discouragement , yet i proceeded , and by my care , a considerable check was given to those evils , in causing near 300 bags of wool to be seized and condemned , and much more cast over-board into the sea , and twenty freuch vessels , besides some english , to be also taken and condemn'd ; insomuch , that wool rise at that time in callice , above 30 per cent. which occasion'd a further complaint against me from the french embassador , to the late king james , who was pleas'd himself to tell me of it , and to heat my answer to that charge , as before appears . that afterwards , continuing to prosecute some of the exporters , i was assaulted in my lodgings at rumney and lidd , two several nights , one after another , and some of my men dangerously wounded ; and the day following , going to rye , was pursued by above one hundred horse-men , and was forced to leave my horses on the sea-side , where one was killed , and the rest taken , and my self and men narrowly escaping , as appears by the following affidavits abstracts of the affidavits of several persons employed to prevent the transportation of wool , &c. james webb and john edwards , being employed to prevent the transportation of wool , was on the 11th instant december , required to execute a warrant from the lord chief justice , against several exporters , living in and about rumney , and afterwards being informed , that there was design'd that night 30 packs of wool to be shipp'd off , of which they design'd to seize ; but to prevent their intentions , these deponents , with some others , were arrested with seign'd actions : that on the 12th came about twenty of the exporters with arms , being led on by john slaughter , one of the persons taken up the day before , on the said warrant , and bound over to the assizes ; upon which mr. carter sent to the mayor to disperfe those persons , and keep the peace ; which mayor being a favourer of the said exporters , refused , so we was forc'd to keep our lodging for several hours , 'till one of the jurats , and a former dealer with mr. carter had prevail'd with the mayor , to disperse the said slaughter and company , and then we went to lydd , where they were assaulted twice that evening , and some of us dangerously wounded ; and afterwards about twelve a clock that night , came to our lodging a great company , both of horse and foot , firing several shot , and threatning of us ; and had not mr. carter diswaded us from firing upon them , there had been much blood spilt that night . the next day , these deponents , with mr. carter and company , were pursued towards rye , by a great many horse-men ; and had not there been boats to take them in , we might have been destroyed . john edwards farther saith , there being two of our company left with the horses to go over the ferry , were pursued by the horse-men , which forced those men to get into a boat , and leave the horses on the beach ; one of which were killed , and the rest taken . james atkins saith , that he saw a party of horse , the 13th instant december , follow mr. carter and his assistance , intending , as he believeth , to do some mischief to them ; for that they fired at them , as they got into a boat , some of the bullets dropping by the boat-side . john syer mariner , maketh oath , that being employed in a vessel to prevent the exportation of wool , was on the 12th of this instant december , required with others , to assist in the execution of the lord chief justices's warrant against several exporters of wool , living at rumney , came that day to iadd , in order to go to rye , on board their vessel then lying at anchor there , and about hight or nine of the clock that night , at the request of mr. carter , were going towards the sea-side , to p-event the exportation of wool , intended to be then transported , and as this deponent and company were going through the street , they were set upon by several persons unknown , by whome some of us were wounded after which time a great number of men came to our lodging , firing several times at us , and also threatning of us . and the next day was pursued by a great number of horse-men arm'd ; and had not the boats belonging to several vessels taken us in , we might have been all destroyed . randal gossey maketh oath , that on the 13th instant december , there being a great body of horse on the camber near rye , the magistrates sent some persons in a boat , to discover who they were , and understood they intended some mischief to mr. william carter , and his assistance , who had taken up some persons for transportation of wool ; these horse-men following them so fast , that mr. carter's men could not get their horses over the ferry , but left them on the camber-point ; and being afterwards sent by the said mr. carter to look after the horses , went as far as lidd , where one slaughter own'd the horses to be in his custody , and would keep them for damages pretended to be done him by the said mr. carter ; and further said , that his name was slaughter , and a slaughter he should find of him ; and that others then in company of the said slaughter said , that they would secure his body , and some others his soul ; for that neither was his own . jurat coram me tresime , die decembres anno. dom. 1688. john spaine mayor these are all true copies of the original upon record , here examined by me henry darington town-clerk , and publick notary of the antient town of rye , in sussex . this deponent maketh oath , that upon the 13th day of december 1688 , he was importun'd by james hunt and other transporters of wool about rumney , to pursue mr. william carter , who suddenly after met with a great number of men , about one hundred , who went after the said mr. carter and his men towards rye ; and had they not gone into some boats , mr. carter would have received some hurt ; for many of the exporters were desperate fellows , not caring what mischief they did . william ralph . jurat coram jo moore , mayor , septemb. 1. 1690. these are to certifie , that the aforesaid affidavits are all true , being present , and an eye witness of all those transactions : for that i going along with mr. carter from london , to assist him in the execution of the lord chief justices's warrant against several persons which were taken in the fact , as they were going to export wool in the night-time ; some of whom , to free themselves , discovered others , to the number of about twenty : and whereas it was a very difficult thing to take up those persons , they generally having the countenance of their neighbourhood , the said mr. carter , having several vessels under his charge and care to look after , and prevent the said exportation , some of them riding near rye , he directed about twelve seamen to meet him at rumny , and to come in there four in a company in the night-time , to keep his design private , and the next morning placed two at each door , in the street , to prevent the escape of the offenders , and then required the constable to keep the peace in the execution of the said warrant , which was the occasion of the mayor being a favourite of the offenders , refusing to take notice of the persons that came the next day to assault mr. carter and his company , being led on by john slaughter , one of the persons bound over to the assize , who had the repute of a very dangerous and desperate man , and an old transporter ; and the night after , the exporters were bound over to the said assize , he was endeavouring to cause a mutiny amongst the seamen employed by mr. carter . the next day when we were preparing to leave rumney and go to rye , the said slaughter , with his assistance before-mentioned , in james webb and john edwards affidaved we were forc'd to stay about six hours in rumney , before we could stir out of our lodging , and then it was we escaped , by the interest mr. carter had in one of the magistrates that he had formerly deal'd with for wool ; and when we came to lidd , the same evening , being not above three miles from rumney , we met with some persons near the town , riding out , which we understood were preparing for transportation of wool that night , which afterwards proved true ; for when the time came , about eight or nine a clock , our company went out , some on horseback and some on foot , designing to go to the sea-side and endeavour to prevent them ; and as soon as we were out of our lodging , we were fired at by several persons unknown , and my self being upon mr. carter's horse ( which was well known ) was in particular shot at , but they miss'd me , the bullets coming over my head , which we saw the next day fix'd in a beam of the barn , several of our company being wounded : mr. carter diswaded us from going further at that time , because they knew our strength , but we did not know theirs ; so they had the liberty to accomplish their design that night , and at their return from their work , about twelve of the clock that night , their company then appearing by the very light that their firing made , to be a far greater company than ours ; nevertheless , if mr. carter had not then used some arguments to the seamen he had for his assistance , they would have been reveng'd for the wounds they had receiv'd the evening before , tho they had lost their lives in it ; for those exporters challeng'd us , saying , come out you dogs , the owles ( viz ) the wool-flyes . the next morning mr. carter . having sent to some of the houses of those persons he was informed were the offenders , and found their horses in the stables , and the boots lying very dirty , concluded they were in bed , so we hasted away altogether , till we came near the sea-side , and then mr. carter and james web , before-nam'd , and my self , did ride before ( leaving two horses to carry the wounded men ) that the boats might be ready to take them in belonging to the ships , and my self and one more staid with the horses to go to the ferry ; but so it fell out , that we riding by the sea-side , saw a hogshead floating , which we got upon shore , which proved to be white-wine , which was advantageous to us ; that tho' our men had broach'd it , yet their company that followed , staid to drink it up , by which means all got into boats , but my self , and he with me that had the horses , very narrowly escaping ; for we had not time to take off all the saddles and bridles , our adversaries firing at us , the bullets falling by the boat-side , whereby we were forced to leave our horses , being five , to their mercy , who killed one of them which could not leap , the rest got away , but were afterwards taken by them , and kept for some time , till the mayor of rye wrote to them about it , and so we had our horses again much hurt . afterwards mr. carter having discovered many of those rioters , indicted them at the next assizes , and the bill was found against them ; but before next assize , an act of grace past , after which time when they were discharged by the act of grace and pardon , they imprison'd several of those persons employed to prevent exportation of wool , on frivilous pretences , and detain'd them a long time before they could be remov'd by habeus corpus , one of which being my own brother , who fell sick and lame , during his abode in that countrey , and is since dead ; and others undone , and forc'd to quit this service . robert tooket . finis . the merchants remonstrance published in the time of the late warre, revived and inlarged : wherein is set forth the inevitable miseries which may suddenly befall this kingdome by want of trade and decay of manufactures : with copy of a letter to the kings majestie presented unto him at hampton court, october 30, 1647 : shewing, 1, the want of such a due regard as was fit for the preservation of trade in the time of the late warre, 2, some of the bad effects it hath since produced, 3, the offer of the authors opinion what may best bee done for remedy : also, a letter to the right honourable the two houses of parliament, to the army under the command of his excellency sir tho. fairfax, and to the rest of his majesties subjects in generall : whereunto is annexed a discourse of the excellencie of wooll, manifested by the improvement in its manufactures, and the great good thence arising before the late warre / by john battie ... battie, john. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a26836 of text r2591 in the english short title catalog (wing b1158). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 103 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a26836 wing b1158 estc r2591 13442820 ocm 13442820 99574 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26836) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99574) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 834:7) the merchants remonstrance published in the time of the late warre, revived and inlarged : wherein is set forth the inevitable miseries which may suddenly befall this kingdome by want of trade and decay of manufactures : with copy of a letter to the kings majestie presented unto him at hampton court, october 30, 1647 : shewing, 1, the want of such a due regard as was fit for the preservation of trade in the time of the late warre, 2, some of the bad effects it hath since produced, 3, the offer of the authors opinion what may best bee done for remedy : also, a letter to the right honourable the two houses of parliament, to the army under the command of his excellency sir tho. fairfax, and to the rest of his majesties subjects in generall : whereunto is annexed a discourse of the excellencie of wooll, manifested by the improvement in its manufactures, and the great good thence arising before the late warre / by john battie ... battie, john. [8], 38 p. printed by ric. cotes for william hope ..., london : 1648. "published by authority." includes "a briefe discourse of the excellency of wooll ...", "to the clothiers" and other poems. errata: p. 38. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng wool industry -england -early works to 1800. wool industry -early works to 1800. great britain -commerce -early works to 1800. a26836 r2591 (wing b1158). civilwar no the merchants remonstrance: published in the time of the late warre, revived and inlarged. wherein is set forth the inevitable miseries whic battie, john 1648 15818 26 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the merchants remonstrance : published in the time of the late warre , revived and inlarged . wherein is set forth the inevitable miseries which may suddenly befall this kingdome by want of trade and decay of manufactures . with copy of a letter to the kings majestie presented unto him at hampton court , october 30. 1647. shewing 1. the want of such a due regard as was fit for the preservation of trade in the time of the late warre . 2. some of the bad effects it hath since produced . 3. the offer of the authors opinion what may best bee done for remedy . also a letter to the right honorable the two houses of parliament : to the army under the command of his excellency sir tho. fairfax : and to the rest of his majesties subjects in generall . whereunto is annexed , a discourse of the excellencie of wooll , manifested by the improvement in its manufactures , and the great good thence arising before the late warre . by john battie of london merchant . published by authority . london printed by ric. cotes , for william hope , at the vnicorne in cōrnehill , neare the royall exchange , 1648. to the reader . reader , my profession being that of a merchant , thou must expect the language and stile in this remonstrance , answerable thereunto : let thy thoughts be upon the matter it selfe , weigh it well , for it is of such concernment to the welfare of the whole kingdome , that it must stand and fall with it . farewell . john battie . to my much esteemed friend mr. battie . sir , i perused with no lesse profit then pleasure your manuscript , wherein you discourse with so much judgement of trade ; discovering the causes of the present impairment thereof , and how it may be improved hereafter : whereby i find that a publike soule , and the affections of a good patriot dwell in you ; things , god-wot , which are rarely found now in england , such is the hard fate of the times , wherein men scrue up their braines , and stretch all their sinews to draw water to their own mills only , though to the prejudice of the common-good : but they are much out of their account , who think , that private fortunes can long subsist , if the publike begin to languish ; unlesse a care be had of ware river , middletons pipes will run but poorly , and every one will find it in his private cisterns . this tract of yours may serve for a true prospective to the english merchant to see the visible calamities that are already upon him ; as also for a larum bell to awake his slumbring spirits to a timely prevention of farre greater ; and well fare your heart for it : so i rest ▪ your faithfull friend to dispose of iames howell . to the reader . our worthy merchant shewed hath the pare of a good subject , and his countries friend : and as a knowing man , a man of art , he hath prescrib'd a way trade to amend : let us the counsell then of battie take , it may revive us all , and happy make . a dang'rous wound admits not long delay , lest it prove mortall , so may't be with trade , whilst time is offered , and when we may , let us apply the * mea'cine he hath made , or rather us advis'd , trades wounds to cure , nothing in reason so certaine , so sure . however let 's unto our merchant give due thankes and praise for this his good respect unto our trade , he showes how it may live , whilst many carelesse are , and it neglect , of such wish we had lesse , of batties store ; and so farewell , good friend , i 'le say no more . t. d. to the reader . physitian-like , battie showes the cause of a disease that 's great , 't is trades defect , then he prescribes a medicine , the knowne lawes , which might it helpe , then let 's not it neglect , the like unto 't is not under heaven , let 's pray and pray , that it may be given . and having thus prescrib'd a med'cine right on his discourse on englands gemme doth fall , whose splendour is so fulgent and so bright , that dazle well it may the eyes of all , excelling all gemmes else without dispute , let 's doe our best to keepe it in repute ▪ and to good battie we are all much bound for the discov'ry he hath for us made , till then it seemed hidden in the ground , now let 's looke to 't , the way he having laid in his small booke , which great in worth doth show , all which distressed england ought to know . f. n. to mr. battie the author . iudicious friend , thy booke i viewed have , the lines are few , the matter much i finde , and of such consequence , that it doth crave the eares of all , and all oblige and binde their best assistance to afford and give it to observe , all may the better live . and live in peace , abhorring thoughts of wars , the spoyle of * that , thou seekest to maintaine , and free the kingdome from unhappy jars , producing pounds of losse , no penny gaine ; profit and losse accompt doth tell us so , but thou advisest a gaining way to goe . thankes we thee give , thou showest still thy care of this poore kingdomes welfare and it 's good , and as before , so now thou do'st declare thy selfe for peace , an enemy to blood . at first thou sayd'st it would be traffickes bane , together with this kingdomes long wonne gaine . and now , good friend , take this for a farewell , that when pale death thy life hath ta'ne away , this thy small booke shall after ages tell thou did'it thy part to help our trades decay : good men will joyne with thee , they 'l not sit still , but ready be to stop so great an ill . r. p. to all the merchants of england . in this small booke our friend doth open lay the cause , the bad effects , and onely cure of a disease that 's bad , it 's trades decay , me thinkes you should it feele , and not endure so great an ill , but presently extend your utmost helpe and force , it to amend . for , you ( my noble friends ) may well discerne , nothing is better for this kingdomes good , but you in speciall it doth concerne , 't is your chiefest welfare , your livelyhood ▪ if you be forc'd from traffick to desist , how then will you be able to subsist ? and of our merchant have a good esteeme , he it deserves , for he his part hath done , this kingdomes trade and commerce to redeeme from losse , and keepe the gaine it hath long wonne : and so ( my merchants ) i bid you all adieu , wishing good may of this advice ensue . g. t. to the reader . this i le post over , and you shall surely see that which our nation wants , it's excellency commerce , its welfare is the kingdomes gaine . see battie cares for all from king to swaine , he shall admired be in after times , he proves our fleece above great philips mines . and when our nation shall with peace be blest , the king and people live with joy and rest , a due remembrance let of him be made , he did his utmost to preserve our trade . he loves his king , the lawes , concord ▪ and peace , knowing they are the meanes of trades increase . when from these principles you start aside ; let plunder , famine and sicknesse you beside . let battie sleepe secure , and take his rest , this his ships freight will make our nation blest ▪ if we accept thereof , and his advice then batties golden fleece shall be our rise . a : k to mr. battie the author . my worthy friend , if that our eyes had been as thine so cleare , ours had as thine foreseene the bad and sad products of civill warres , on all sides ruine , and ungodly jarres ; which moved thee much to dislike the same , when others , not foreseeing , did thee blame . and if for thy dislike , they 'l blame thee still , amongst the worst of men i them hold will . and for thy care of trade , we thee thanks give , thou hast by this small booke show'd how 't may live : if of thy counsell now no use we make , it may hereafter fruitlesse prove to take . a med'cine timely us'd may take effect , but perish may the body through neglect . good friend , however , thou hast done thy part , and therein shewed a true english heart . w. g. to the reader . all over aske , and you may quickly heare of sad complaints , and men possess'd with feare , if these distempers hold , that trade must cease which more and more they find much to decrease : and know if trade from them be ta'ne away , goods of fortune must perish and decay , as honour , wealth and strength by sea and land , by trade they are kept up , by trade they stand : battie a way hath laid all to maintaine , knowing by losse they 'l die , and live by gaine . o looke upon his med'cine , the knowne lawes , th'effect it cure will , and remove the cause of englands discords , and it 's trades defect , and what not else ? then let 's not it neglect , and to our worthy friend give thankes and praise , he doth his best our dying trade to raise . m. f. the merchants remonstrance . trade is the life of a state , manufactures are the sinews of trade , and money is the soule of both . there is such a necessary connexion and dependency betweens them , that the one cannot subsist without the other ; the last doth animate the second , and the second supports the first , and the first gives motion and quickning to the other two . now of all sorts of trade , trafficke hath been alwayes esteemed the most noble , because the most hazardous ; and trafficke is most proper and usefull to islands , whose security and power depends principally upon shipping , and navall strength . amongst islands , this of great britaine hath been from all times held the most rich , and renowned , as well for the fertility of the soyle , and temperature of the ayre ; as for the substantiall and necessary native commodities it affords in such plenty to advance trade , and oblige all other nations . now there is no greater enemy to trade than war , be it in what countrey it will ; our neighbours the hollanders excepted , who by so long a habit of war seems to make a trade of it ; they are the onely men who by the advantage of their scituation can fish best in troubled waters ; witnesse the tumults of germany , and these of england and ireland . yet forraigne war is not so great a disturber of trade , nor halfe so destructive , as intestine ; for as the fire that 's kindled within doores , and in the bed-straw , as it were , rageth more violently : so civill war ruines trade faster then any other , and makes poverty and desolation post in one after the other , wheresoever it is kindled . now the drift of this small remonstrance is , to shew the great misery that may suddenly befall this kingdome through want of trade , and the evill effects it may produce . first , for that the chiefest way of enriching a kingdome , is the expence of its native or home commodities ( that can well be spared ) in forraigne parts ; if it faile , the manufacture must cease , by which meanes many thousands of poore families , which have no other maintenance but by their daily labour , or by what each dayes worke will afford them , will be suddenly exposed to beggery . secondly , divers workmen or artificers , through want of imployment here , will doubtlesse goe into other countries , and exercise their trade , whereby it may come to the knowledge and practise of strangers , as i feare is already : being at the penning hereof informed , that in zeland there are loomes set up for perpetuano's , and other stuffes : and that in other places they are not idle setting up daily loomes for cloth , &c. it will perhaps be objected , that if our wooll ( which is the chiefe materiall ) be wanting , they will faile of the exercise of their trade in forraigne parts : i answer , that such wools may be had elsewhere , as will serve their turne , by the due mixture of such sorts as will fit and agree best together . witnesse , the store of course cloth made in high germany , where about 20000. english clothes , narrow lists ( commonly called by the merchant adventurers , franckfort sorts ) each cloth containing 28. yards in length , were yearely spent , and since not above 2000. vented of the said sorts ; the cause whereof , was that unhappy project of dying and dressing of cloth by sir william cockaine and others : which so much incensed the germanes ( for if it had taken effect , many families of clothworkers and dyers would have been destroyed ) that they used their utmost endeavours to practise the making of the said sorts of clothes ; which had such successe , that in a very short time the expence of those sorts of english clothes , was brought downe from so great , to so small a number . that project found the like or worse entertainment in holland , and other parts of the low countries , where , before that time , many thousands of finer sorts of english clothes were more vented then now are ; so that it was observed , that whereas before the said project was put in practise , there were about eighty thousand english clothes of all sorts per annum , exported by the old company of merchant adventurers , that in the new companies time and since , not much above thirty thousand : whence this inference may be easily drawne , that innovations in a state or common-wealth are alwayes dangerous , and sometimes destructive . before the late war between us and spaine , there were sent hence thither great store of knit stockings ; but the importation of all english commodities into that kings dominions being prohibited , his subjects put in practise the making of stockings , and in those quantities , and at such easie rates , that since wee have had peace with that king , it hath been free for english merchants to import those of the manufacture of our countrey ; yet very few are sent , for that they cannot bee afforded at such low rates as those made there . that people did then also practise the making of bayes , which t is probable , had taken such effect , that if the warre had continued betweene the two kings somewhat longer , the vent of english had been there quite lost . as it was with the vent of our broad cloth in the time of queene elizabeth of famous memory , with the which manufacture , our merchants drove a great trade in the dominions of spaine , not any in those times , nor before , being there made . and among the merchants in her majesties time , were sir thomas gresham , her majesties cape or chiefe merchant , and sir john spencer an alderman of london , both of no little note : the former , famous for the building of the royall exchange ( so named by her majestie ) at his owne charge , which cost with the purchase of the ground , as i have heard , 36000. l. or thereabout , a great deale of money , specially in those times . the latter much taken notice of in regard of his great estate , which was thought to be 300000 l. or rather more , both which got a great part of their respective estates , especially the former , by their trade in english cloth in the parts of spaine before said : but upon the breaking out into a warre with that king ( some great reason of state doubtlesse urging ) he not onely prohibits all commerce or trade with england , but likewise the importing of all english commodities by all others in amity with him , by which meanes his subjects comming to want their usuall supplies of our cloth fell into making of cloth themselves procuring some workefolke from abroad , and is since so much increased , that store hath been and is still sent into the parts of italy and elsewhere , so that we came wholly to lose the vent of that manufacture not onely in those parts , but also in others , which make use of the cloth of spaine , otherwise ours , t is like , might have found vent in the said parts . hence it followeth , that warre with forraigne states is destructive to our manufactures . the totall losse then of our broad cloth in spaines dominions , and the great decay of the said manufacture caused by the aforesaid project of sir william cockaine , gave it such an incurable wound , asit could never since bee healed , nor like , having contracted such a malignant humour in the body of the manufacture of our old drapery , that it corrodeth daily more and more like unto an exulcerated cancer , or canker , never ceasing untill it hath pearced the vitall parts . and so is it like to bee with the manufacture of our new drapery , viz. bayes , kersies ▪ perpetuano's , sayes , stockings , &c. which came to a great height in the time of king james and of our gracious king charles till of late , giving such a life to trade , that it seemed not to be very sensible of the decayed condition of our old drapery , but likewise it , viz. our said new drapery is already fallen into a very consumptive disease , causing it to languish and waste much , and unlesse some good meanes bee forthwith used to restore both old and new to some measure of strength againe , they will daily grow more and more infirme , till at last for recovery leave or forsake this our english aire and goe into forraigne , specially where they first received breath , which was chiefly flanders ; for till king edward the thirds time wee had little or no broad cloth made here in england , but shipt out our wooll for the parts of flanders before said , which in those times was to be had very cheape . and the king foreseeing the great good the making of cloth would bee unto this kingdome , attempted to put it in practise , and to that end he procured sundry workemen from abroad , endowed them with sundry priviledges and immunities , and put them upon making of cloth , which in processe of time tooke such effect , that partly by reason of the want of our wooll , and partly in regard of the goodnesse and cheapnesse of the said cloth , flanders came almost to lose that manufacture , but upon this innovation or change , flanders prohibited the importation of all english cloth , so that our clothiers ( who had store on their hands ) could not vent them : the king buyes the cloth and burnes it , lest the clothiers should have been inforced for want of imployment to give over the making , supposing it seemes that the people of flanders would be inforced at last in some measure to make use of those made here . the premisses considered the preservation of our manufactury , me thinks should bee as thornes or goads unto out sides , to put us in minde that in all respects wee ought to have such an especiall care thereof as not to attempt any thing which may in the least expose our manufactures to the hazard of losse , no losse almost that can befall this kingdome being comparable unto it . but admit that forraigne nations , notwithstanding what hath been said , will in some measure have need of some of our woollen manufactures ▪ wee shall not bee able to furnish them therewith , the chiefe materiall wooll being wanting ; which want must follow when our sheep are destoyed ; and with them , all other kinde of cattell , if this most unnaturall war continue but a short time . the hollanders are an industrious and diligent people , and watch all opportunities to ingrosse all the trade they can into their owne hands , they have certainly a vigilant eye over our actions , that lethargie which hath seized on us , will make them the more watchfull ; they will make no little use of our distractions ; they will be ready to take hold of what wee let loose , and with great eagernesse pursue what wee let goe ; wee shall not so soone be out , as they will be in . lastly , if the trafficke of this kingdome be once lost , what will then become of it ? what will then be preserved ? our ships , the wals of this land will rot , and moulder away . our wealth and estates will be consumed , and no meanes left for recovery . tenants will bee disabled from paying their landlords , and they , viz. the landlords , for want of supplyes of moneys by their usuall rents , will not be able to furnish themselves , & families with commodities needfull , vented by men of sundry trades , viz. woollen and linnen drapers . mercers . grocers . silkmen . habberdashers . vintners , &c. together with most sorts of handicraftsmen , or artificers . part of the commodities wherein they deale , being native , or of our owne conntrey , both for the materials and manufacture , and part brought into this kingdome from forraigne countries . now those sorts of trades-men failing of the vent of their commodities , the trade of merchants into other kingdomes must cease , there will be no need of them , thence will follow the decay of ships , mariners , and sundry sorts of artificers , labourers , and many others that have their dependency upon them . this mischiefe will not be altogether confined and bounded within our owne land , it will extend it selfe ( like an epidemicall disease ) into all or most other kingdomes where we have trade : for , if wee take not off the commodities of those countries in exchange of ours ▪ they must suffer , and that not a little by it , and for remedy partly , for want of their accustomed imployment , and vent of their said commodities ; and partly , by reason of the want of ours , bee inforced to seeke out , and learne others trades , and very likely pitch or fall upon the making of such as are here made : for , as in the body naturall , there is such a sympathy and connection of the parts , that if any of them bee distempered , the rest both a sense thereof : so it may bee said of the body of trade , one part bath such a dependency upon another , that if any one faile in any remarkable manner , the rest will in time suffer thereby . the merchants strangers , both here and abroad , in regard of these troubles , have withdrawne most part of their estates hence , and will have shortly little in this kingdome : we shall have no little want and misse of their monies , which wee receive of them here , partly by exchange from forraigne parts , made over , or remitted by our factors , in returne of such commodities as wee usually send hence to our said factors ; and partly , by the taking up of their monies here by exchange , to bee repayed by our factors abroad ; which monies are commonly imployed in the commodities of this kingdome , which hath been no little furtherance to the more abundant vent of our manufactures , and hath been otherwise a great helpe to our merchants , specially to some of the younger sort , who had small stocks wherewith to begin their trade ; the want whereof , i meane of the strangers money , must cause a great decay of trade ; and if once gone , as is almost , though a present peace should follow , it will not bee so easily brought back ; they will in the interim finde or use other wayes and meane for imployment of the same . by losse of trade all sorts of people will faile of imployment in all parts , and so wanting meanes to maintaine themselves and families , be driven into such straights ( for necessitas turpia coget ) that they will lay hold on of what is next for their support ; neither lawes divine , norhumane , will bee able to restraine them , a generall confusion of , and in all things will follow . this nation will become contemptible , and a scorne to all others , and be subject to be invaded and made a prey of by forraigne people . having thus briefly given a touch of the miserable effects the want of trade may produce , which want ( as beforesaid ) must follow , if these sad distempers continue : i humbly leave the prevention to the trustees of the kingdome , whose hearts i beseech god may be forthwith moved to take a matter of so great concernment into their serious consideration , not forgetting how easie a thing it is , principiis obstare . and that as war in generall , so intestine war is one of the greatest scourges of god almighty , and a visible argument of his displeasure , and vengeance upon a people . to the kings most excellent majestie . most gracious soveraigne , as mens mindes for the most part are chiefly busied or fixed on those things which concerne their vocations , so mine . and as mine is that of a merchant , so had many thoughts of the great decay of trade , ( which a civill war would undoubtedly produce ) and the irrecoverable losse would thereupon ensue , which moved mee neere upon three yeares past to commit to writing what was offered unto me touching the same , wherewith acquainting some friends , they importuned me not a little to publish it in print , which was accordingly done , intituling it , the merchants remonstrance ; one of the copies whereof i make bold with this to present unto your majestie , with my humble desires you would bee pleased , when you shall thinke fit ( your other great affaires permitting ) to afford it the perusall , or there of to cause a view to be taken , hoping it may prove of good use unto your majestie , and what i more say touching that subject , viz. matter of commerce or trade , which is of no little concernment unto your majestie , and the whole kingdome ; yea , it is such , that no earthly good almost is or can be for or in a kingdome greater then a flourishing trade ; all sorts of people from the greatest to the meanest are better'd by it , where it is wanting or in a sparing manner , the people become beggerly and contemptible both at home and abroad , it ought therefore to bee all mens endeavours to advance , cherish and preserve it . but not long to detaine your majestie , it will not be amisse to acquiant you with the motives inducing me to take the boldnesse to trouble you with these lines . and that is , first , to shew there was not that due regard had as was fit to the preservation of trade in the time of this late war , other great affaires of the kingdome ( it seemes ) not permitting . secondly , to give a touch of some of the bad effects it hath since produced . thirdly , to offer my opinion , what may best bee done for remedy . that a due regard was wanting , the destruction of sheepe , and the exportation of wooll ( the chiefe materiall of this kingdomes manufacture ) make it plainely appeare . the bad effects . divers artificers or workmen for want of imployment in this kingdome embarked themselves for holland , where setting up loomes for broad cloathes , perpetuano's and other stuffes , wanted not masters to set them on work , and are made in such quantities , specially perpetuano's , that store is sent thence into sundry parts ; besides store made , it seemes , elsewhere : here being letters lately from legorne , which tell us , that our perpetuano's in respect of their dearenesse and badnesse of making finde bad vent , the italian merchants preferring those before them that are made in narbon in france , and allicant and majork in the king of spaines dominions . and for our broad cloth , our merchants , traders to hamburg and rotterdam have not found such bad vent as of late ; and to make it the worse , the dearenesse here of wooll may be a cause , for that they cannot be afforded at such low rates as usually have been , that sort of wooll , which before the war might have beene bought at or after the rate of 9 d. and 10 d. is now worth 16 and 17 d. per pound . that commodities may have the better vent or expence , two things are chiefly necessary : first , the goodnesse , secondly , the cheapnesse : both which properties having beene heretofore found in english cloth caused it to be so much desired in forraigne parts , that the people of those parts minded little the making of any other in any considerable quantity , untill that unhappy project of sir william cockain and others , ( as is in the remonstrance set forth fol. 3. ) and in the time of this late war ( for the reason before said ) much increased , and that not a little , by what i heare , viz. that some broad clothes made in holland have been imported , and passed as returned cloathes for faults , as oftentimes it happeneth cloathes are for defects not discovered before the sale there , which found , the buyer returns them back to the seller , and the seller or factor sends them over againe , to the end that satisfaction may bee had from the clothier , of whom they were here bought . i cannot blame the officer ( whose charge it was or is to take notice of such returne ) in not making a better search , for how could it enter into his breast that clothes made in a forraigne part should be brought over as merchandize into this kingdome ? he might thinke it according to our english proverbe , like the sending of coles to new-castle : i give the more credit unto it , being informed that the dearenesse of wooll here , and consequently of cloth , gave encouragement to some merchant or merchants to buy in holland some english wooll formerly shipt thither , and reship it for these parts , making entery or passing it in the customebouse , before the landing , for spanish or some other sort of wooll . another of the bad effects , and that no small one , is the great decay or consumption of the coyne of the kingdome , and that may bee made appeare sundry wayes , i 'le onely mention two , viz. the exportation or carrying of it out , and want of importation for supply . and first for exportation . the scots have not drawne a little from us by severall wayes , and some hath been sent into ireland : and then some merchants , chiefly in respect of the falling or lownesse of the exchange caused by the decay of trade ( the like not knowne in many yeares ) have exported , it seemes , great store of gold , much having been exchanged for silver from 2 d. to 8 d. per pound , and more ( as have been told ) by the which they have raised good profit , which i could make to appeare , if it were not to give encouragement to some men ( that are too greedy after their owne private gaine , not caring in the least how much the kingdome in generall may suffer by it ) to practise the like . and as our gold coyne , so our silver it seemes , hath by such like men been in no little measure transported into the parts beyond sea , being informed there have been severall summes from 100 l. and under to 500 l. sterling of late knowne paid in holland at a payment . and so much briefly for exportation . secondly , the defect or want of supply by importation , and they are chiefly likewise two . the first is want of the frequent returne in forraigne coyne , and sometime in bullion by divers merchants ; for part proceed of our manufactures exported in regard of the then highnesse of the exchange , which highnesse was principally caused by the amplenesse or largenesse of trade . secondly , the want of the king of spaine or his contractors , coyne and bullion , which was sent from spaine by our ships into the downes , and after , a good part was brought up hither to london , and coyned , and the product partly remitted hence by bills of exchange for antwerp , and partly charged thence upon their factors here , so that the said coyne and bullion becomming english , remained among us : whence , first did arise an improvement of our kings revenew by the minting or coynage : secondly , a great addition to the coyne of the kingdome ; thirdly , a benefit to merchants in matter of exchange ; fourthly , a profit to owners of ships ; and fiftly and lastly , a great helpe or furtherance to the generall trade of the kingdome : but the case being now altered , the mint , as at present , so is like for the future to have little to doe ; our houshold plate is melted , coyned , and the money wasted : the merchants bring in none , for the reason before mentioned ; spaines contractors dare not send any , for feare of a bad issue of these divisions , and the armies souldiers guarding of the tower , adde unto theirs and other mens feares . and to manifest the feare of the said contractors sending any hither , i am certainly informed that the value of sixty thousand pounds was lately sent by an english ship , named the angell , from spaine for amsterdam , whence it may be easily conveyed in specie , or kind , or made over by exchange for flanders . spaine we heare , and the estates of the united provinces are agreed , 't is confidently beleeved they are , not any hostile act having of late been offered between them showes it to be so : the agreement for some reason of estate not yet published : the hollanders , &c. forbeare therefore yet openly to trade into the dominions of that king , but so soone as they safely may , 't is very probable their ships will bee the conveyers of spaines coyne for the parts of flanders ; and if once a conveyance be practised that way , though these unhappy differences bee amongst us reconciled , not any use to that purpose will be made of our ships , and that is likely so to be , for i heare from a friend at the penning of this ( who came lately out of zeland ) that some of spaines money was landed at middleburg brought from spaine by a ship as hee supposed , of that place . and now againe as this was ready for the presse , we have certaine notice of great store of bullion and coyne come from spaine to amsterdam sent thither by a ship or ships of hamburg , whence it may easily be , as before said , sent to flanders , &c. and now having done with another of the bad effects , partly caused by the decay of trade , not holding it fit to trouble your majesty with more , i come to the remedy or medicine , wherein i 'le be very briefe , consisting of no more then onely one ingredient , but is so soveraigne and of such efficacy and virtue , that it will give some present ease to the malady , which done , some other good helpes may bee afterward made use of to give it more , to the restoring it to some measure of strength , but not the least expectation of bringing it to its former vigour , in regard the evill hath not onely taken deepe roote , but is already growne to a great height . and in this the physitian may be a good patterne for us , who meeting with an incurable disease ( as some diseases are in their owne nature ) is able by art to make it the more easie to be borne , or when hee findes his patient by reason of much paine to take no rest , and that much danger threatens , seemeth to neglect the cause of the disease , and insists on that which more urgeth ( which is the giving of him ease ) lest the disease grow on stronger , or other symptomes forthwith follow more grievous then the disease : even so it might be best for us to doe that which most urgeth , that is the speedy endeavouring to save the remnant of our trade , lest worse symptomes by our remisnesse and delayes , then have yet , befall . wee have letters lately from forraigne parts , that say , there is a peace concluded or great hopes thereof in germany , it must , however , at last so be , it behoves us therefore in the interim to be the more carefull of preserving our manufactures , for the people in divers places in the empire having made a notable progresse in making the like , it may be much teared , they may so proceed after a peace is setled , that wee may come totally to lose the vent of all the species or kinds of our said manufactures , as we did the vent of our broad cloth in spaine in the time of queene elizabeth of famous memory , never to be recovered . but to the soveraigne remedy or medicine before mentioned ; it is the speedy settlement ( as i humbly conceive ) of the so much unsetled estate of this kingdome according to the knowne lawes : it is not the abatement of tunnage and poundage , as the case now stands with us , will much conduce to the saving or inlarging of trade , or to the better vent of our manufactures , it may rather prove of bad consequence , for if wee make an abatement , forraigne princes and states , which now make little account or esteeme of us : witnesse the emperour of muscovia , who hath taken all our merchants priviledges from them , which may prove the undoing of all our trade in his territories . as also the gran signior by his so much adhering to the strange suggestions of sir sackvile crow against our levant merchants , which had like to have been the losse of all the estates they had in his dominions , which to save , cost no small summe of money , and yet not knowne what the issue may be , notwithstanding what your majestie hath since done in their behalfe , viz. by sending or dispatching hence of another ambassadour , and your effectual writing unto the gran signior touching that businesse , it shewes however , how sensible your majestie is and was of their great and unjust sufferings : but as have said , if wee make an abatement of duties upon goods , they in forraigne states may make an inhaunsment , now that they are fallen into the making of such manufactures as are here made , the better to advance and put forward the making of their owne , and for other advantages they may make unto themselves thereby . this remedy o●medicine may make the disease worse , but timely application of the other will doubt esse make it better and more easie , ( as have said ) to be borne , for then will your majesties subjects of all degrees , and in all parts be encouraged to go on with confidence in the usuall wayes of their severall professions and callings , improving that little which they have yet left , which otherwise will inevitably at last be consumed , and the trade of the kingdome almost lost , specially in forraigne parts , which being chiefly in woollen manufactures , must cease , if the materiall be wanting , which want must follow , if that small remainer of sheep be consumed , and such a consumption will ensue , together with the workmasters of the said manufactures , some of them through want of meanes to subsist with by their usuall labour , here in their native countrey , will doubtlesse as divers already , as before said , goe and seeks it in forraigne parts , and others staying at home take other bad courses for their support , as is in the remonstrance set forth , if these distractions still continue . thus have i as briefly as i could made bold to make knowne unto your majesty ( according to my weake ability ) the most materiall of what hath been offered unto me touching this subject , humbly desiring your majesty would be pleased to make such a favorable construction thereof , as he undoubtedly doth of your earnest and longing desire of a speedy composure of these unhappy differences and the welfare of your majesties subjects . that is your majesties most humble and loyall subject john battie . to the right honorable the tvvo houses of parliament . to the army under the command of his excellency sir thomas fairfax : and to the rest of his majesties subjects in generall . it is the part of every true lover of his countrey , specially in a time of publick sufferings , to employ his utmost endeavour for the generall good , and not to have the least thought on particular or private ends ; then will he have his thoughts much busied about the state and condition of it , which , if finds good , will bee ready , in as much as in him lyeth , so to keepe it ; if bad , seeke an amendment , and if danger threaten , indeavour the prevention . now wee being still in a way of losing our golden fleece , the onely life , as it were , of our manufactures , and consequently of all the considerable part of the trade of the kingdome : it behoves us all to recollect and call up all the wisdome and knowledge wee have , and imploy the same to the prevention of so great , so irreparable a losse . to which end or purpose i have taken the boldnesse to addresse my selfe unto his majestie the head of our body politique , as in the first place i was and am in duty bound ; shewing the cause , some of the bad effects , and remedy of the melady , of the which find his majestie very sensible ( o that wee his subjects were the like ) as also very ready to doe whatsoever in reason may be expected from a gracious king . and now i addresse my selfe unto you all , being members of the same body politique , and the matter of equall concernment to both king and people , humbly desiring , that as his majesty on his part , so you would on yours be sensible of the sufferings of trade , and as he , so you would also be ready to joyne together in a way of timely prevention of such further mischiefs , as by decay of our manufactures , may befall it , that your children and all future ages which shall succeed , may not have the least cause of complaint against you for any remisnesse or neglect of or in a worke of such high concernment to the commonwealth . which if , they will be ready to say , what a kind of men were our forefathers ? the king was willing and ready , but they not , and so blame them for the non-discharging of their duty to their countrey , condemne them for their great ingratitude both to king and kingdome , and lastly cry out , o that wee never had had our being from such ancestors ! i need not in this place trouble you with repetition of any particulars mentioned in the letter to his majestie , but referre you to the same , of the which it is my earnest desire you will 〈◊〉 take a view , as likewise of the ensuing discourse of the excellency of our wooll in the improvement by or in our manufactures . of all which , and of what is here said , that a benigne construction may bee made , it is the humble desire of him that is a true lover of all good men , and a hearty welwisher of the welfare of this poore distressed kingdome ; and to that end hee heartily prayeth for the removall of all feares and jealousies , a totall forgetfulnesse of all errours and mis-understandings on all sides , an unfained reconciliation of all differences between king and people , as also between subject and subject , and a speedy setling of a firme and lasting peace ; which ought , or rather is and still will be the prayer of all good men , as it is againe and againe of him , that is his majesties humble and loyall subject , and the kingdomes cordiall servant , john battie . i crave leave to make this addition occasioned by the kings late message to the two honorable houses of parliament . having this lying by me ready for the presse came his majesties gracious message from the isle of wight , dated novembr. 16. of the which all impartiall and unbiased men take speciall notice , still declaring his earnest and longing desire of a speedy settlement of these unhappy differences , well knowing that the continuance will on all sides be destructive to the well being of this kingdome , especially unto trade . 't is not very improbable , notwithstanding his deepe insight in ma●ters of estate , which are so obscure and intricate , that 't is impossible for the wisest states-man on earth of himselfe , yea i may say hundreds of states-men joyned together , to foresee and know all the mischiefes which occurre and happen in an estate or may befall it , without the helpe and information of others , but more especially of or from such men , that have either a present sense thereof in their owne particular , or in regard of their negotiations at home or abroad in forraigne parts : besides his majestie neither hath been , nor is in such a capacitie or condition as formerly , to receive such intelligence as was or is fit for the prevention of such evills as may befall an estate . 't is not ( i say ) improbable but that small information , which his majestie had from mee by my weak● pen ( without vaineglory bee it said ) shewing not onely the great sufferings of this kingdomes trade by the present decay of our woollen manufactures , but also the danger of losing hereafter the totall vent of all or most of them in forraigne parts , might bee some motive unto him so speedily to send unto the two houses of parliament so gracious a message , though his majestie , indeed needs not the least quickning to the effecting of any thing which he conceives may conduce to the welfare of his subjects ; but whether or no that which was made knowne unto him by me was any motive unto him ; his majestie being , as have said , very ready to afford his assistance to the good of trade , and to the rectifying of what else is amisse , mee thinkes you should ( the sad condition not onely of trade , but all things else considered ) forthwith joyne with him . and i beleeve that you of the two honorable houses of parliament , as also divers of you of the army , with many more of his majesties subjects , are very inclinable so to doe , but that some feare of future safety ( as i conceive ) of the which is neare and deare unto you , possesseth you in regard of the bad effects , farre beyond your expectation or the least of your thoughts , which the wayes you have taken to rectifie , what before this parliament was amisse , have produced . but admit you should run some hazard of losse , the ancient-romans may be a good president for you to follow , their histories tell us , they wa●●ed all private interest for the publique good , not any thing was so neare and deare unto them , so great was their respect and love unto their countrey , having stillin their thoughts , non nobis na●i sumus . but be assured you have no just cause of any such feare , as you may fancy unto your selves , 't is true indeed the disaffections of many men one unto another are very great , in regard of their manifold sufferings by adhering to this or that side , but not the least doubt , but that his majestie would first on his part be unfaignedly reconciled with you , he hath often declared it , and then would be so forward and carefull as could be desired to reunite the so much disunited affections of his subjects , and no doubt but would take effect : all men ( except such as have their subsistence by divisions ) greedily thirsting after a quiet settlement of these unhappy differences , and that an inviolable peace may follow , so hatefull now unto them are differences and dissentions , whence their sufferings have been so great ; and right well know , that the continuance would make them at last so insufferable , that they should be enforced into a desperate condition , and not care in the end how or in what manner they might free themselves . but i have done , onely desire i may first have leave to adde that which followes , though perhaps it may at first sight bee thought by some impertinent to trade , yet if well weighed , it may be judged otherwise , hope however it will not give offence . and that is in point of this kingdomes honour in the person of the king , which by the lawes of god and man we are all bound to maintaine . if the king ( the life as it were or fountaine of honour ) lose his due respect , disrespect on all sides will follow , viz. to the nobilitie , gentry , magistrates , and to all men in authoritie , and command , even to masters of private families , and commanders or masters of ships , it is already too too apparent , wee have the sad experience of it not onely at home but also abroad in forraigne parts . secondly , if honour be taken from the king , it 's taken from his hopefull progeny , the like kingly issue not knowne at this day on earth , so that the blood royall of england in times past so famous and so highly esteemed both at home and abroad , will come to lose its respect , and at last become so contemptible , that not any prince of worth will match with us , but if by us kept up and maintained in its ancient repute and esteeme , the greatest prince or princes in christendome will bee ready to match with us , which may prove many wayes very advantagious to the crowne of england . hereunto is annexed a discourse of the improvement of wooll in our manufactures , which may well deserve the notice of all his majesties subjects in generall . a briefe discourse of the excellency of wooll manifested by the improvement in its manufactures , and the great good unto the kingdome thence arising before the late war . that if i should say our wooll was so rich a jewell before the late war , being as it were the basis or foundation upon which the frame of englands trade did stand : and that it exceeds in worth the spanish silver mines in west india , and that spaine might farre better want those mines , then england could wooll , i should not say amisse ; for that spaine without the silver issuing from the said mines would be able to draw trade unto it from forraigne parts , in respect of the native fruits or commodities it affords , which england , if wool be wanting , could not in any considerable measure doe . it is not its lead , tin , and coales would doe it : these three would beget very little trade , and consequently little employment . and that it is such a jewell , as i say , or of so much worth unto this kingdome , may bee demonstrated , partly by the imployment of people in and about the manufactures : and partly by the improvement by or in its manufactures . and first for employment . the spanish west india mines were not in a manner comparable unto i● by many degrees , it may bee rather said , there could be no reasonable comparison between them , for admit that in the mines are or were fiftie thousand men employed : they are of the meanest sort of mankind , most of them negro's brought as merchandize out of the parts of africa into india , heathens , unlesse since their comming thither converted to christianity : poore contemptible slaves , subject to the arbitrary power and wil of a harsh master , inforced and kept out of their native countrey , and no hope of return , bereaved of all the comforts of life , unlesse such as are in a manner common with brute beasts . thus much for the number and condition of most of the people in that imployment . and now for the employment in or about our manufactures ; and first to make an estimate of the number of our people that were employed about our said manufactures , as some in preparing or fitting the wooll for the kembers or carding of it , others in kembing , others in spinning , and some in knitting , weaving , tucking , carrying , &c. me thinkes the number could not be so few or so little as a million throughout the whole kingdome and dominion of wales : the which to make more probable , there were many clothiers , each one giving employment to 500. persons , and others gave more : as for or to the condition of the people i need not say much , it is sufficiently knowne unto us , they live amongst us : they were of both sexes , men and women , and of all ages , from childhood to decrepit old age capable of worke , the greatest part of the poorer sort , yet lived comfortably by their labour . i might adde unto this employment of the poorer sort , another arising or proceeding from our manufactures , & that was by sundry materialls imported in returne of the proceed of the said manufactures exported , by meanes whereof many thousands of other sorts of poore people in this kingdome were daily likewise set on worke , and got thereby their livelihood , but what hath been already said may sufficice to shew the excellency of our golden fleece touching matter of imployment and that about our manufactures , as more properly and more directly arising from wooll it selfe in its owne nature . secondly , for the improvement of wooll , it may briefely bee made to appeare by foure of our manufactures ; for what may be said of them , may of the rest ; and these transported white , as they are bought of the clothier , not medling with dying and dressing , though both these adde unto the improvement , viz. a saye sent to naples . a perpetuano ell broad to dantzigk . a colchester double bay , commonly called a hundred bay , sent to spaine . a broad long cloth sent to hamburg . but before i come to shew the improvement of it in or by the said particulars , i thinke not amisse first to goe on with what i have more to say touching our manufactures thence arising , and concerning the aforesaid mines , as in relation th'one to the other in regard of their excellency in matter of trade and otherwise , and hope to show so much worth in our woollen manufactures , that with the imployment it affordeth as aforesaid , may bee very fitly compared not onely to the silver proceeding from the said mines , but also unto spaines whole west india trade , or rather to exceed it : and the better to make good what i say , it will not bee much impertinent to this discourse , to shew what silver is , though knowne to most men . it is no other thing then a minerall digged out of the bowels of the earth , as lead and tin , exceeding all other metalls ( except gold ) in purenesse and finenesse ; and thus much briefly of the nature of it . now in regard of its purenesse or finenesse ( as before said ) it gained such credit at first in most parts of the world , where trade was , that the people were then willing to receive it , as since , and still men are , in exchange of any or all other commodities : so that it cannot bee accounted any thing else then a species or kind of merchandize , but the chiefest indeed and most generall of all , gold excepted , drawing all things necessary for mans use unto it , where it was known , and was and is fit it should so be , partly in respect of its portablenesse or carriage when divided by the coynage into small parts or parcells , that men might have it ready , as well for small as great disbursments or payments for such things as they should have need of to exchange it for , and partly when in a time of scarsitie or want of a commoditie in one countrey , and that that countrey had not any other to exchange for what was wanting but silver or money made thereof . as for other uses of silver , as plate for the table , &c. needlesse to say any thing : and thus much for the use of silver or money made of it . and now i come to th'other most generall species of merchandize , viz. our late woollen manufactures , and that in this place as b●iefly as may bee , for that i shall inlarge my selfe when i come to the improvement . it might well indeed have beene accounted and termed the second generall and chiefe species of merchandize in the whole vniverse in the time of king james and of this our most gracious soveraign king charles till of late yeares . our woollen manufactures , having those times gained such credit , and so desired in all forraign parts , where we traded , that wee could not want any thing in exchange of them , returning home all other sorts of merchandize of the growth and manufactures of forraigne parts here in use , and was the cause of the imployment of more ships here in one yeare , then spaines whole trade to and in india in ten . a considerable quantity of our said manufactures were yeerely sent from spaine by the spaniards to india , which being there sold or exchanged for silver and other india commodities , the said silver & commodities were sent in returne of or for them : the truth is that our manufactures gave such a quickning and life to that trade , that without them it was very dull and languished not a little and notwithstanding the great quantities of our said manufactures , which were exported into forraigne parts , yet wee were alwayes well furnished with the like at home for our own use , so that those exported were superfluous and could well be spared : spaine could not say , it was so with the silver it hath or had yeerely home out of india , for before the yeere came about , little was left even in their best and richest cities . as for the countrey , a man might travell to many villages and meet not with a peece of 8 ryalls , which is the value of 4 s. 4 d. sterling , or our money , but of copper coyne , indeed , there 's good store , and that must serve in stead of silver and gold . now to make any reasonable estimate of the value or what summe of money the manufactures of this kingdome might or did yearely amount unto , not onely of those sent abroad , but also of those spent at home , is not possible , but that it was to a very great value not the least doubt , the great trade driven therwith within this kingdome and dominion of wales for their owne use , and the great quantities exported into forraigne parts , giving hundreds of ships imployment to and againe , bore sufficient testimony : so that it may be thought , they equalled the value , if not exceeded all the silver , gold , and all other commodities imported out of india into spaine in one yeare , which might be estimated to import the value of 4 or 5 millions of pounds of our english money , by the which may be gathered in how great measure his majesties subjects in generall in one kind or other were benefitted by the trade arising from the said manufactures . to the which may be added the great benefit other kingdomes and states had thereby ▪ partly in matter of duties paid unto them upon or by the same , as also upon such commodities as wee had from them in returne of the proceed , amongst which , chiefly spaine , for the great duties paid there , a very great increase of that kings revenue . and partly in matter of trade not onely at home among themselves , and their neighbouring countries , but also into others farre more remote : as for example : the gran signior or great turkes subjects in constantinople & aleppo send a good part of the clothes they buy there of our levant or turkey merchants into divers parts of this dominions many hundreds of miles distant thence . the spaniards carry great store , ( as have said ) into west india . the portuguezes or portugall merchants into east india , some , but more to brazil , and other parts belonging to the crowne of portugall . the hollanders and hamburgers into russia , as also into parts within the baltick sea and sundry other countries , notwithstanding the trade we have our selves in most of those parts with the like manufactures . i could inlarge my self much in shewing the great benefit they further have by our said manufactures , but this may suffice . and now i come to the improvement of wooll in our manufactures by the foure particulars before mentioned . and first for the say ( a sort commonly called a hundscot say ) contayning in length 24. yards or thereabout , and might weigh 13. pound , to the making whereof might so much wooll bee spent as stood in or cost the clothier 17 s. and was sold to the merchant in those times , i meane , before the warre , for 52 s. which shipt for naples and the proceed returned in naples throwne silk , ( a good returne for the setting of the poore on worke , ) came to be sold here by the merchant for a matter of 4 l. 7 s. 6 d. secondly , the perpetuano cont. in length 23. yards and might weigh 16. pound , the wooll for its making might stand the clothier in 21 s. and was sold by the merchant for 62 s. which sent to dantzigk , and the proceed returned in the best flax ( a good returne likewise to set the poore on worke ) came to bee sold by the merchant for a matter of 5 l. thirdly , the baye cont. flemish elis 52. each ell being ● of a yard english measure ( for by the flemish ell bayes are sold by the clothier ) and might weigh 38. pound ; the wooll for its making might cost the clothier 35 s. and was sold to the merchant at 2 s. per ell , is 5 l. 4 s. which sent for the parts of spain , and the proceed returned in oyle , leakage deducted , came to bee sold by the merchant for 9 l. 6 s. 8 d. fourthly , the cloth cont. in length 32. yards , and might weigh 76. pound , so much wooll for its making might be spent as cost the clothier 4 l. and was sold to the merchant for 12 l. which sent to hamburg , and the proceed returned in steele came to be so●●● for 15 l. a further proofe of the improvement might be made in another of our manufactures , viz. a paire of white worstead knit stockings for a man , to the making whereof might be spent so much wooll as cost 6 d. and sold by the maker or knitter for 4 s. but what have said of th'other 4 particulars may suffice to shew the excellency of it , viz. wooll by the improvement in our manufactures . now here being a great advance or improvement raised from wooll the materiall of our said manufactures , beside what was gained by the first owner of the wooll , or wooll grower , viz. from 17 s. which the wooll of the say cost to 52 s. the clothiers price , and after to 4 l. 7 s. 6 d. the merchants price of the returne for proceed . from ● 21 which the wooll of the perpetuane cost to 62 s. the clothiers price , and after to 5 l. the merchants price of the proceed . from 35 s. which the wooll of the baye cost to 5 l. 4 s. the clothiers price , and then to 9 l. 6 s. 8 d. the merchants price of the returne of the proceed . from 4 l. which the wooll of the broad cloth cost to 12 l. the clothiers price , and then to 15 l. the merchants price of the proceed . it will be thought , the clothiers and merchants gaines were not a littie , specially the merchants , to which answer . and first for that of the clothier , who , if he gained clearely a matter of 2 s. by a saye of the price of 52 s. thought it well , the rest of the money went among the workefolk , which were many , some of their payment being no more then from 2 d. to 6 d. for a dayes worke : a small gaine for the clothier it may be thought indeed to be no more then 2 s. in 50. and so the gaine unto other clothiers may bee judged to bee thereabout arising unto them from other manufactures in such a proportion as was answerable to the value or price of their manufactures : as if a long cloth of 32. yards might bee sold to the merchant for 10 l. which being 4 times the value of the saye this gaine might be 4 times so much , as that of the saye , viz. 8 s. and sometime lesse according as the market rul'd . secondly , the merchants gaine , it was then so little , and is now lesse then it may be made appeare for some yeares past , most of them have not gained by their trade one time with another 10 per centum per annum : and for the most part raise their gaine by their commodities exported , and lose by what is imported , but this indeed more particularly by that company or fellowship , commonly called by the name of merchant adventurers . that trade is certainly best for the kingdome , by which the gaine ariseth from what is exported , and losse by what is imported . so that this great advance of or from the materiall wooll commeth to arise ; first from the manufacture or making : & secondly , from sundry sorts of charges or duties , whence that duty of tunnage & poundage , commonly called custome , was much improved , trade increased , ships imployed , and all his majesties subjects of all professions in one kind or other were bettered or profited by it . and now having done with this discourse , leave it unto rationall and knowing men to judge of what excellency our wooll was in its manufactures before the late warre , and well weighing what have said thereof , suppose it will be concluded that it farre exceeded all spaines silver mines in west india , as also all other commodities usually imported into spaine out of that vast part of the world ; well may i terme it so , being judged to be the fourth part of the whole , though a very great part not inhabited , at least not by christians . o that wee had been so provident before this kingdome was so unhappily engaged in a war , as to have looked back to the times of king james of famous memory , and before the said war to these of our most pious and prudent king charles , we should have seene what a flourishing estate the trade of this kingdome , to the inriching of many thousands was brought unto , to what it was in former times , when hardly a merchants ship of the burthen of 150. tuns was to be had , and since are many from the said burthen of 150 to 600 tuns , and some greater : an undoubted signe of the great increase of trade , and no little addition to the strength of the kingdome , for the which , wee have no little cause , not onely to remember but also highly to commend the great wisdome and care of these two most worthy princes : but in stead thereof , there want not some malignant and most unworthy spirits among us , that are ready to cast foule aspersions upon them , traduce their government , blast their best actions , and desire rather a perpetuall oblivion , then a thankfull remembrance of their majestie . o most transcendent and monstrous ingratitude both to god and man ! to god , in not acknowledging his goodnesse in bestowing on us such great blessings . to man , for remunerating or returning so much evill forto much good . surely , me thinkes , if we as tradesmen , before we were ingaged , as i say , in a war , had had the least thought of decay onely of trade , and had not looke further into the many more dismall calamities ( of the which we have already more then a bitter taste ) that would certainly befal this kingdome by a civil war , it would or might have been motive sufficient unto us to have employed our utmost endeavors for its preservation , but ( alas ) most of us , like men demented , or bereaved of their wits , run a quite contrary course , weedid what in us lay to further and hasten its destruction , and to that end we could not be at quiet or at rest , till wee were quit of our monies , and redouble our diligence in and about the speedy advancing of that which would undoubtedly bee its bane , and expose the kingdome to the hazard of utter ruine . the author having done with this discourse assumes the boldnesse to adventure on a few lines of poetry , which though it be out of a merchants road , and may perhaps be thought by some not to become this subject , hope , never the lesse , it will admit a candid construction , the intention being good , though in the manner or way of expression there may be failing . to the clothiers . my worthy friends , by what is said , you feele at present more then many others doe , witnesse your want of worke with loom and wheele : joyne hand in hand , and altogether goe , trade to uphold and commerce to maintaine ; by losse you 'l perish all , you 'l live by gaine . thousands of you from youth to youths defect by daily labour live and well subsist , but who will you maintaine ? who 'l you protect , when you are forc'd from labour to desist ? then clothiers poore , what will of you become ? some beg , steale others will , and worse will some . as some already , out of the land they 'l flie , and elsewhere seeke imployment as have said , their art they 'l others teach , which will the eye or eyes put out of englands clothing trade : then out will be the wooll of england spunne , and this our kingdomes trade almost undone . but my good friends , let not your minds be bent , or have a thought to leave your native soile , in forraigne parts to goe with full intent others to teach which hazard may the spoile of our manufactures , o that 's an act would be 'gainst nature , it would sure extract the vitall blood out of your mothers heart , which let be never on their clothiers part . to all english merchants trading in forraigne parts . you that are instruments of forraigne trade , worthy english merchants of much renowne , forthwith bestirre your selves , let not be said , that you sate still , and suffer'd to fall downe your countries commerce : 't is of that esteeme that nothing almost greater can you deeme . as partly by this small booke is made appeare ; to which referre you , needlesse to say 't againe , but more i 'le adde to make it the more cleare : trade boldnesse gave to passe the ocean maine , discoveries new in forraigne parts to make , an enterprize not small to undertake . for men were oft to struggle and to strive with th'elements , fire , water , earth and aire , which if be conquerers , of life deprive , but they did boldly face them , and out dare : it showes a noble mind and spirit brave , death to contemne for honor , life to wave . but on they went , such dangers were not all , from north to south , from east to west they runne , from rising of the sunne unto the fall , passing the aequator , and when t' was done , by labour much they came unto the shore where yet they met with dangers more and more . danger by hidden rocks , by shelves of sand , danger by want of knowledge of the tide , danger by an enemy on the land , so that danger they found on every side , yet they went on , they dangers did disdaine in hope they should , what they desired , gaine . profit and honour , and our trades increase were the chiefe things where at those men did ayme , will you by your remisnesse let them cease ? and not endeavour up to keepe their fame , with so much danger wonne and so much cost ? no , no , by your neglect let not be lost . but as before , so now i say againe , bestirre your selves , let nothing be in you deficient our commerce to maintaine , which will your predecessors fame renew : it will this lands reputation keepe , and carry 't still beyond th' ocean deepe . so will you honour get , so will you praise , so will you profit get by forraigne trade , so you your selves and families may raise : what more to stirre and move you can be said to you my noble friends , then onely this , youl'l get earths happinesse , and heavens blesse ? if what you doe , be in an honest way , for god abhorres actions foule and base , and on th' actors doth heavy curses lay , a curse of shame at home , abroad disgrace ; a curse of poverty , and all things scant , but more then these , of heavens joy the want . adieu my friends , i bid you all farewell , by what have said , it may be well foretold that traders all must cease to buy and sell , if these distempers still among us hold , and hold they will , without our royall king ▪ whom god let 's pray in safety home to bring . to the seamen . and now brave english seamen one and all , i come to you likewise to crave your ayd ; you 'r the managers of this kingdomes wall , which cannot stand without our clothings trade ▪ if englands manufactures find no sale its strength by sea and land must surely faile . the wall broke downe , imployment you 'l have none , the lack of which expose you will to'th want of worldly comforts , none will you bemoane , all needfull things for you becomming scant may put you on such things as are most base : thinke not on them , let vices have no place within your breast , but thinke you on the name and deeds of worth , which may beget you praise . acts vertuous revive an honest fame , and credit that 's decay'd againe doth raise ; all what you doe , doe in a gentle way , you 'l then be conquerers , and gaine the day . first humbly pray , and then gently perswade both high and low , and men of all degrees , that they would doe their best to keep up trade , nothing with englands climate more agroes : if lost , be then assured one and all , downe must the welfare of this kingdome fall . to the citie of london . london the magazine of englands trade , all men doe thee admire for thy neglect in suffering commerce thus away to fade , me thinkes , that thou in chiefe shouldst it protect , and doe thy best thy dying trade ro'mend , for thy well being doth on it depend . me thinkes thou shouldest farre more knowing be in point of trade , then many others are , and therefore better should'st , then they , foresee , that trade by discord daily will impaire , untill that wasted is thy long wonne gaine , and nothing will be left thee to maintaine . thy honour credit fame , farre spread renowne , with trade will fall , and none will thee regard . all earthly goods will faile thee and fall downe ; reliev'd thou shalt not be , complaints not heard : what wilt thou doe ? what will of thee betide ▪ neglected shalt thou be on every side . these things well weigh'd , and else what more have said , should thee out of thy lethargie awake , and forthwith thinke how to preserve thy trade , which first let be by prayer ; it may way make for other things , that may the better tend to that which is most fit trade to amend . but as i others , so i thee advise , that what thou do'st be in a quiet way , thinke not on lawlesse wayes in any wise , lest that they cause of trade greater decay . and so adieu ( good citie ) fare thee well , wishing that peace may still within thee dwell . to the army . army looke to 't , seeke now trade to amend , delay't not longer ; let no by-respect away you lead , nor any private end , nor that in you be found the least neglect , lest be in this and future ages said , you were the greatest cause of losse of trade . in this small booke i have prescrib'd a way , how that our trade may sooner helped be ; as you respect this land , and whilst you may , in practise it to put doe all agree ; and 'cause it cannot be without our king , endeavour speedily him home to bring with honour and with safety : then provide , that he with confidence may so remaine , nothing in reason then will be deny'd , which may our losse repaire by a new gaine : it is the safest way arreares to pay , which never can well be by trades decay . on other waye i would not have you thinke arreares to g●● , lest more distempers grow , but well consider , we are at the brinke of utter ruine ; your wild 〈◊〉 ●efore show it to prevent , or else you ' hazard runne with this poore kingdome quite to be undone . so fare you well brave army , leave i take , and pray god blesse all those that peace do make . to the kingdome . a skilfull pilot plying for the shore , and finding wind increasing more and more , bids tack about ; againe ply for the deepe , that so the ship we may in safety keepe : if we so wise and provident had been ; we should not now such dismall times have seen , but now we' are in them , let 's all endeavour out to get , else we are lost for ever . borne for our selves we are not , but the good of that wherein we breath and have our food , our countrey deare i meane , and wasted land , that growne so feeble is , it cannot stand , unlesse forthwith supported , which must be in such a way that we may all agree : then trade will bettered be with the whole state , delay't not longer lest it be too late . the king his helping hand offers to lay to take away the cause of trades decay , and what amisse is else ; why sit we still , to joyne with him ? it 's his desire and will . deepe are the kingdomes wounds and dang'rous sure , and knowing it , let 's hasten to the cure . and having much in roughest seas been tost , let 's harbour take , lest that our ship be lost , and we perish with it , o that 's not all , our soules indanger'd , and our issues fall . concordia parvae res crescunt discordia , &c. small things to great by blessed concord grow , by discord great decay , and kept are low . concord maintaineth love , makes two hearts one : discord doth them divide , and makes them none . concord the hardest knot of strife dissolves , discord in seas of troubles men involves . concord amongst the humours peace doth make , discord the soundest humours in peeces shake . concord causeth health , health sweet life maintaines , discord much sicknesse , sicknesse kills with paines . concord makes friendship twixt body and minde , discord their tie of friendship doth unbind . concord makes musick sweet , pleasing the eare , discord doth hearings organ smite and teare . concord makes hearts merry and full of joy discord makes sadnesse , and doth mirth destroy . concord preserveth people , king and crowne , discord first enervates , and then pulls downe . concord gods true worship doth well preserve , discord makes people from true worship swerve . concord keepes mens manners intire and sound , discord with vices foule makes men abound . concord makes learning flourish and arts all , discord neglect doth cause ▪ then arts downe fall . concord upholds trade , maketh it increase , discord trade first weakens , and then makes cease . concord of perfect order is the cause , discord , disorder breeds , destroyes all lawes . and what not else ? let 's concord then embrace , and discord from us put , and have no place . the authors apologie . now ( reader ) i have done , i 'le say no more save onely this , desiring that before thou passest censure on what i have said , consider whence it came , whereof 't is made . first 't is of matter , that 's within my spheare , as by the whole discourse is made appeare : then from a man of trade , a merchants braine , what could'st thou more expect then matter plaine , rough hew'd , unpolished , harsh and tart , voyd of all forme , all shape and schollers art ? both stile and language wave , looke on the maine , it is both king and peoples losse and gaine : the land with trade must stand , with trade must fal ; if lost , adieu the welfare of us all : which losse to shunne , i heartily thee pray , that thou would'st take to heart our trades decay . i have prescrib'd * a med'cine , is 't would take , it might both king and kingdome happy make . and so adieu ( good reader ) i have done , give me thy hand , and thou my heart hast wonne : so shall we joyne in one as faithfull friends , seeking the publick good , no private ends . postscript . here are now letters out of the parts of italy advising the non-sending of any more of our woollen manufactures , for that those of the like kind made in other countries and sent thither , are not onely better but cheaper . but some perhaps will object , that though for present wee lose the vent of our manufactures , wee may hereafter regaine it , and that when wooll comes to be had at such low rates as formerly , which when that will be god knowes : let not such men flatteringly satisfi themselves with so vaine a hope , but remember what hath been said of the losse of the totall vent of our broad cloth in spaine in the time of queene elizabeth , and what hath been further mentioned of the late great increase of woollen manufactures elsewhere , to the great decay of the vent of ours , and the no little impoverishing of the stook of the kingdome . some things , indeed , if not totally lost , are recoverable ; but would be a peere of the greatest indiseretion to expose a thing of such high concernment ( as have said ) to the commonwealth to the hazard of losse , when there may bee wayes of prevention . and withall consider that when one state hath got a thing from another to it selfe , which is or may be advantageous unto it , it will use all the meanes possible to keepe and advance it : i need not send you further off then our owne home for a president , you may please to turne backe to folio 5. in the remonstrance , and you shall finde what this state did in king edward the thirds time to get the manufacture of broad cloth from flanders , and what was afterward done to keepe it here in this kingdome . besides people in these times are more knowing in matters concerning trade , and have better meanes to improve them to more advantage then in former times : many things which in former ages lay hidden and not thought upon , have beene discovered in these latter , and more will be in the future ; mans braine is still a working . page 9 line 20. read may say , p. 11. l. 20. r. entry , p. 19. l. 9. r. that , l. 15. waved , p. 24. l. 3. r. in those , p. 26. l. 32. r. 21 s. p. 27. l. 25. r. lesse , that , p. 30. l. 12. r. the . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26836e-520 * known laws . ☞ * trade . notes for div a26836e-6680 ☞ notes for div a26836e-16630 * known laws ▪ england's interest asserted, in the improvement of its native commodities; and more especially the manufacture of wool plainly shewing its exportation un-manufactured, amounting unto millions of loss to his majesty, and kingdom. with some brief observations of that worthy author sir walter rawley, touching the same. all humbly presented to his majesty, and both houses of parliament. by a true lover of his majesty, and native country. licensed by roger l'estrange. englands glory. carter, w. (william) 1669 approx. 136 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34856 wing c673 estc r204217 99825326 99825326 29706 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34856) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29706) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1984:11) england's interest asserted, in the improvement of its native commodities; and more especially the manufacture of wool plainly shewing its exportation un-manufactured, amounting unto millions of loss to his majesty, and kingdom. with some brief observations of that worthy author sir walter rawley, touching the same. all humbly presented to his majesty, and both houses of parliament. by a true lover of his majesty, and native country. licensed by roger l'estrange. englands glory. carter, w. (william) raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [2], 34, 13-36 p. printed for francis smith, and are to be sold at the elephant and castle without temple-bar; and by henry mortlock at the white horse in westminster-hall, london : 1669. a true lover of his majesty = william carter. a reissue, with added title page and quires ² c-² e, and with colophon (¹b2) cancelled, of the 1669 edition of: englands glory. formerly wing c674. "some collections of sir walter rawleys presented to king james, taken out of his remains, discovering englands loss for want of due improvement of its native commodities" has caption title; pagination begins with 13, and register begins with ² c1. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england -early works to 1800. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion england's interest asserted , in the improvement of its native commodities ; and more especially the manufacture of wool : plainly shewing its exportation un-manufactured , amounting unto millions of loss to his majesty , and kingdom . with some brief observations of that worthy author sir walter rawley , touching the same . all humbly presented to his majesty , and both houses of parliament . by a true lover of his majesty , and native country . licensed by roger l'estrange . london , printed for francis smith , and are to be sold at the elephant and castle without temple-bar ; and by henry mortlock at the white horse in westminster-hall . 1669. englands glory . by the benefit of wool manufactured therein , from the farmer to the merchant ; and the evil consequences of its exportation unmanufactured . briefly hinted , with submission to better judgments . there is no king nor prince in the world , known by experience , or upon record , that hath such means to support their splendour and greatness as his majesty of great britain , nor has any country or nation such variety of staple commodities within it self , and in such abundance , as hath the kingdom of england , which are said by some to be a hundred native commodities , which produceth a thousand sorts of manufactures : so that if those advantages were duly improved , england might be a general mart for the whole world , and then by consequence be the glory thereof . that those advantages are not improved is too too obvious to all that look into it , by the sore complaint that are frequently made of the great poverty and decay thereof ; and indeed ( which is worst of all ) by that general desperation of spirit which will not put forth a hand to help , support , or prevent the total desolation of our country , upon a prepossest opinion , that all endeavours will be rendred fruitless and abortive . the consideration whereof hath greatly prompted me ( who must confess my self the meanest of thousands more concerned ) to use the utmost of my little skill , and unwearied diligence ( though but as the womans mite ) to the right management of so great an undertaking ; that the threatned ruine of all may be prevented , and ( if possible ) some good part of what is lost may be recovered . and whereas many have taken in hand to set forth these things , some treating of one thing , and other of another , which if all was collected and harmonized , it might very much conduce to the promoting of this weighty affair , of so publick a value : i shall confine my self to those things only , whereof i have had not only credible information , but a considerable ( though a sad ) experimental knowledge ; and in a more particular and especial manner that of wool , and of its manufacture and consequences , which amongst many , is the richest treasure in his majesties dominions , the flower , strength , and sinews of this nation ; a land uniting the people into societies , for their own utility ; it is the milk and honey to the grazier and country farmer ; the gold and spices of the east and west indies to the merchant , and citizens , the continued supply of bread to the poor : and in a word , the exchequer of wealth , and staple of protection to the whole , both abroad and at home ; and therefore of full merit to be had in perpetual remembrance , defence , and encouragement for the most advantageous improvement thereof . the wools of england ( before it was manufactured within it self ) have ever been of great account and esteem abroad , sufficiently testified unto , by the great amity , which it begat , and for many hundred years ( inviolably ) maintained , between the king of england and dukes of burgundy , only for the great benefit , that ( from that commodity ) did accrew to that people , insomuch that the english wools , they receiv'd at 6 d. per pound , they returned again ( through their industrious manufacture thereof ) in cloth , at 10 s. per yard , to the great inriching of that state , both in the advancement of the revenues of their soveraign , and in a full employment ( thereby ) continued among the people ; whereby the merchants of this nation were occasioned , ( as a people unwilling to be wholly dispriviledged of so great a benefit ) to transport themselves ( with their families ( in great numbers ) into flanders , from whence they held a constant commerce with most parts of the world ; this continued without intermission , between england and burgundy , until king edward the 3 d. made his mighty conquests over france , & scotland ; and as a suitable improvement of so great a mercy , did wisely project , and also accomplish the manufacture of wools within the bowels of this kingdom , to the great inriching of his own people , and also to the peopling of his new conquered dominions ; the memory of whose wisdome and care for his people , is worthy to be had in remembrance by english men , unto the worlds end . the said king having thus setled the manufacture of wools within the kingdom of england , confined it by a penal statute , which ( at first ) reached not only to goods , chattels , and land , but also to members , and life it self ; but in a short time repealed the two latter thereof , continuing the other in its full force to remain to future generations : which exceeding great advantage to the prosperity of the english trade , hath now continued these three hundred years , by the vigilancy of the kingdoms monarchs , and the protection of its laws , in the continued careful execution thereof upon offenders , with more than a little diligence to provide against the thirsting desires of foreiners to wrest this native priviledge ( of so great a moment ) out of english hands , which by the providence of god ( through the great care of our ancestors ) has been ( for many ages ) enjoyed by the nation , as it is indeed its proper right : but so it is , that ( for some years past ) the diligence of foreiners , to enrich themselves upon us , has so much exceeded our care to preserve our selves , that it 's now come to , if not beyond a question , who have the greatest benefit of the manufacture of english wools , they who have no right unto it , or they to whom of right it doth belong ? that this is indeed so , will appear , by considering that not only holland , flanders , and zealand have long sucked the sweetness of the sinews of our trade ; but france is likewise learning to be too hard for us , as is manifest by the great quantities of wools , that ( of late years ) have been transported from england and ireland thither ; how injurious it must be to us , is also unquestionable , if we consider the consequence thereof , which was ( without question ) much in the eye of our ancestors , as appeares by what is above hinted in edward the 3 ds time , and in several kings reigns since . every pack of wool sent to france , doth prevent us ( not only ) of the benefit of the manufacture thereof , but of two packs more besides it self , viz. thus , it being combing , and combed wool ( for the most part ) exported thither , the french ( having no wools of their own , but such as are very course ) are not able to make cloth , or fine stuff , without the conjunction of ours therewithall ; there being none ( to my best information ) fit for that purpose in all the world , but ours only , all other being likewise course , but spanish , and that much too fine ( especially for worsted stuffs , and not in any wise fit for combing ; so that without english or irish wools there can be no fine worsted stuffs , nor a middle sort of cloth made , in the whole world ; neither will any wools be well mixed together , but english and spanish , ( only for cloth ) because the spanish is with the english of one nature , being formerly english sheep , though now much finer , from the alteration of the climate , and the nature of the land whereon it is fed , as by good experience appeareth here in england , both neer , and at a farther distance . wherefore the exportation of english wools into france must of necessity be greatly prejudicial to this nation , not only in the quantity sent over , but also in the advantage which is thereby given them to manufacture a double portion of their own wool , ( which formerly was little worth ) into such commodities , as spoyls us of the a●vantage of our proper trade , not only thither , but also into other parts , viz. in these three respects . first , the combed of the english wool makes wooffe for the warpes of the french wool , and so takes up ( it may be ) as much as the quantity above specified , to every pack of english wool , without which , they can ( only ) with their wool make rugs , and at the best , cloth for sea-men , and the like . 2 dly . their combings or pinnions , viz. the short wool that 's combed out of the worsted , serves for their linnen warp to make some of their druggets , because their linnen being fine spun , and coloured , is not discernable to all persons , to be that we call linsie woolsie . 3 dly . the finest short english wool is mixed with the lowest of spanish wool , called short wool , for some of their best druggets , that is woove for worsted chanies , and also for a middle sort of broad-cloth , about 10 s. or 12 s. per yard . this is the cause ( i judg ) that short spanish wool is so scarce here in england . now if we consider these things together , the dammage of the exporting of this one pack from england to france , at about 10 l. or 12 l. sterling , preventing the manufacturing of two packs more in england , which would be worth one 100 l. englands loss ( in the whole ) by the exportation of a pack of wool , is little less than 90 l. in its first exportation , moreover considering the custom paid when exported ( if manufactured in england ) with the frait and custom where it is imported ; the product of all these charges augmenting the 100 l. when sold there , laid out in another commodity beyond sea , the custom whereof being paid there , with frait and custom ( when imported ) in england , it 's much , if it do not more than double the first principal . now , if it be so , that the exportation of one pack of english wool , exported at 10 l. or 12 l. be neer 200 l. dammage to the king and kingdom in general , is the consequence ; what will be the loss in the exporting of 10. or 15· thousand packs into france ( in two years time ) is easily accounted ( by such ) as are concerned in the affaires : and although this evil is almost incredible to many , yet it is too manifest , to such as have made ( something ) their business to look into it ; and not only so , but these further inconveniences must ( by this means ) arise upon us . first , the spoyling of our trade with france in all our woollen manufactures , as doth already appear , by the impost put upon the same , there , from 20. to 40. per cent. since so great quantitie of our vvools is exported thither , whereunto woful experience may be a sufficient witness . and secondly , in time it will capacitate the french , as well as the dutch , ( if not much better ) to under-sell our english merchants , in forrein parts , nay ( possibly ) in our own country ▪ ( to this , i shall only mention the words of a merchant in flanders , by letter to another here , treating on this matter thus , we english have our throats cut , with our own weapons , wondering at the stupidity of the english here , that they should so long omit , to possess the king's majesty with this deplorable and dangerous case , in respect to the present and future inconveniences thereof . ) by reason whereof ( as in time the french will not only prevent our english woollen manufactures , to be sold in france ( as before minded ) and also in other forrein parts , but also bring theirs into england , and sell them for four times the value here , to the great inriching of themselves , and to the impoverishing of the english , only by new fantastick fopperies ; for which the english pay not less than some hundred thousands in a year , to get themselves into the french mode . so much ( indeed ) have we been deceived ( in this matter ) to our shame , as well as to our apparent loss ; that whereas ( in time of the late war ) with the dutch and french , those french druggets were thereby much prevented , many english striped broad-cloths rent through into three parts ( about 10 s. per yard , price ) being put into the form of french druggets , were sold in each part at 8 s. per yard ; and so ( in the whole ) came to 1 l. 4 s. per yard . so likewise it is certainly true , that many of those druggets made here in england goe for french , and in order thereunto , directed to french men in some of our southern parts , have from thence been conveighed unto london ( and there sold for french goods ) to have coloured the business with the custom-house officers , to save the custom of french druggets . and this continued long , before the cheat could be discovered ; but being once found out by the clothier , ( who could not ( to his own private advantage ) conceal such an apparent injury to his country , it was soon prevented : whereby we may come to see ( with clearness ) the advantage , that that people makes upon our english fansies , by over-selling us in the same kind of commodities , that they make out of our english wools , joyned ( as before minded ) with their own ; having also an advantage thereunto , by the cheapness of the manufactures thereof , beyond what we can do ( the french being very populous , and living harder than we can in england ; as is evident by their linnens , that paying fraight and custom with profit to the merchant , yet can be afforded cheaper than can be made in england . but so it is , that the advantage we give them , besides , in the mixture of our wools with theirs , is such , that whereas their wool of it self , is not worth above 4 l. per pack , being mixed with ours , becomes so fit for worsted-stuffes , as that it comes to be worth no less than 12 l. per pack . so that all those things considered , it becomes obvious to every eye , ( that doth not ( wilfully ) close it self ) that the exportation of wool from england and ireland is of a dangerous and destructive nature to the very being of the trade of this kingdom . whatever objections have been made ( with respect to the graziers present advantage ) thereunto , whose loss may possibly be supposed ( by prohibiting exportation ) to be about 20 s. in every pack of wool that 's so exported : in answer whereunto , i have this to say , that though it may be granted , it will be so for a time in this one particular commodity , yet such will ( thereby ) be the spoyl of the general trade of the nation , that what is gotten in one , will be lost in every other commodity , as corn , beefs , and muttons ; on each of which , with the wools , the farmers and graziers advantage doth much more than equally depend ; besides the inevitable danger of the ruine of our trade , and so consequently the starving of our poor , without some extraordinary means for their support ; who while the priviledge of our trade is kept inviolate with other nations , we have money plentifully to expend for the advancement of the farmers and the graziers ; for that is that which chiefly advanceth the grazier and farmer , which is flesh and corn , and not the quantity of wool , as afterwards will more fully appear . and it hath always been observed ( in former and latter times ) hitherto , that when the clothiers have had the best trade at london , the farmer did not loose his share in the advantage thereof in the country ; according to the dispose of providence , who hath ordered nations , but more especially the people of every nation , ( in matters of this kind ) to depend upon each other , and so to rise or fall together , as they are designed to mercy , or to judgment , by the hand of god. these things considered , with a little deliberation , it will manifestly appear , that the exporting of our english wool , will not only prove the spoyl of our merchants and clothiers trade , and so consequently expose the poor to desperate straits for subsistence , but ( in short time ) must of necessity make the country-mens imployments ( of every kind ) to come to little , and so make them uncapable of paying rent . for , if it be so , that while we have but a little trade , we can hardly live one by another , what may be expected , if our trade should be taken away ? which is now more in danger ( by the french ) than it hath been these 300. years past — and then we may consider , what the price of wool may be in england , when we by our remisness shall lose our trade , by the skill and circumventing practices of foreiners , and we helping forwards for a supposed profit ; for there was not more art and skill in our ancestors , to bring home the work at first to the wool , and prohibiting the exportation thereof , and setling the manufacturing in england , than is now to export the materials thereof unmanufactured . the necessary consequence will be to bring the price of wool ( as it was 300. years agon , when most was exported ) to 6 d. per pound , as appears in a little piece , called , the golden fleece , written by w. s. gent. ) in the year , 56. although the cloth made in flanders of our wools , at 6 d. per pound , was then sold here in england at 10 s. per yard , when at this day the cloth made in england of wool , worth 12 d. per pound will hardly yield 7 s. per yard , which is above 30. per cent. worse to the english trade now , than it was to the flemmings formerly . and though for the present , the price of wool be risen by its exportation , yet if the quantity lately exported ( being no less than 20. thousand packs ) had been kept in england , the quantity ( if not with 10. thousand packs more ) would in time have been exported in the particular manufactures . for if the wool was not exported to those places beyond the seas , there to be manufactured , they must of necessity have our woollen manufacture , and then could not have those advantages ( as before hinted ) by our wools , to improve the french wool , and short spanish wool , and their fine-spun linnens . by all which , it is so obvious , that in time to come , the vvools in england would be much cheaper , because by the aforesaid means , less wool would be used in england ; and besides that which would be used , the manufacture would be so low , that it could not hear up any price ( as is begun , already in france , and will suddenly follow in england ) for it is generally reported , that wool is as cheap in france at this day , as it is in some parts where it is used in england . and if it be so now , what in reason can be expected , as the effects of these two things ? viz. the first , when the great quantity that is lately exported to france , with those three additions before hinted , that the 20. thousand packs helps to work out , and especially most making vvorsted stuffs , which goes as far by that means , as 40. thousand packs of wool would if used in england , because it would be made more into substantial cloaths , which consumes more wool , than those light and thin stuffes do : which is a sufficient answer to that objection , that the great quantity of any commodity , that is exported , must be of scarcity , and so consequently raise the price : which i must confess , if it was a consumptive commodity , but it is quite contrary in this . for as our experience is , when the vvool was all used in england , ( or very little exported ) then it was 18 d. per pound , and when all , or the greatest part was exported , it was at 6 d. per pound . the wise man saith , what is , hath been ; and , what hath been , may be again ; and so no new thing . i shall conclude with a short review of the graziers and farmers present loss : in the greatest commodity , which pays his rent , as was formerly hinted . suppose , through want of trade , mutton be sold but at 6 d. per quarter ( which is but little ) being 2 s. per sheep ; and there being some sheep that one 100. will but produce a pack of wool ( though some less ) that comes to 10 l. which is the worth of the pack of wool , ( and so proportionably as to beefs ) which is wholly lost to the grazier . and for the corn ( as i suppose ) there may be about 50 ls . worth , ( as far as i can judge in my travels , to one hundred sheep throughout the nation , which for want of a trade , it may not ( at some seasons ) come to thirty or forty at most ; and if a good trade , it may be worth sixty or seventy : by which means it may easily be demonstrated , how the farmers come to be impoverished . the advantage of the tenant consists in the advance of the greatest commodity that pays his rent , which is not in wool , but in corn : and it is a necessary consequence , that there being so many thousand families depending upon the cloathing trade , which ( as before hinted ) was instrumental to advance the price of corn , that where-ever trade is , there people are most populous , and when those persons are deprived of their trade , depending wholly upon it , they must unavoidably come to the parishes : which is in many places begun already , and daily increasing ; and feared in time will so increase , that the poor will be expecting more than there will be to contribute to them . and as there be in many country parishes ten that live on the trade , for one that can live of himself . vvhat will become of those parishes , when the trade is gone ? so that it may easily be concluded that the farmers loss for want of trade is four-fold greater than the pack of vvool , by the lowness of the price of corn. and this is the true reason : for those persons that formerly , when there was a trade , could lay out ten shillings in corn , have now but five shillings , which being multiplyed by hundreds of thousands in the nation , it will be no difficult point to see which way the grazier and farmer come to be undone , and so are forced to give up their lands into their landlords hands : for it is not so much the super-abounding crops that lessens the price of corn , but the want of money . for i have known as much corn grow yearly , formerly , as is now , ( when trade was good ) to be 20. or 30. per cent. dearer than now . since the foregoing papers were printed , i met with an objection against what was asserted page the 4th . ( viz. ) the french having that advantage of our english wool , to help work up theirs being worsen ; and likewise , that according to my best information , there was none fit for such purposes in all the world , ( viz. ) for fine worsteds , or a middle sort of cloath , but english and irish ( which is all one ; ) the objection were , that there was wools in most parts of the world ; therefore why not proper for those purposes ? answer , that there is wools was never gainsaid , but that there is such wool for fineness and substance in all the world , except spanish , i cannot as yet ever receive , ( as before i hinted ) any satisfactory accompt . for the better satisfaction of the reader , i shall give some account of the natures of wools in england , but first of spanish wools : they are the finest in all the world for cloath , but not so fit for worsted , being too fine and short , and those wools also are one in nature with our english , being at first from sheep that were english transported thither ; and though that be much finer by reason of the climate , yet is it still one in nature ; next to it is lempster wool , almost as fine as spanish ; then next part of shropshire and stafford-shire , part of glocester-shire , wilts , dorset , hampshire , part of sussex , and part of kent , summerset , devon , and cornwall , most part for cloath , some small parts for worsteds . amongst all these counties , there is 9. d. per pound difference in the prises of one place , ( viz. ) lempster , from some other parts ; but then again part of sussex and surrey , middlesex , hertfordshire , and some other counties 2. d. 3. d. per pound cheaper then the lowest of the abovementioned counties ; but then for barkeshire , buckingham , warwick , oxford , leicester , nottingham , northampton , and lincoln , part of kent called rumney marsh , most part of the last mentioned counties , and part of irish wools is so proper for worsted stuffs , that all the world cannot be compared with it . and hence it is , that the cares of our ancestors have been such , ( ever since king edward the 3d. in most kings reignes ) there have been some lawes made or altered , and in some kings reigns altered three or four times to make it effectual : and for a memorial to future generations , are the wool-packs in the lords house in westminster for seats , to put them in mind of what is the foundation of the riches of the kingdome , that it is by the various streams of the manufactures thereof , as formerly in the front briefly hinted from the farmer to the merchant . i shall now endeavour to give some particular account how all are conserved ; and before i do this , give me leave to insert the observation of a worthy author sir walter rawleigh , that i have met withal since the former papers were written , who saith , that , then which was in king james's reign , about fourscore thousand undrest & undyed cloaths yearly were transported : whereby it was evident that the kingdome hath been yearly deprived of about 400000. l. which in fifty five years is near 20 millions , that would have been gained by the labour of poor workmen in that time , with the merchants gains for bringing in dying stuffs , and returns of cloaths drest and dyed , with other benefits to the realm , besides exceeding inlargeing of traffick , and increase of ships and mariners . there would have been gained in that time , about three millions by increase of customs upon commodities returned for cloaths drest and dyed , and for dying stuffs which would have been more plentifully brought in and used for the same . there hath been also transported in that time yearly , by bayes , northern and devonshire kerzyes white , about 50000. cloaths counting three kersyes to a cloath , whereby hath been lost about five millions by those sorts of cloaths , in that time which would have come to poor work-men for their labour , with customs for dying stuffs , and the peoples profit for bringing them in with returns of other commodities and fraights for shipping . bayes are transported white into amsterdam , and being there dyed and drest , are shipped into spain , portugal , and other kingdomes , where they are sold in the name of flemish bayes , setting their own town seals upon them ; so that we lose the very name of our home-bred commodities , and other countrys get the reputation and credit thereof . lamentable it is that this land should be deprived of so many above-mentioned millions , as that our native commodities of cloath , ordained of god for the natural subjects , being so royal and rich in it self , should be driven to so small advantage of reputation & profit to your majesty and people , and so much improved and intercepted by strangers ; considering that god hath enabled and given your majesty power to advance dressing and dying , and transporting all your cloaths within a year or two : i speak it knowingly , to shew how it may be done laudibly , lawfully , and approved to be honourable , feaseable , and profitable . he observes also the increase of his majesties customs , by bringing in and spending of dying stuffs , as also strength in shipping , & setting so many thousands of poor on work ; also noting that in the low-countrys , where these cloaths are drest and dyed , they stretch them to such unreasonable length , contrary to our law , that they prevent and forestale our markets , and cross the just prohibition of our state and realm , by their agents , and factors , lying in divers places with our own cloaths , to the great decay of this kingdome in general , & discredit to our cloaths in particular . again , he adds , that if the accounts were truly known , it would be found that they make not clear profit only by cloath transported rough , undrest , and undyed , sixty thousand pounds a year ; but it is most apparent your majesty , in your customs , your merchants in their sales and prizes ; your subjects in their labours , for lack of dressing and dying ; your ships and mariners in not bringing in of dying stuffs , spending of alum ( if not copper as ) are hindered yearly near a million of pounds : so that trade is driven to that great hinderance of your majesty and people , by permitting your native commodities to pass rough , undrest , and undyed . thus sir walter rawleigh . now if it was thus with england so long agoe , when the wool was spun and made here into substantial cloath ; and that for want only of dressing and dying , many millions were lost to the king and kingdom : what then hath been the loss of so many thousand packs of wool exported ( without any improvement , especially that to france , the consequence of which is more prejudicial ( as hath been demonstrated ) than can be imagined ( accounting but one hundred pounds dammage by one pack of wool , ) of which there are no less than ten thousand yearly , if not much more exported , by which there is dammage a million of pounds sterling , yearly to this kingdome , ( besides the suffering of the poor for want of imployment ) out of which his majesties dammage cannot be less then 100000. pound yearly : the lessening of shipping , and discouragement of mariners ; the walls of this kingdome hereby deserve also to be considered . next then to his majestyes loss , is that of the merchant and cloathier ; after which must follow detriment to all other persons depending on trade , there being such a connexion of trades one to another , and ( the whole of trade being enlarged by the abounding of laborious people . those supply the farmers and graziers with money , for you to supply the gentry . they again scatter it amongst the tradesmen , as may be witnessed by the building of the city of london , how provision and all consumptive goods are advanced by it : by which circulation all degrees are either imployed , enriched , or both ; and hence naturally comes content , harmony , and pleasure , one in another ; the poor being by imployment delivered from fear of want , the gentry , merchant , and tradesmen , by the establishment of trade therein . this rationally is the strength of any people , poverty and idleness brings their shame and ruine , which would unavoidably follow want of trade . and so much the more where the greatest trade hath been ; if it fails , the greater poverty is and will be . and to instance , as here , in london , the trade in provision is the more , so by consequence it must be dear , and so best for all ; so of the other hand , if the city should be forced to keep so many thousands , when all their work is done , as is now in the building , it would be a great burden : so the case is in england in this particular , where great trade have been formerly kept , and drawn several families thither , and have raised commodities there ; but when it fails , it is a miserable state and condition those places are in . to return , in short there is such connextion and dependency one upon another in england , that if one fail , all the rest more or less , either more near , or remotely are concerned ; as in the natural body , when any member fails , the whole suffers thereby ; and as all trades and degrees of men may suffer by one mistake in trades , and in none more probably . i will say then this of wool , as merchants , artificers , farmers , sea-men , fisher-men , being the people , which by their study and labour do principaly , if not only bring in , or give occasion to the bringing in of wealth to the nation , and other kind of people ( viz. ) nobility , gentry , lawyers , physicians , schollars of all sorts ; shop-keepers are they that receive from these , and distribute it again , and all are consequently concerned in this rich treasure of wool , because this being a manufacture at home , sets more hands at work than half the nation . may i not with modesty and within compass , say three parts of laborious and industrious people ? considering that most of the shipping is imployed in this affair , and also so many trades that depend immediatly upon this of cloathing , that most of other trades are but for provision , either in food or conveniencies for cloathing : and so from his majesty to the meanest , all are more or less concerned , the king mostly ; not only in that his people are by that most imployed and provided for , nor in that such a staple trade , the like whereunto the world hath not with good advantage thereby is maintained ; but because so great a revenue comes directly into him upon the trade , occasioned thereby : thus as the king gains , or suffers most , so the persons that have the greatest estates or trades , and so all proportionably to the beggar . and also considering that an accustomary thing begets such an habit that is hard to reduce ; as in our rough and undrest cloath to holland , so it will be with all our manufactures in france ; nay i am informed that the french hath not only imposed a great tax upon our woollen manufactures , from twenty to forty per cent , but have also ( as is affirmed , beside that their imposition ) absolutely prohibited our cloaths coming there i am the more large in the demonstration of this affair , not only because this hath cost me many years labour and study to consult all sorts of concerned persons , besides mine own experience about it ; nor because it is so hard to convince people of the meanst capacity , but some of the wiser sort , how to cure this dismal malady : which some despairing of , have rather thoughts of setting up some other manufacture in lieu of endeavours to prevent the exportation of wool and manufacturing of that at home , looking thereon as a thing not to be overcome , ( as that of linnens in some capable parts of england ) and a better improvement in the product of forrein plantations , which may also be set upon together herewith as an addition ; so as several sorts of persons may be set better on work , not capable of this employment , and yet no prejudice to this of cloathing : for all other countryes have the advantage of england , or are equal to us in other manufactures proper to their countreys , but not in this of cloathing : and it will be found that all trades in england , wholly distinct from this of cloathing , bring not the tythe of advantage that this doth . since men cannot rationally believe the effects to be greater than the cause , the most of other manufactures either is in being , or brought to use , by the manufactures of wool ; even from the farmer to the merchant all are concerned in this of wool , as may hereafter more appear . it now remains that we sum up englands loss by the exportation of our wools to forrein parts ; not only in the advantage we might have by the manufactureing thereof , here in england , as formerly noted ; but also in the importing af dutch cloath , and more in french manufactures , because england improves not their own wools ; and of the humour of english people , in putting such a value upon french fancies , when themselves are in a better capacity , if improved , to produce the like , or better , and save the following sums . 1. one million of pounds sterling yearly , in the exportation of our wool. 2. five hundred thousand pounds in rough cloath , which is but half what sir walter rawleigh observes in his time . 3. one hundred thousand pound yearly , in importing french manufactures superfluous . 4. many thousand pounds in importing dutch cloath . 5. and lastly , the evil consequences thereof in loseing our shipping , which would be encouraged thereby , & are the strength or walls of our kingdome , as more particularly doth appear hereafter . having now discovered the dammage , it is to england , in the transportation of wool from the king to the meanest , i shall endeavour also to discover the methods how it is done ; and before i shall prescribe remedy ( for it is not enough to know distempers , especially such that are so consumptive , ) it is requisite to know the cause of those distempers ; or else the supposed remedies will in time come to be a disease , as it is too much in this case at this day in england : where the causes are mistaken , the remedies are consequently misapplyed , whereby a disease in supposition becomes one in effect ; the methods or ways of this evil are — first , in rumny marsh in kent , where the greatest part of rough wooll is exported from england , put aboard french shallops by night , ten or twenty men well armed to guard it ; some other parts there are , as in sussex , hampshire , and essex , the same methods may be used , but not so conveniently . the same for coombed wool from canterbury , they will carry it ten or fifteen miles at night towards the sea , with the like guard as before ; but for other parts it must be done partly by the remisness of the officers of his majesties customs , and easie composition for the forfeitures of the bonds , as more shall appear anon . and then for coombed wool in other parts , some is shipped off from london for bales of drapery ; nay some at lime , and also at exon , where there is ten thousand pounds sterling weekly laid out in the woollen manufactury , which is most for workmens wages : i know no place clear ; and then another reason , why persons are not detected , is , because all the wools that have been taken in those parts , where most hath been exported , have been suffered to go off at the same places after judgments past , and by the officers , to the same persons at a low rate , being under rated to those very men that intended to ship it at first : so that the evil is never like to be avoyded that way ; only that which is taken , happily may be a little the dearer , to keep the trade going ; for i have enquired , and cannot understand , but of two parcels of wool that have been seased on in kent , that have been used in england , but all sent away , and so his majesties providence is cheated , who keeps servants at great wages to prevent such abuses . and then another cheat is under a pretense of wool from hampton , to the islands of jersey and gernsey , & sometimes from other parts which is against the law ; for there is no wool to be exported to those islands , but only from hampton , and that by law should be by weight : but now it goes by gross , by the pack when it should be weighed , but i believe not one pack in ten is weighed , for three packs is put into one . then from ireland , which is the greatest mischief of all to england , and much increased since the act was in force against cattel , the irish wool can be sold as cheap in france , holland , and flanders , as it is in those places where wool is used in england , which is a great augmentation to us of prejudice for foreiners to have our wool so cheap as we in england , having other conveniencies to underwork us as formerly hinted . the wayes there must be by the carelessness of the officers , in not taking solvant security and exactness in the weight of wool , and true examination of the returns of their certificates , and partly by easie compositions , if not before bonds are forfeited , and happily much combed wool there packt up as before , as bailes of cloath , or barrels of beef , and shiped as irish cloath ; and in all points so cunningly carryed , as they are seldome discovered , and never sealed as the statutes in that case made and provided , do strictly require . here see what w. s. saith : now to shew you more particularly these abuses , how the laws are crossed and daily obstructed to such as endeavour to serve their country , by such as ought to encourage the prosecutors ; sure there will be very many practises of evil consequents discovered ; for first in the custom-house , where bonds are taken , to the intent that these prohibited commodities pass not by means of mariners out of the nation , but only from port to port for accommodation of such parts as want such commodities ; they are very remiss and careless in taking of the sea-mens discharge of their obligatory conditions ; where also it is usual with the sea-men to bring fradulent certificates , and so to cheat the kings providence , who keeps servants at great wages purposely to prevent such abuses ; or if there be a regular return of there bonds , yet there is commonly a fraudulency in giving them , for the masters of ships will so continue their designe , as he who is master at giving the bonds , and is legally bound , shall immediatly pass his interest to another man , who taking charge of the vessel and voyage , is notwithstanding not engaged in the poart bond ; and therefore , neither is he accomptahle for breach of their condition , again , when the port bonds are justly taken , and as justly returned ; yet to prevent the true and real detection of the offender , and to dishearten the legal prosecutor , some friends of the offender will clap an information against him , purposely to hinder and divert others , and soon after will let the prosecution fall at his pleasure ; nay , it hath been said , and peradventure not unjustly , that such preventing informations have been antidated to the over-throw of the regal information ; but when all is granted , and a full and formal hearing , and decree passed to the just condemnation of the offender : yet when judgments and inquieries are granted , and do without errours of the clarks , ( which is not always , ) impower the sheriff's and their bayliffs to see execution thereof made ; it is familiar with those officers to return a non est inventus , or a mortus est , viz. not to be found , or dead , even then when the offenders and the officers have been known to be drinking together , at that very time when the writ should have been executed . after all this , one step farther will shew how charrety it self abuseth justice ; for let all the former proceedings be granted , and be candid , and clear , and that the law be indeed justly and legally executed ; the offender in custody , and nothing remaining ; but that he honestly discharge hi as self with money , seeing bail will not be admitted ; nevertheless upon a lamentable petition , and urging a great charge of children to the bench , the offender is usually admitted to compound for ten in the hundred , or less , when by his offence he hath gained a hundred for ten , or more , and peradventure hath undone a hundred famelies or more in so doing : yet all this while the honest prosecutor , the only man that appears for the good of his country , who ought by the law to have the full benefit and advantage of the law gratis , it being enough that he spend his time for the promotion of the publick weal , after it hath cost him seral great sums of money , & large expense of time , to bring the offender to tryal and conviction , is dismissed with little or no satisfaction , unless he be rewarded with the brand of an informing knave : surely they who made these lawes for the benefit of themselves and their own country , did intend a more current and just passage towards them , than thus to be obstructed and baffeled . such abuses as these made theodosius say as it is recorded , that a wise man did himself injustice by hazarding his wisdome and estate for the benefit of his nation ; and therefore some have not spared to urge that customs and impost , and toles and taxes might be taken away from honest laborious hazardous trades and adventurers , and be put upon litigious suits at law , and such as make benefit of their corrupt breath , that is to say upon such lawyers as abuse their clyents , and such malicious clyents as abuse the name of a just innocent defendent . nor is the loss in these by their transportation all the injury , but when honest men well affected to the good of their country , do detect these caterpillers of the common-wealth , who make so vast gain , as hath been denoted upon the materials so carefully prohibited , when they do endeavour by due course of law to make stoppage thereof , and to have the offenders punished ; so many are the evasions , such combinations and interest in the officers , who ought to punish the offenders ; such favour have they in courts of justice , and deceptions in the return of writs , and in general such affronts and discouragements as the dearest lover of his country , or most intrusted in trade , dares not attempt to prevent that mischief which his eyes behold to fall upon his nation , or which his own person feels to pick his pocket . thus far mr. w. smith . to prevent all these inconveniences , it cannot be done without some alteration of some laws , which is an act of state ; and i do presume his majesty doth already , and the parliament will also consider of it ; as to accept of any helps that may be contributed to them . in short , i am of opinion , that if four things were done , there would be in a few moneths such an alteration , which , if i should now insert , would be incredible : yet i shall hint it ; 1. to revive some former act made in parliament for a certain season , as in the 4th . of hen. 7. and revived thrice afterwards , which was done upon the same complaint , as now is ; which if in force with some alteration , would be one stop : a second is , for all persons to be accomptable for their wool , because there is time after it is bought to be wayed up , and fetched away out of those countreys , where the danger is for to get acquaintance for those persons , and to give security , as it is , from port to port , then being the same danger near the sea. thirdly , for ireland , to have it confin'd to convenient ports , both in ireland and england . and when all is done , there must be some persons of known integrity , and not mercenary men that must have the care and inspection over all . fourthly , in those countreys where no cloathing is , it would be requisite for a store-house for small parcels of wool , and a bond given that none be sold to foriners which is of so eminent advantage , as is by some said to the dutch , to be profit to the publick , millions of pounds sterling per annum ; and to instance one case sir walter rawleigh accounts by this in his remains , page the 173 , and 174. that in one year and half was drawn to the hollanders , hamburgers , and embdenors , at the least two millions of pounds sterling , from england for corn , in a time of scarcity in england . and if a bond is so advantageous for such commodities that are liable to he much impared in long lying ; it 's doubtless abundantly more advantagous in such a stable commodity as wool is ; and if practised would be of such a use to england , that i think would enrich england more than i will now stand to account . i may add a fifth , which is , that there may be a short and quick tryal of offenders , and that in such place as the offender may have least oppertunity for evasions . we will conclude the whole with a short survey of some particular immunities which cloathing hath conferred upon england with which the glory of it extends to the very utmost inhabited parts of the world , and without which , the ark of gods mercy , and the glory of this land is like to depart . first , the reducing of cloathing to england in manufacture as well as in materials ( which must a thousand times repeat englands gratitude to the memory of that ever renowned king edward the third ) hath produced such opulent and magnificent societies of merchants , as the whole world cannot again demonstrate , that is to say , first , the merchant adventurers company , whose governours , president , consults , and the like chief officers are not of less esteem , where they please no seat themselves , then are the residentiaries of the greatest princes , and so much the more cordial is their welcome , as each mans profit leads his affection beyond his reverence to publick embassies , because proximity to a mans personal interest sits nearer in his thoughts then when he is involved in the publick concernment . this company hath by their policy and order , supplanted those societies of the hance towns ( as they are called ) who vending an inconsiderable number of cloaths , and at low rates , did never the lesss account england obliged to them for their markets and shipping : whereas at this day the merchant adventurer do utter ten times as many cloaths annually in the same markets at far better prices ; and in answer to the shipping which england had in those times from those countreys at dear entertainment , this trade of cloathing , and this particular company of merchants , have furnished the navy royal from time to time , and upon all occasions with such strengths as they have not feared , if they have not awed the greatest naval forces sayling upon the ocean , he that may have the favour to peruse their records , shall find what oppertune service they did for their country in the year eighty-eight , and since upon all military occasions wherein this nation hath been embroyled with any other . next , the east-land company hath planted the trade of cloathing all about the baltick seas , which at this day imployes many warlike ships , and gives at great increase of marriners to the no small growth of englands strenth at sea. the muscovia company have discovered the passage by the north cape , and the great trade of greenland , what wealth occurs to england by the turky and east-india company , is not easie to be numbered ; their shipping also being as strong , and rich as any that swim upon the seas . how one of them hath by the trade of cloathing only engrossed all manner of wealth coming from the levant seas ; and how the other of them hath established the rich trades of silks , spices , jewels , &c. in the southern parts of the world , is by all admired , though by none to be valued , and what strength of shipping these two companyes have produced , as they have been wonderful , so they have been formedable to all nations : what contribution the cloathing trade with spain and france hath given to englands maritin power , is by those countrys themselves feared , as well as by england found to its great security : and as these unvaluable blessings have befallen england by the trade of cloathing , politickly and providently drawn into societies , companyes , and corporations ; so the loose transactions of trade in other for the countreys have rendered them so poor at sea ; as were it not shipping of england and holland , the very life of commerce would perish , would return to the same wilderness , & uselessness as it is now in greenland and the west-indies , where civil government hath not once been heard of . again , if comparison be made for richness of trade between cloathing and any , or all other substances of merchandises , whereby any nation , but more especially england , may be enriched , neither the silks nor furs , nor wines , nor spices , nor bullion it self of all other countreys can render that account of its own , or can in proportion equalize england , in cloathing , food , shipping , strength of people , and wealth of money . about the manufactureing of wool. that this rich treasure in it self , of far more worth than the golden mines of india to england , is so much degenerated , or adulterated in the manufactureing thereof by many of the manufactors , some of which wanting skill , others principles of honesty , the laws in that case being so much neglected in england , and want of some new laws for the new drapers , hath occasioned the woollen manufacture to be rendered contemptible both at home and abroad , and so much the more , or the rather , because the dutch , flemins , ( and it is feared in time the french also ) do by care and industry indeavour to excel our english ; the consequence is to loose our english trade , and this principally by a liberty taken , so that honest and conscientious persons come to dammage by some others false way of gains , according to mr. childes third head in that of trade , and interest ; that the advantage the dutch have of us in all their native commodities is their exactness , by which meanes their credit is so , that it is taken by its contents , ( and ours not ) which is very advantageous , which is done by the qualifications of those persons that have the oversight , and are intrusted in that affair , which is not done in england , but generally the contrary . in general all states and common-wealths are supported by two providential works ( viz. ) reward and punishment ; for as no law can compel men to be corporally laborious , or studious in knowledge & literature , unless rewards be annexed to all such compulsion ; so no providence can attend the preservation of profitable designes , either in learning or trade , unless such punishments be enjoyned : this opinion that profound senator cicero alledgeth from solon , one of the seven wise graecians , and the only man of them which gave lawes ; and this is the weak and frail estate of men and nations , that unless they be as well encouraged in their endeavours , as punished in their misdemeanors , they will speedily become libertines , and ruin all as is too too much feared in this case in england at this day ; and as before about the wool , so the working for the greatest part hath been confined to england this three hundred years , and untill these late years has been so preserved , by the diligence of such officers as have been ordained and impowered , carefully to see the manufactures kept under those rules which the laws have provided for their perfection ; and seeing this nation is by god peculiarised in these two blessings ( viz. ) wools and manufactures , and through the vigilancy of its monarches safe guarded by laws , that the native manufactures might not be undermined by the practices of foreiners ; their ancient providence exacts from the present age the same preservation ( as before in the wool ) that the dutch do not undermine us out of all . again , we may be taught by their diligence , who though they have few or no native commodities , yet are rich and thriving ; ( and we who have all , are poor and decaying at least the country ) who spare no attendance in overseeing and searching the true makeing of their manufactures as above , for their exactness , giving therefore power and commissions to persons of more than ordinary worth amongst them ( whom they call cure or care masters ) to see every thing according to the law ; and wherever they find a defect , they make a default upon the cloath , which first is recompensed by a fine to the state for abusing the laws , and afterward remains to admonish the buyer , who thereby may guard his purse ; and in case the cloathier be abused by any of his work folks , he checks his dammage upon the true offender in his wages . now in england there is so much the contrary , that many persons take liberty for want of a regular or legal course followed , either for time or forme in working ; there is not any of the relations to cloathing which doth observe such an exact rule of apprentiship ( which is not the least cause that the manufactures of wool are so abusively and deceptiously made in england ) notwithstanding it is enjoyned in very strict and penal manner by the statute lawes ; the chief inconveniences of which , is , that the trade so general in use , and maintenance of even numberless families , doth by its own vast exorbancy convert into corruptions , and so those great multitudes of people become discredited ; beggered , and finally ruined , to the destruction of themselves and the nation which gave them so great a blessing . another prejudice and not the least , is , that the nation which hath given them being , and invested them with such materials for cloathing , is dishonered by false and abusive works : and it is not a little scandal to that nation which god hath perticularly endowed with those blessings which others want , when its people shall divert those good things which god hath bestowed upon it to evil and deceptious practises ; in this consideration it is observable ( by some ) how little comparitively is the drunkenness of those countrys which produce wines , and wherein lies their personal riches , and their nations honour , though their other sins may sufficicutly swell , their ultimate account ; yet doubtless it strengthens their last apology , in that they abuse not that endowment which god hath made the original of their being and subsistance . another consideration is , the cheat it puts upon all the world , for though every country hath not the benefit of the manufacture in themselves , yet are there few of them condemned to such ignorance as not to discern the couzenage which false cloathing puts upon them , in which case to the aforesaid dishoner they add a curse , and it was a chief care in jacobs practise for a blessing , that he turned it not into a curse ; how much more is this of consideration , when the blessing comes by gift , and not by design or procurement . and further , great may be the thought of heart , when the sins of false lucre and covetuousness ( which is idolatry ) are in full pursuance of such as have the full plenty to make weight and measure , yet make it the art of their practises as well as the practise of their art , to cozen both the wise and weak : it can be no great wonder , nor without abundance of presidents , if god for sins of such wilfulness remove his blessings , ( with which this nation is peculiarly enriched and dignified , ) and give them to a people which will render him a better , more just , and more profitable account of his talent ; and it s no news , that though england be by the almighty , chiefly ordained to produce the materials , yet the manufactures be given to a people , which will render him a better account ; all this and much more is expected , if the native people continue to abuse the native commodity , as of necessity they must , when they know not how to use it . the wisdome of our ancestors hath been liberally manifested in this particular . first , that the manufactors be constantly made apprentices for seaven years at least , the contrary is one great reason , that by ignorance so many abuses are , that are unremidable : another reason , why apprentices are generally confined to seaven years servitude , is to the end , that professors ( in each art ) multiply not beyond the support of their trade , which were not to increase good subjects , but vagabonds , which douhtless was not the intention of king edward the 3d. ( ever to be remembered by an english man , when in his design in bringing cloathing to england , a chief part was to multiplie his people , as by his native and alleageant subjects ( such as by and by you will understand ) he might securely possess the conquests wherewith god had blessed him , which were beyond any christian prince's in his time . it is utterly against reason that a nation can be poor , whose people are numerous , if their industry be compelled and incouraged , and their idleness be punished and reformed . it is the opinion of some , that it 's not the barrenness of a countrey which can forbid this maxim. the scots are an abounding and numerous people , and they have a soyle which to a travellers eye , seems to produce nothing towards a so vast maintenance of the body of that people ; yet are they in all parts of the world a warlike and honoured nation , helpful to all princes in their wars , and ready upon occasion to return to the assistance of their brethren , be their case good or bad . the dutch are a numerous nation , daily multiplying in a country which hath in comparison nothing of its own growth to support them , either in food or cloathing , yet they want nothing neither in necessaries or wealth , because they are industrious . what crick of the seas do they leave unvisited ? and in shipping are so stored as most parts of the world do love or fear them . now a great increase ( at least ) of good people ( as above hinted in king edward ) rests upon the regulation of trade ; for it s not the number of workmen , but number of good workmen which increaseth families , and it's families which increaseth and spreadeth good people ; the other for want of knowledg and skill , being fixed no where , because their labours will not maintain themselves , muchless families : for who will use a workman , who hath neither skill nor credit , when he can imploy one that hath both ? of principle importance therefore is the regulation of apprentiships , both to the best increase of people , and to the honest , creditable , and wealthy manufactures of wool , and especially of cloathing , ( being the antient'st manufacture ) for want of which not only the former denoted faults are daily found in their works , but good work-men are undersold and ruined ( as formerly hinted ) by bad , and the whole nation involved in great dishonour , as after you will hear . now justice , which all men cry up , and few practise , is a vertue both divine and humane ; divine justice is either from god to man , wherein his providence is his justice , by which he governeth the world , or it is from man towards god , and then its piety , whereby he returns to god prayse and glory for his numberless blessings in republicks , cityes and towns , its equity , the fruit whereof is peace & plenty ; in domestick relations between man & wife , it 's vnity and concord ; from servants to masters , good will and diligence ; from masters to servants , its humanity and gentleness ; and from a man to his own body , health and happiness . there is none of all these relations but is necessary and important to the reformations in the abuses , defaults , deceptions , and grievances committed upon cloathing , which in this discourse have in some measure been discovered , and by which both god and man are justly provoked . the justice we are to use to relieve the complaints before exhibited , is either distributive , or commutative ; justice distributive , is to give each man his deserts , whether it be honour or punishment : and commutative justice , is in bargaining , bartering , exchanging , or in any transactions between man and man , to use all means to keep promises , covenants and contracts ; and for a man to behave himself as he would have others do to him , to receive the innocent into protection , to repress and punish offenders , without which , common intercourse and humane society must necessarily be dissolved ; and for preservation whereof , i have read , that in antient times , the fathers have not spared their own sons . the aegyptian kings , to whom antiquity gives the priviledg of makeing laws , the graecians , and romans deified justice , and would not violate it towards their enemies ; so just also were the lacedemonians , and so free from distrusting each other , as even for the publick safety , they used neither locks nor barrs , insomuch that one asking archidamus , who those governours were , which so justly , happily , and gloriously governed the common-wealth of lacedemon he answered , that they were first the laws , & afterwards the magistrates executing those lawes : for law is the rule of justice , and justice the end of the law , which indeed is the life of all . the ready way to rectifie abuses about cloathing , were to compare them with the rules of the law provided for them , for which there is law , ( and new laws where they are wanting ) nevertheless holds not in all points . for instance , the law empowers the merchants and drapers to be their own searchers , and to punish the cloathiers purse , as they find his works to be faulty ; and so they do , to the no small grief of the cloathier : but the retayling-buyer is not hereby at all relieved ; the draper selling to him these faults , for which he was before paid by the cloathier ; the merchants do the same , by causing their cloathiers to bring their manufactures into the merchants private ware-houses , where their own servants are judges , who upon searching the cloath , do make , and marke faults enough , for which they have reparable abatements ; but themselves again do practise all fraudulent wayes they can to barter and exchange those faults away , without giving any allowance for them . i speak not of all but some ; and though sometimes they be detected , yet find they means to save their purses , whilst their nation suffers in honour , and the laws are vilified to foreiners , who stain the justice of the nation with weakness and fraud . true it is , that in the netherlands , where their cunning is as piercing , as their practice is common , they ( even every buyer ) do search with diligence , and make themselves reparations , first to the merchants great loss , and so in course to the cloathiers no small dammage : but in all this , the state remains much dishonoured by the scandal , and rob'd of those fines which the lawes in punnishment , do give to the publick revenue , which if they were rightly and legally attended , would render a vast gain to the common-wealth by a general reformation . now in finding out the causes why manufacture in cloathing becomes so abused , there may be good use of the drapers and merchants knowledg and skill ; yet the application of the remedy is a work of state and policy , in making and executing the laws proportionable to the grievance , in which instance it doth not hold ; for though the merchants and drapers be able searchers of the abuses , yet they are not competent reformers of the grievances , because they are interested in participating of those gaines which the faults occasion and intend . therefore it is requisite that both cloathiers , merchants , and drapers , may be joyned by the magistrates approbation . nor is this all the abuse ; for in such parts of the world as the buyers are not in ability of knowledg , like the dutch , who make cloaths themselves , and especially in those parts where the difference in religion is so great , as it is between christians and turks , there the corrupt merchant causeth the name of god to be blasphemed : for when those people ; ( whose eye and judgment gives them not so good information as doth their proof and wearing ) do find themselves cheated in their garments , they presently conclude that there is no fear of god in that place , nor obedience to their rulers , for conscience , which must assuredly procure much scandal to christian religion . it hath been noted that the original of money , was from sheep , affirming that the antient signature upon money , was a sheep ; and its further observed , that mercandizes were the cause of money ; and there being no greater merchandize than are from the sheep , it is evident , that there is nothing more requisite towards the enriching this nation ( whose peculiar blessing rests in sheep ) than strictly to hold the manufactures to the letter and rule provided for their just making ; and that the laws be unpartially executed ; and it being apparent that this nation cannot be rich without a constant utterance of cloathing , nor can that be done without a perfect reformation in the particulars of the works . it doth undeniably follow , that cloathing must be purged from its corruption , or england must be poor . it is therefore the manufactors which abuse the wool , and thereby improvidently give advantage to the dutch : whereas a perfection in the making of cloaths in england , will capacitate the english to undersel the dutch. now for a true reformation and regulation of those dammages that have befallen england , by the false and deceptious manufacturing of wools , and to bring the trade to its primitive worth ; we must rightly understand the cause of those defects , or else we can never prescribe suitable remedies as before , but the contrary ; the supposed remedy will be worse than the disease . the principle or grand cause of all our misery , in all these things formerly spoken to both in transportation of wool , and the bad manufacturing thereof , is by that division in trade , both in merchant and cloathier , by which meanes it falls out that by the consequence of one mans single act , a thousand persons may be undone ; this i have observed in several persons in this kingdome , and i know no way so profitable to prevent ( at least some of that mischief ) as by incorporating the manufactures , and faithfulness therein ; as witness norwich , and colechester ; the misery is the liberty , taken in that which is of necessity a union , as before by a law , and more liberty by a law for some in matters of conscience , for compulsion can never make that unity as the law of that relation doth require , in this as in all others things , to do to others , as we would have others do unto us , which is the royal law of heaven ) the great and main inducement to these two things , as good reason ( if we will have trade ) to observe the dutch in both these things , as not the least cause of their riches , ( having nothing of their own growth comparatively with england , ) yet are a rich people , and much by our commodities , whilst we are disputing whether it be good for us : and i cannot pass by what i have heard of the follies of the indians , that will part with a rich treasure for a trifle ; so we are to the dutch and french by their policies and circumventing practices , which draw from us , and still covet to exhaust the wealth and coyne of this kingdome , and so with one commodity ( as formerly the wool ) to weaken us , and finally beat us out of our trades in other countreys , and thus they do ( especially the dutch ) more fully obtain their purposes by their convenient priviledges , and settled constitutions , by which they draw multitudes of merchants to trade with them , and many other nations to inhabit amongst them , which makes them populous : and there they make store-houses of all forein commodities , wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth , they are able to furnish foreiners with plenty of those commodities , which before in time of plenty they engrossed & brought home from the same places ; which doth greatly augment power and treasure to their stocks , besides the common good in setting the poor on work , as in several particulars mentioned by mr. child . 1. by having in their greatest councils of state and warr. tradeing merchants that have lived abroad in most parts of the world , who have not only the theoretical knowledg , but the practical experience of trade ; sby whom laws & orders are contrived , and peace with forein princes projected , to the great advantage of their trade . 2. their law of gravel-kind , whereby all their children possess an equal share of their fathers estates after their decease , and so are not left to wrastle with the world in their youth , with inconsiderable assistance of fortune , as most of our youngest sons of gentlemen in england are , who are bound apprentices to merchants . 3. their exact making of all their native commodities . 4. their giving great encouragement and immunities to the inventors of new manufactures , and the discoverers of any new mysteries in trade , and to those that shall bring the commodities of other nations first in use and practice amongst them , for which the author never goes without his due reward allowed him at the publick charge . 5. their contriving and building of great ships to sayle with small charge , not above one third of what we are at for ships of the same burthen in england . and compelling their said ships ( being of small force ) to sayle alwayes in fleets , to which in all time of danger they allow a convoy . 6. their parcimonious and thrifty living , which is so extraordinary , that a merchant of one hundred thousand pound estate with them , will scarce spend so much per annum , as one of fifteen hundred pounds estate in london . 7. the education of their children , as well daughters as sons , all which , be they of never so great quality or estate , they always take care to bring up to write perfect good hands , and to have the full knowledge and use of arithmetick and merchants accounts . 8. the lowness of their customs , and the height of their excise : which is certainly the most equal and indifferent tax in the world , and least prejudicial to any people , as might be made appear , were it the subject of this discourse . 9. the careful providing for , and imployment of their poor : which it is easie to demonstrate , can never be done in england comparitively to what it is with them , while it 's left to the care of every parish to look after their own only . 10. their use of banks , which are of so immense advantage to them , that some , ( not without good grounds , ) have estimated the profit of them to the publick , to amount to , at least one million of pounds sterling , per annum . 11. their toleration of different opinions in matters of religion , by reason whereof , many industrious people of other countreys , that dissent from the established government of their own churches , resort to them with their families and estates , and after a few years co-habitation with them , become of the same common interest . 12. their law-merchants , by which all controversies between merchants and tradesmen are decided in three or four dayes time , and that not at the fortieth part ( i might say in many cases not the hundreth part ) of the charge they are with us . 13. the law that is in use among them for transference of bills for debt from one man to another . 14. their keeping up publick registers of all land , and houses sold or mortgaged ; whereby many chargeable law-suits are prevented , and the securities of lands and houses rendered indeed , such as we commonly call them real securities . 15. the lowness of interest of money with them , which in peaceable times exceeds not three per cent . per annum . to conclude with a short survey of those things in general , seeing my time will not permit to enlarge upon ic particularly ( according to my purpose ) nor so to correct the former papers for want of time , being exposed to much travel , i must humbly beg the reaners pardon for some errors passing the press in my absence . the first thing observed in the dutch , is to have experienc'd persons in all councels skil'd , as welpractical , as theoretical knowledge , which is without all peradventure of such advantage , that nothing but experience of it can put the value . the second i shall not touch . the third i have at large toeated ( viz. ) of the advantage in exactness in all commodities , of which we have sufficient experience at home as well as abroad , that one and the same commodity for goodness , yet if one have the reputation more than the other , it shall not only have a quick market , but shall yield 10 or 15 per cent , more than the other . i speak this of what is matter of fact in the woollen manufacture in my own knowledge the fourth is the incouragement to those that are any way beneficial to the publick , which is contrary in england to its shame , as well as to its apparent losse ; hence it is that those persons that are imployed in publick affairs , that have not principles of honesty , are liable to those temptations of bribery and indirance , being beyond my speare . time permits me not to make any further recapitulation . but for my language in the whole , the ingenuous peruser will , i trust , rather value my serious intentions ( while i write no matter of controversy , but what may redound to the honour and advantage of his majesty and kingdoms ) than criticize upon my defect of scholastick phrase , or logical method ; who being never enriched with opportunities of education thereto , yet have so much of a christian and true english-man , as to wish every reader happiness both here and hereafter . finis . errata . page 2 , l , 15 , for land r , band ; p , 5 , l , 27 , for is r , by ; p , 10 , l , 16 , insert advantage of a ; p , 14 , l , 18 , for you r , them ; p , 19 , l. 15. for regal r , real ; l , 28 , for hiasself himself ; p , 21 , l , 8 , for then r , there ; l , 15 , for bond he given that none be sold to foreiners r , bank ; l , 25 , for bond r , bank ; p , 24 , l , 7 , for drapers r , draperies ; p , 25 , l , 15 , fot manufactures r , manufactors . some collections of sir walter rawleys presented to king james , taken out of his remains , discovering englands loss for want of due improvement of its native commodities . may it please your most excellent majesty , according to my duty i am imboldned to put your majesty in mind , that about fourteen or fifteen years past , i presented you a book of such extraordinary importance , for honour and profit of your majesty and posterity ; and doubting that it hath been laid aside , and not considered of , i am encouraged , under your majesties pardon , to present unto you one more , consisting of five propositions ; neither are they grounded upon vain or idle grounds , but upon the fruition of those wonderful blessings wherewith god hath endued your majesties sea and land , by which means you may not onely enrich and fill your coffers , but also increase such might and strength as shall appear , if it may stand with your majesties good liking to put the same in execution , in the true and right form ; so that there is no doubt but it will make you in short time a prince of such power , so great , as shall make all the princes your neighbours as well glad of your friendship , as fearful to offend you ; that this is so , i humbly desire that your majesty will vouchsafe to peruse this advertisement with that care and judgement which god hath given you . most humbly praying your majesty , that whereas i presented these five propositions together , as in their own natures joyntly de●●n●ing one of a●other , and so linked together , as the distraction of any one will be an apparent maim and disabling to the best that your majesty would be pleased that they may not be separated , but all handled together joyntly and severally by commissioners with as much speed and secrecy as can be , and made fit to be reported to your majesty ; whereby i may be the better able to perform to your highness , that which i have promised , and will perform upon my life , if i be not prevented by some that may seek to hinder the honour and profit of your majesty for their own private ends . the true ground-course and form herein mentioned , shall appear how other countries make themselves powerful and rich in all kind , by merchandize , manufactury and fulness of trade , having no commodities in their own countrey growing to do it withall . and herein likewise shall appear how easie it is to draw the wealth and strength of other countreys to your kingdom , and what royal , rich and plentiful means god hath given this land to do it , which cannot be denyed , for support of traf●●ck and continual imployment of your people , for replenishing of your majesties coffers ; and if i were not fully assured to improve your native commodities , with other traffick , three millions of pounds more yearly then now they are , and to bring not onely to your majesties coffers within the space of two or three yours near two millions of pounds , but to increase your revenues many thousands yearly , and to please and greatly profit your people , i would not have undertaken so great a work ; all which will grow by advancement of all kind of merchandizing to the utmost , thereby to bring manufactory into the kingdom , and to set on work all sorts of people in the realm , as other nations do , which raise their greatness by the abundance of your native commodities , whilst we are parling and disputing whether it be good for us or not . may it please your most excellent majesty , i have diligently in my travels observed how the countreys herein mentioned do grow potent with abundance of all things to serve themselves and other nations , where nothing groweth , and that their never-dried fountains of wealth , by which they raise their estate to such an admirable height , as that they are at this day even a wonder to the world , proceedeth from your majesties sea and lands . i thus moved , began to dive into the depth of their pollicies and circumventing practises , whereby they drain and still covet to exhaust the wealth and coyn of this kingdom , and so with our own commodities to weaken us , and finally beat us quite out of trading in other countreys ; i found that they more fully obtained these their purposes , by their convenient priviledges and setled constitutions , than england with all the law and superabundance of home bred commodities which god hath vouchsafed your sea and land. and these , and other mentioned in this book , are the urgent causes that provoked me , in my love and bounden duty to your majesty and my countrey , to address my former books to your princely hands and consideration . by which priviledges they draw multitudes of merchants to trade with them , and many other nations to inhabit amongst them , which makes them populous ; and there they make store-houses of all forreign commodities , wherewith , upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth , they are able to furnish forreign countries with plenty of those commodities , which before in time of plenty they engrossed , and brought home from the same places ; which doth greatly augment power and treasure to their state , besides the common good in setting their poor people on work ; to which privilegdes they add smallness of custom , and liberty of trade , which maketh them flourish , and their countrey so plentyfull of all kind of coyne and commodities , where little or nothing groweth , and their merchants so flourish , that when a loss cometh they scarce feell it ; to bring this to pass , they have many advantages of us : the ones by their fashioned ships called boyers , hoybatks , hoyes , and others that are made to hold great bulk of merchandize , and to sail with a few men for profit : for example , though an english ship of two hundred tun , and a holland ship , or any other of the petty states of the same burthen be at danske , or any other place beyond the seas , or in england , they do serve the merchant better cheap , by one hundred pounds in his fraight than we can , by reason he hath but nine or ten marriners , and we near thirty ; thus he saveth twenty mens meat and wages in a voyage , and so in all other their ships according to their burden , by which means they are fraighted , wheresoever they come to great profit , whilest our ships lye still and decay , or go to newcastle for coals . of this their smallness of custom inwards and outwards we have dayly experience , for if two english ships , or two of any other nation be at burdeaux , both laden with wine of three hundred tuns a piece , the one bound for holland , or any other petty states , the other for england , the marchant shall pay about nine hundred pounds custom here , and other duties ; when the other in holland , or any other petty states shall be cleared for less then fifty pounds , and so in all other wares and merchandizes accordingly , which draws all nations to traffick with them ; and although it seems but small duties which they receive , yet the multitudes of all kind of commodities and coyn that is brought there by themselves and others , and carryed out by themselves and others , is so great , that they receive more custome and duties to the state , by the greatness of their commerce in one year , then england doth in two years ; for the one hundreth part of commodities are not spent in holland , but vented into other countries , which maketh all the countrey-merchants to buy and sell , and increase ships and marriners to transport them . my travels and meaning is not to diminish ( neither hath been ) your majesties revenues , but exeeding to encrease them , as shall appear , and yet please the people as in other parts they do , notwithstanding their excises , bring them in great revenues , yet whosoever will adventure to burdeaux but for six tuns of wine shall be free of excise in his own house all the year long ; and this is done of purpose to animate and increase merchants in their countrey . and if it happen that a trade be s●●●ped by any forreign nation , which they heretofore usually had , or hear of any good trading which they never had , they will hinder others , and seek either by favour , money , or force , to open the gap of traffick for advancement of trade amongst themselves , and imployment of their people ; and when there is a new course or trade erected , they give free custom inwards and outwards , for the beter maintenance of navigation , and encouragement of the people to that business . thus they and others glean the wealth and strength from us to themselves , and these reasons following procure them this advantage from us : 1. the merchant staplers , which make all things in abundance , by reason of their store-houses continually replenished with all kind of commodities . 2. the liberty of free traffick for strangers to buy and sell in holland , and other contries and states , as if they were free-born , maketh great intercourse . 3. the small duties levied upon merchants , draws all nations to trade with them . 4. their fashioned ships continually fraighted before ours , by reason of their few marriners , and great bulk , serving the merchant cheap . 5. their forwardness to further all manner of trading . 6. their wonderful imployment of their busses for fishing , and the great returns they make . 7. their giving free custom inwards and outwards for any new erected trade , by means whereof they have gotten already almost the sole trade into their hands . all nations may buy and sell freely in france , and there is free custom outwards twice or thrice a year , at which time our merchants themselves do make their sales of english commodities , and do buy and lade their bulk with french commodities to serve for the whole year ; and in rochell , in france , and in brittain , free custom all the year long , except some small toll , which makes great traffick , and makes them flourish . in denmark , to encourage and inrich the merchants , and to increase ships and m●riners , free custom all the year long for their own merchants , except one moneth , between bartholomew-tide and michaelmass ; the haunce-towns have advantage of us , as holland and other petty states have , and in most things imitate them , which makes them exceeding rich and plentyful of all kind of commodities and coyn ; and so strong in ships and marriners , that some of their towns have near one thousand sail of ships . the marchandizes of france , portugal , spain , italy , turkey , east and west-indies , are transported most by the hollanders and other petty states into the east and north-east kingdom of pomerland , spruceland , poland , denmark , swedeland , leifland and germany ; and the merchandizes brought from the last mentioned kingdoms being wonderful many , are likewise by the hollanders and other petty states most transported into the southern and western dominions ; and yet the situation of england lyeth far better for a store-house to serve the southern , east , and north-east regions , then theirs doth , and hath far better means to do it , if we will bend our course for it . no sooner a dearth of fish , wine , or corn here , and other merchandize , but forthwith the embdeners , hamburgers and hollanders , out of their store-house , lade fifty or one hundred ships or more , dispersing themselves round about this kingdom , and carry away great store of coyn and wealth for little commodity , in those times of dearth ; by which means they suck our common-wealth of their riches , cut down our merchants , and decay our navigation , not with their natural commodities which grow in their own countries , but the merchandizes of other countries and kingdoms ; therefore it is far more easier to serve our selves , hold up our merchants , and increase our ships and marriners , and strengthen the kingdom , and not onely keep our money in our own realm , which other nations still robb us of , but bring in theirs who carry ours away , and make the bank of coyn and store-house to serve other nations , as well and far better cheap then they ; amsterdam is never without seaven hundred thousand quarters of corn , besides the plenty they dayly vent ; and none of this growth in their own countrey ; a dearth in england , france , spain , italy , portugal , and other places , is truly observed to inrich holland seaven years after , and likewise the petty states ; for example , the last dearth six year past , the hamburgers , embdeners , and hollanders out of their store-houses furnished this kingdom , and from southhampton , exeter and bristol , in a year and a half carried away near two hundred thousand pounds from these parts ; onely then , what great quantity of coyn was transported round about your kingdom from every port-town , and from your city of london and other cities , cannot be esteemed so little as two millions , to the great decay of your kingdom , and impoverishing your people , discredit to the company of merchants , and dishonour to the land , that any nation , that have no corn in their own countrey growing , should serve this famous kingdom , which god hath so inabled within it self ; they have a continual trade into this kingdom , with five or six hundred ships yearly , with merchandizes of other countries and kingdoms , and store them up in store-house here untill the prices rise to their minds ; and we trade not with fifty ships into their countrey in a year ; and the said number are about this realm every eastern wind , for the most part , to lade coals and other merchandizes , unless there be a scarcity , or dearth , or high prices ; all merchants do forbear that place where great impositions are laid upon the merchandize , and those places slenderly shipped , ill served , and at dear rates , and oftentimes in scarcity and want of imployment for the people ; and those petty states finding truly by experience , that small duties imposed upon merchandize , draw all traffick unto them , and free liberty for strangers to buy and sell doth make continual mart ; therefore what excises or impositions are laid upon the common people , yet they still ease , uphold and maintain the merchants by all possible means , of purpose to draw the wealth and strength of christendom to themselves ; whereby it appeareth , though the duties be but small , yet the customs for going out , and coming in , do so abound , that they increase their revenues greatly , and make profit , plenty , and imployment of all sorts by sea and land to serve themselves and other nations , as is admirable to behold ; and likewise the great commerce which groweth by the same means , enableth the common people to bear their burthen laid upon them , and yet they grow rich by reason of the great commerce and trade occasioned by their convenient priviledges and comodious constitutions . there was an intercourse of traffick in genoa , and there was the flower of commerce , as appeareth by their ancient records , and their sumptuous buildings ; for all nations trade with merchandize to them . and there was the store-house of italy , and other places ; but after they had set a great custom of 16. per cent. all nations left trading with them , which made them give themselves wholly to usury , and at this day we have not three ships go there in a year ; but to the contrary , the duke of florence builded ligorn , and set small custom upon merchandize , and gave them great and pleasing priviledges , which hath made a rich and strong city , with a flourishing state. furthermore , touching some particulars needful to be considered of , the mighty huge fishing that ever could be heard of in the world , is upon the coasts of england , scotland , and ireland ; but the great fishery is in the low-countries , and other petty states , wherewith they serve themselves and all christendom , as it shall appear , in four towns in the east kingdoms within the sound , quinsbrough , elbing , statten , and dantzick , there are carried and vented in a year between thirty and fourty thousand last of herrings sold but at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is about 620000. and we none ; besides denmark , norway , sweden , leifland , rye nevil , the nerve , and other port-towns within the sound , ther● is carried and vented above 10000. last of herrings sold at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is 170000. pounds more yearly in such request are our herring there , that they are often times sold for 20 , 24 , 30 , and 36. pounds the last , and send not one barrel into all those east-countries . the hollanders sent into russia near fifteen hundred last of herrings , sold about 30. shillings the barrel , amounteth to 27000. pounds , and we but about 20 , or 30. lasts ; to stoad , hambourgh , breamen and embden , upon the river of elve , weafer and embs , are carried and vented of fish and herrings about 6000. lasts , sold about fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is 100000. l. and we none ; cleafland , gulickland , up the river of rhine , to cullen , frankford , or the main , and so over all germany , is carried and vented fish and herrings , near 12000. sold at 20. pounds the last , is 44000 pound , and we none . up the river of maze leight , mastricht , vendloo , sutphen , deventer , campen , swool , and all over lukeland , is carried and vented 7000. last of herrings , sold at twenty pounds the last , is 140000. pounds , and we none . to gilderland , artois , henault , brabant , flanders , up the river of antwerpe , all over the arch-dukes countreys , are carried and vented between eight and nine thousand lasts , sold at 18. pounds the last , is 171000. pounds , and we none . the hollanders , and others , carried of all sorts of herrings to roan onely in one year , besides all other parts of france , 50000. last of herrings , sold at 20. pound the last , is 100000. pounds , and we not one hundred last thither , they are sould oftentimes there for 20 , and 24 , and 30. pounds the last , between christmass and lent , the duties for fish and herrings came to 15000. crowns at roan onely that year the late queen deceased , sir thomas parrye was agent there then , and s. savors his man knows it to be true , who handled the business for pulling down the impositions ; then what great sums of money came to all in the port-towns , to inrich the french kings coffers , and to all the kings and states throughout christendom , to inrich their coffers , besides the great quantity vented to the straights , and the multitude spent in the low-contries , which is there likewise sould for many a hundred thousand pounds more yearly , is necessary to be remembred , and the stream to be turned to the good of this kingdom , to whose sea-coasts god onely hath sent and given these great blessings , and multitude of riches for us to take ; however it hath been neglected , to the hurt of this kingdom , that any nation should carry away out of this kingdom yearly great masses of money for fish taken in our seas , and sold again by them to us , which must needs be a great dishonour to our nation , and hindrance to this realm ; from any port-town of any kingdom within christendom , the bridgemasters or the wharfmasters for twenty shillings a year , will deliver a true note of the number of lasts of herrings brought to their wharf , and their prices commonly they are sould at ; but the number brought to danske , cullen , rotterdam , and enchusen , is so great , as it will cost three , four , or five pounds for a true note , the abundance of corn groweth in the east kingdoms ; but the great store-houses for grain to serve christendom , & the heathen countries , in time of dearth is in the low-countries , wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth they do inrich themselves seaven years after , imploy their people , and get great straights for their ships in other countries , and we not one in that course ; the mighty vineyards and store of salt is in france and spain , but the great vintage and staple of salt is in the low-countries , and they send near one thousand sail of ships with salt and wine onely into the east kingdoms yearly , besides other places , and we not one in that course ; the exceeding groves of wood are in the east kingdoms ; but the huge piles of wainscore , clapboard , fir , deal , masts , and timber is in the low-countrys , where none grow , wherewith they serve themselves and other parts , and this kingdom with those commodities ; they have five or six hundred great long ships continually using that trade , we none in that course ; the wool , cloth , lead , tin , and divers other commodities are in england , but by means of our wooll and cloth going out ruffe , undrest and undyed , there is an exceeding manufactury and drapery in the low-countries , wherewith they serve themselves and other nations , and advance greatly the imployment of the people at home , and traffick abroad , and put down ours in forreign parts where our merchants trade unto , with our own commodities we send into the east kingdoms yearly but one hundred ships , and our trade cheifly dependeth upon three towns , elbing , kingsborough , and danske , for making our sails , and buying their commodities sent into this realm at dear rates , which this kingdom bears the burthen of . the low-contries send into the east kingdoms yearly about three thousand ships , trading into every city and port-town , taking the advantage and venting their commodities to exceeding profit , and buying and lading their ships with plenty of those commodities which they have from every of those towns 20. per cent. better cheap then we , by reason of the difference of the coyn , and their fish yields ready money ; which greatly advanceth their traffick , and dacayeth ours ; they send into france , spain , portugal , italy , from the east kingdoms that passeth through the sound , and through your narrow seas yearly of the east-country commodities about two thousand ships , and we none in that course ; they trade into all cities and port-towns in france , and we cheifly into five or six ; they traffick into every city and port-town round about this land , with five or six hundred ships yearly , and we cheifly but to three towns in their countrey , and but with fourty ships , notwithstanding the low countries have as many ships and vessels as eleven kingdoms of christendom have , let england be one , and build every year near one thousand ships , and not a timber-tree growing in their own countrey ; and that also all their home-bred commodities that grow in their land in a year , less then one hundred good ships are able to carry them away at one time , yet they handle the matter so for setting them all on work , that their traffick with the haunce-towns exceeds in shipping all christendom . we have all things of our own in superabundance , to increase traffick , and timber to build ships , and commodities of our own to lade about one thousand ships and vessels at one time , besides the great fishing ; and as fast as they have made their voyages might re-lade again , and so year after year , all the year long to continue ; yet our ships and marriners decline , and traffick and merchants dayly decay , the main bulks and mass of herrings , from whence they raise so many millions yearly that inrich other kingdoms , kings and states coffers , and likewise their own people , proceedeth from your seas and lands ; and the return of the commodities and coyn they bring home in exchange of fish , and other commodities , are so huge , as would require a large discourse apart ; all the amends they make us , is , they beat us out of trade in all parts , with our own commodities ; for instance , we had a great trade in russia about seventy years , and about fourteen years past we sent store of goodly ships to trade in those parts , and three years past we set out but four , and this last year but two or three : but to the contrary , the hollanders about twenty years since traded there with two ships onely , yet now they are increased to about thirty or fourty , and one of their ships is as great as two of ours , and at the same time ( in their troubles there ) that we decrease , they increased ; and the cheifest commodities they carry with them thither , is english cloth , herrings taken in our seas , english lead , and pewter made of our tin , besides other commodities , all which we may do beter then they ; and although it be a cheap country , the trade very gainful , yet we have almost brought it to nought by disorderly trading joynt-stock , and the merchants banding themselves one against the other , and so likewise we used to have 8. or 9. great ships to go continually a fishing to wardhouse and this year but one ; and so per rato , they out-go us in all kind of fishing and merchandizing in all countries , by reason they spare no cost , nor deny no priviledges that may incourage advancement of trade and manufactury . now if it please , and with your majesties good liking stand , to take notice of these things , which i have conceived to be fit for your majesties consideration , which in all humbleness , as duty bindeth me , i do tender unto your majesty for the unfeigned zeal i bear to the advancement of your honour and profit , and the general good of your subjects ; it being apparent , that no three kingdoms in christendom can compare with your majesty , for support of traffick , and continually imployment of your people within themselves , having so many great means both by sea and land to inrich your coffers , multiply your navy , enlarge your traffick , make your kingdoms powerfull and your people rich . yet , through idleness , they are poor , wanting imployment , many of your land and coast-towns much ruinated , and your kingdom in need of coyn , your shipping , traffick and marriners decayed , which your majesties neighbour princes without these means abound in wealth , inlarge their towns , increase their shipping , traffick , and marriners , and find out such imployment for their people , that they are all advantageous to their common-wealth , onely by ordaining commodious constitutions in merchandizing , and fulness of trade in manufactury . god hath blest your majesty with incomparable benefits : as with copper , lead , iron , tin , allum , copperas , saffron , fell , and divers other native commodities , to the number of about one hundred , and other manufacturies vendible , to the number of about a thousand , as shall appear ; besides corn , whereof great quantity of beer is made , and most transported by strangers ; as also wooll , whereof much is shipped forth unwrought into cloth or stuffs , and cloth transported undrest and undyed , which doth imploy and maintain near fifty thousand people in forreign parts ; your majesties people wanting the imployment in england , many of them being inforced to live in great want , and seek it beyond seas ; coals , which do imploy hundreds of strangers ships yearly to transport them out of this kingdom , whilest we do not imploy twenty ships in that course . iron ordnance , which is a jewel of great value , far more then it is accounted , by reason that no other countrey could ever attain unto it , although they have assayed with great charge ; your majesty hath timber of your own for building of ships , and commodities plenty to lade them , which commodities other nations want ; yet your majesties people decline in shipping , traffick , and mariners . these inconveniences happen by three causes especially ; 1. the unprofitable course of merchandizing . 2. the want of course of full manufactury of our home-bred commodities . 3. the undervaluing of our coyns , contrary to the rules of other nations . for instance ; the merchant adventurers by over-trading upon credit , or with money taken up upon exchange , whereby they lose usually ten or twelve , and sometimes fifteen or sixteen per cent. are enforced to make sale of their cloths at under-rates , to keep their credit , whereby cloths being the jewel of the land , is undervalued , and the merchant in short time eaten out . the merchants of ipswich , whose trade for elbing is chiefly with fine cloths , and some few sorting cloths , all dyed and dress'd within our land , do for the most part buy their fine cloths upon time ; and by reason they go so much upon credit , they are enforced , not being able to stand upon their markets , to sell , giving 15 or 18 months day of payment for their cloths ; and having sold them , they then presently sell their bills so taken for cloth , allowing after the rate of fourteen or fifteen , and sometimes twenty per cent. which money they imploy forthwith in wares at excessive prices , and lose as much more that way , by that time their wares be sold at home : thus by over-running themselves upon credit , they disable themselves and others , enhancing the prices of foreign commodities , and pulling down the rates of our own . the west-country merchants , that trade with cloths into france or spain , do usually imploy their servants , young men of small experience , who , by cunning combining of the french and spanish merchants , are so entrapped , that when all custom and charges be accompted , their masters shall hardly receive their principal moneys : as for returns out of france , their silver and gold is so highly rated , that our merchants cannot bring it home but to great loss ; therefore the french merchants set higher rates upon their commodities , which we must buy dear , or let our moneys lye dead there a long time , untill we may conveniently imploy the same . the northern merchants of york , hull , and newcastle , trade only in white kerzies , and coloured dozzens ; and every merchant , be his adventure never so small , doth for the most part send over an unexperienced youth , unfit for merchandizing , which bringeth to the stranger great advantage , but to his master and commonwealth great hindrance ; for they , before their goods be landed , go to the stranger and buy such quantities of iron , flax , corn , and other commodities , as they are bound to lade their ships withall , which ships they engage themselves to relade within three weeks , or a month , and do give the price the merchant stranger asketh , because he gives them credit , and lets them ship away their iron , flax , and other commodities , before they have sold their kerzies , and other commodities , by which means extraordinary dear commodities are returned into this realm , and the servants also enforced to sell his cloths under-foot , and oftentimes to loss , to keep his credit , and to make payment for the goods before shipped home , having some twenty dayes or a months respite to sell the cloths , and to give the merchant satisfaction for his iron , flax , and other wares , by which extremities our home-bred commodities are abased . touching fishing . the great sea-business of fishing , doth imploy near twenty thousand ships and vessels , and four hundred thousand people are imployed yearly upon your coast of england , scotland , and ireland , with sixty ships of war , which may prove dangerous . the hollanders only have about three thousand ships to fish withall , and fifty thousand people are imployed yearly by them upon your majesties coasts of england , scotland , and ireland . these three thousand fishing ships and vessels of the hollanders , do imploy near nine thousand other ships and vessels , and one hundred and fifty thousand persons more by sea and land , to make provision to dress and transport the fish they take , and return commodities , whereby they are enabled , and do build yearly one thousand ships and vessels , having not one timber tree growing in their own country , nor home-bred commodities to lade one hundred ships , and yet they have twenty thousand ships and vessels , and all imployed . king henry the seventh , desirous to make his kingdoms powerfull and rich , by encrease of ships and mariners , and imployment of his people , sent unto his sea-coast towns , moving them to set up the great and rich fishing , with promise to give them needfull priviledges , and to furnish them with loans of money , if need were , to encourage them ; yet his people were slack . now since i have traced this business , and made mine endeavours known unto your majesty , your noblemen , able merchants , and others , ( who having set down under their hands for more assurance ) promised to disburse large sums of money for the building up of this great and rich large sea-city , which will encrease more strength to your land , give more comfort , and do more good to all your cities and towns , than all the companies of your kingdom , having fit and needfull priviledges for the upholding and strengthening of so weighty and needfull a business . for example ; twenty busses built and put into a sea-coast town , where there is not one ship before , there must be to carry , re-carry , transport and make provision for one busse , three ships ; likewise every ships setting on work thirty several trades and occupations , and four hundred thousand persons by sea and land , in so much as three hundred persons are not able to make one fleet of nets in four months for one busse , which is no small imployment . thus by twenty busses are set on work near eight thousand persons by sea and land , and an encrease of above one thousand mariners , and a fleet of eighty sail of ships to belong to one town , where none were before , to take the wealth out of the sea , to enrich and strengthen the land , only by raising of twenty busses . then what good one thousand or two thousand will do , i leave to your majesties consideration . it is worthy to be noted , how necessary fishermen are to the commonwealth , and how needfull to be advanced and cherished ; ( viz. ) 1. for taking gods blessing out of the sea , to enrich the realm , which otherwise we lose . 2. for setting the people on work. 3. for making plenty and cheapness in the realm . 4. for encreasing of shipping to make the land powerfull . 5. for a continual nursery for breeding and encreasing our mariners . 6. for making imployment of all sorts of people , and blind , lame , and others by sea and land , from ten and twelve years , and upwards . 7. for enriching your majesties coffers , for merchandizes returned from other countreys for fish and herrings . 8. for the encrease and enabling of merchants , which now droop and daily decay . touching the coyn. for the most part all monarchies and free-states , both heathen and christian , as turkey , barbary , france , poland , and others , do hold for a rule of never-failing profit , to keep their coyn at higher rates within their own territories , than it is in other kingdoms . the causes : 1. to preserve the coyn within their own territories . 2. to bring unto themselves the coyn of foreign princes . 3. to enforce merchant-strangers to take their commodities at high rates , which this kingdom bears the burthen of . for instance ; the king of barbary perceiving the trade of christian merchants to encrease in this kingdom , and that the returns out of his kingdoms were most in gold , whereby it was much enhanced , raised his ducket ( being then currant for three ounces ) to four , five , and six ounces ; nevertheless it was no more worth in england , being so raised , then when it went for three ounces . this ducket currant for three ounces in barbary , was then worth in england seven shillings and six pence , and no more worth , being raised to six ounces ; since which ( time adding to it a small piece of gold ) he hath raised it to eight , and lastly to ten ounces , yet at this day it is worth but ten shillings and one penny , notwithstanding your majesties fate raising of your gold. having thus raised his gold , he then devised to have plenty of silver brought into his kingdom , raised the royal of eight , being but two ounces , to three and three-pence half-penny , which caused great plenty of silver to be brought in , and to continue in his kingdom . france . the english jacobus goeth for three and twenty shillings in merchandizing . the french crown for seven shillings and six pence . also the king hath raised his silver four sowce in the crown . north-holland . the double jacobus goeth for three and twenty shillings sterling . the english shillings is there eleven stivers , which is two shillings over in the pound . poland . the king of poland raiseth his hungary ducket from 56. to 77 and ½ polish groshes , and the rix-doller from 36. to 47 and ½ groshes ; the rix-doller worth in poland 47 and ½ groshes , is by account valued at 6 s. 4 d. sterling , and here in england is worth but 4 s. 7 d. the hungary ducket 77. is worth by account in poland 10 s. 4 d. and in england is worth but 7 s. 10 d. the jacobus of england here currant for 22 s. in poland 24 s. at the rate of 7 s. to 10 d. for the hungary ducket . now to turn the stream and riches raised by your majesties native commodities , into the natural channel from whence it hath been a long time diverted , may it please your majesty to consider these points following : 1. whether it be not fit that a state-merchant be settled within your dominions , which may both dispose more profitably of the riches thereof , and encounter policies of merchant-strangers , who now go beyond us in all kind of profitable merchandizing . 2. whether it be not necessary that your native commodities should receive their full manufactury by your subjects within your dominions . 3. whether it be not fit the coals should yield your majesty and subjects a better value , by permitting them to pass out of the land , and that they be in your subjects shipping only transported . 4. whether it be not fit your majesty presently raise your coyn to as high rates , as it is in the parts beyond the seas . 5. whether it be not necessary that the great sea-business of fishing , be forthwith set forward . if it please your majesty to approve of these considerations , and accordingly to put them in a right course of execution , i assure my self ( by gods help ) in short time your majesties customs , and the continual coming into your coffers , will be exceedingly encreased , your ships and mariners trebbled , your land and wast-towns ( which are now run out of gates ) better replenished , and your people imployed , to the great enriching and honour of your kingdom , with the applause , and to the comfort of all your loyal subjects . may it please your majesty , i have the rather undergone the pains to look into their policies , because i have heard them profess , they hoped to get the whole trade and shipping of christendom into their own hands , as well for transportation , as otherwise for the command and master of the seas ; to which end i find that they do daily encrease their traffick , augmenting their shipping , multiplying their mariners , strength and wealth in all kinds ; whereat i have grieved the more , when i considered how god hath endued these kingdoms above any three kingdoms in christendom , with divers varieties of home-bred commodities , which others have not , and cannot want ; and endued us with sundry other means , to continue and maintain trade of merchandizing and fishing beyond them all , whereby we might prevent the deceivers , engross the commodities of the engrossers , inrich our selves , and increase our navigation , shipping , and mariners ; so as it would make all nations to vail the bonnet to england , if we would not be still wanting to our selves in imployment of our people ; which people being divided into three parts , two parts of them are meet spenders and consumers of a common-wealth , therefore i aim at these points following . to allure and encourage the people for their private gain , to be all workers and erectors of a commonwealth . to inrich and fill your majesties coffers , by a continual coming in , and make your people wealthy , by means of their great and profitable trading and imployment . to vent our home-bred commodities , to far more reputation , and much more profit to the king , the merchant , and the kingdom . to return the merchandizes of other countreys at far cheaper rates than now they are , to the great good of the realm in general . to make the land powerfull , by increasing of ships and mariners . to make your peoples takings in general , to be much more every day than now they are , which by gods help will grow continually more and more , by the great concourse and commerce that will come by settled constitutions , and convenient priviledges , as in other parts they do by this their great freedom of trade . all this , and much more , is done in other countreys , where nothing groweth , so that of nothing they make great things . then how much more mighty things might we make , where so great abundance and variety of home-bred commodities , and rich materials grows , for your people to work upon , and other plentifull means to do that withall , which other nations neither have , nor cannot want , but of necessity must be furnished from hence : and now whereas our merchandizing is wilde , utterly confused , and out of frame , as at large appeareth , a state-merchant will roundly and effectually bring all the premisses to pass , fill your havens with ships , those ships with mariners , your kingdom full of merchants , their houses full of outlandish commodities , and your coffers full of coyn , as in other parts they do ; and your people shall have just cause to hold in happy memory , that your majesty was the beginner of so profitable , praise-worthy , and renowned a work , being the true philosophers-stone to make your majesty a rich and potent king , and your subjects happy people , only by settling of a state-merchant , whereby your people may have fulness of trade and manufactury , and yet hold both honourable and profitable government , without breaking of companies . and for that in the settling of so weighty a business , many things of great consequence must necessarily fall into consideration , i humbly pray that your majesty may be pleased , ( for the bringing of this great service to light ) to give me leave to nominate the commissioners , and your majesty to give them power to call before them such men as they shall think fit , to conferr with upon oath , or otherwise as occasion shall offer , that the said commissioners with all speed , for the better advancement of this honourable and profitable work , may prepare and report the same unto your majesty . having at large treated about the damage it is to england , about the non-improvement of the native commodities , it is requisite to adde something about the hands to be imployed therein . the manufactors of wool , ( with many other tradesmen ) many of them that are conscientious in their imployments , lye under heavy discouragements , not having assurance of liberty in the matters of worship ; hence many transplanted themselves into holland about the year 35. to the great advantage of the dutch ; and of late times many others , both of merchants and clothiers , ( by the severity used in that matter of worship alone ) have consulted , and were preparing to transplant themselves , had not that indulgence his majesty hath been pleased to exercise , prevented ; for what person that can raise a trade , and live as well in another countrey , being here not secured in the matter of his conscience , without which he cannot have the benefit of his imployment , will either stay to his hazard , or if he do , can he be so profitable ( while he stays in fears ) either to himself , his countrey , or his majesty , as otherwise he might be ? many also there are that for reasons of this kind , are necessitated to lay down , or draw their trades into a narrower compass , who have formerly been considerable benefactors to their countrey , some of them having hundreds , some a thousand depending on them , whose livelihood stands or falls , with their liberty or imprisonment . moreover i have observed , that many of his majesties subjects , ( of whose fidelity i have sufficient experience ) hereby have by some persons been greatly mis-represented , which is a matter of no small moment ; by this means 't is plain , such persons have been the occasion of many groundless offences , jealousies and murmurings , ( with great cost , charge , and undoing of many tradesmen ) which are of very evil consequence , concerning which i have endeavoured to my power to undeceive his majesties subjects , and of which i shall be ready to give further accompt . but by the working of jealousies and animosities of this kind , trade is very much obstructed and decayed ; for if one particular person , upon mis-representation , be but prosecuted , that hath so many hundreds depending upon him , first , those persons are undone , and come to ruine ; nor is that all , but 2 ly . this begets jealousie and murmurings in all those concern'd , and the same with farther fears on all persons lyable to suffering upon the same ground , as far as the report thereof goes : thus is trade , quietness and confidence prejudic'd , for want of assurance in that point of liberty , &c. from the whole , these necessary conclusions may be drawn ; 1. that it is necessary for the good of his majesty and people , to secure the wool in england ( being the matter or foundation of such a rich manufacture to work upon ) by effectual laws , and faithfulness in the execution . 2. the regulation of the manufacturies thereof be consulted for reformation . 3. if yet the hands of many , and the chief of those persons capable of managing the manufacturies thereof be weakened , for want of assurance in that tender point of conscience , and so consequently they withdraw their stocks and trade not to half the height they would , for fear they should suddenly be exposed to remove into other countries , or do worse , ( which is still much feared by some ) if in this they be not eas'd , the trade of this nation can never be compleated , nor brought to its primitive lustre and glory . my observation upon his majesties speech to the parliament , in the year 1667. including some indulgence to his majesties protestant subjects , did much quicken trade in all the nation ; insomuch that severall thence took encouragement ( that before had been contracting their trades ) to begin to lay out themselves and estates to raise up manufactury , expecting a full concurrance by the parliament : but when the same persons saw themselves disappointed therein , they forthwith took up thoughts of retiring themselves , and withdrew their trade , which was then much to my own particular damage , depending upon those persons then in dealings , and yet these are persons , to my knowledge , very loyal to his majesty . i cannot understand what persons have advantage by his majesties great damage , and the kingdomes so great impoverishment , as i have demonstrated ; or why those persons , be they what they will , upon such very costly terms ( to say no more ) should be gratified ; neither have the councels and ends propounded by the chief agents and factors of that severity , been succesfull either in bringing forth that which may countervail these losses , or decrease the number , or alter the nature of them , that alone for conscience they should suppress ; but rather provokes many that before concern'd not themselves by proceeds of that kind , against men peaceable and so beneficial in their stations , to examine the causes for which they are exposed to suffer ; which also prevails with many to a participation with them : nor can what they would have , be done to those they would suppress , in places depending much upon these trades , without almost desolating many parts of his majesties kingdomes ; for should so many be removed that imployed so many poor , those tradesmen that remain would not be able to manage trade sufficient to set on work the poor , for their stocks would not reach thereunto ; how fearfull then is that which must unavoidably follow ? suffer one word more of my knowledge in this business , as to matter of fact , in a small parish where i was born , where there is 15. cloathiers , or thereabouts ; of those 15. there is 12. dissenters in matters of worship , which i know are as to the government as peaceable as any : and in another little cloathing-town there is 24. cloathiers ; amongst those 24.20 . are dissenters : and by this measure i might go through most parts of the west of england , viz. hampshire , wilts , dorset , devon , sommerset , gloucestershire , and part of monmouthshire in wales : most of all those said counties i have traded with , and am therefore experienced in what i say . now suppose that those laws ( now and formerly in force against such persons ) should have been rigorously executed , what would have been the consequence : to give instance , the case of but one man , thomas pearce of westdome in devonshire , near barnstable , who was prosecuted upon the 20th . moneth , and had 15. servants in his own house , besides many parishes depending upon him ; yet was forc't to leave his calling and habitation about 3. or 4. years since , to the utter ruine of those persons so depending , till he was releas'd : and many other such instances might be given ; for it must necessarily follow , when a tradesman that imploys a great part of a countrey , is violently and suddenly run down and opprest , so as his trade must fail , that the countrey must suffer with him ; for what sober person will step into his place , and take up his trade , while he is for such causes suffering , if men to fill up such vacancies were to be found . finis . anno regni caroli ii. regis angliæ, scotiæ, franciæ, & hiberniæ, duodecimo. at the parliament begun at westminster, the five and twentieth day of april, an. dom. 1660 in the twelfth year of the reign of our most gracious soveraign lord charles, by the grace of god, of england, scotland, france, and ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1661 approx. 216 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 75 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a82435 wing e1095 thomason e1075_27 99867538 99867538 119854 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82435) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 119854) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 160:e1075[27]) anno regni caroli ii. regis angliæ, scotiæ, franciæ, & hiberniæ, duodecimo. at the parliament begun at westminster, the five and twentieth day of april, an. dom. 1660 in the twelfth year of the reign of our most gracious soveraign lord charles, by the grace of god, of england, scotland, france, and ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) england and wales. parliament. 150 [i.e. 148], [2] p. printed by john bill, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, [london : 1660] [i.e. 1661] contains the acts drafted by the convention parliament. list of additional acts not included: pp. 148-150. signatures: a-z² 2a-2g² 2h¹ 2i-2p² . annotation on thomason copy: "jan 7". reproduction of the original in the british library. an act for the better ordering the selling of wines by retail -an act for the levying of the arrears of the twelve moneths assessment commencing the 24th of june 1659, and the six moneths assessment commencing the 25 of december 1659 -an act for granting unto the kings majesty, four hundred and twenty thousand pounds, by an assessment of threescore and ten thousand pounds by the moneth, for six moneths, for disbanding the remainder of the army and paying off the navy -an act for further supplying and explaining certain defects in an act intituled an act for the speedy provision of money for disbanding and paying off the forces of this kingdom -an act for the raising of seventy thousand pounds for the further supply of his majesty -an act for the attainder of several persons guilty of the horrid murther of his late sacred majestie king charles the first -an act for confirmation of leases and grants from colledges and hospitals -an act for confirmation of marriages -an act for prohibiting the planting, setting, or sowing of tobacco in england and ireland -an act for erecting and establishing a post-office -an act impowering the master of the rolls for the time being, to make leases for years, in order to new build the old houses belonging to the rolls. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 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selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -army -demobilization -early works to 1800. wine and wine making -law and legislation -great britain -early works to 1800. taxation -law and legislation -great britain -early works to 1800. wool industry -great britain -early works to 1800. regicides -early works to 1800. marriage law -great britain -early works to 1800. tobacco -law and legislation -great britain -early works to 1800. postal service -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-07 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion anno regni caroli ij. regis angliae , scotiae , franciae , & hiberniae , duo decimo . at the parliament begun at westminster the five and twentieth day of april , an. dom. 1660. in the twelfth year of the reign of our most gracious soveraign lord charles , by the grace of god , of england , scotland , france , and ireland , king , defender of the faith , &c. london , printed by john bill , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1660. cum privilegio . anno xii . caroli ii. regis . an act for the better ordering the selling of wines by retail , and for preventing abuses in the mingling , corrupting , and vitiating of wines , and for setting and limiting the prices of the same . for the better ordering of selling of wines by retail in taverns , and other places , and for preventing of abuses therein , be it enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , by and with the consent of the lords and commons in parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that no person or persons whatsoever , from and after the five and twentieth day of march one thousand six hundred sixty one , unless he or they be authorised and enabled in manner and form , as in this present act is prescribed and appointed , shall sell or utter by retail , that is by the pint , quart , pottle or gallon , or by any other greater or lesser retail measure , any kinde of wine or wines to be drunk or spent within his or their mansion-house or houses , or other place in his or their tenure or occupation , or without such mansion-house or houses , or such other place in his or their tenure or occupation , by any colour , craft , or mean whatsoever , upon pam to forfeit for every such offence the sum of five pounds ; the one moyety of every such penalty to be to our soveraign lord the king , the other moyety to him or them that will sue for the same , by action of debt , bill , plaint , or information in any of the kings courts of record , in which action or suit ▪ no ess●ign , wager of law or protection shall be allowed . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall and may be lawful , to and for his majesty , his heirs and successors , from time to time , to issue out under his or their great seal of england , one or more commission or commissions directed to two or more persons , thereby authorizing them to licence , and give authority to such person and persons , as they shall think sit , to sell and utter by retail , all and every or any kinde of wine or wines whatsoever , to be drunk and spent as well within the house or houses , or other place , in the tenure or occupation of the party so licenced , as without , in any city , town , or other place within the kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town and port of berwick upon twede ; and such persons as from time to time or at any time hereafter shall be by such commission or commissions as aforesaid in that behalf appointed , shall have power and authority , and hereby have power and authority to treat and contract for licence , authority and dispensations to be given and granted to any person or persons for the selling and uttering of wines by retail in any city , town or other place as aforesaid , according to the rules and directions of this present act , and the true intent and meaning thereof , and not otherwise , any law , statute , usage or custome to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that such persons as shall be commissioned and appointed by his majesty , his heirs or successors as aforesaid shall be , and be called his majesties agents for granting licences for the selling and uttering of wine by retail ; and his majesties said agents are hereby authorized and enabled under their seal of office , the same to be appointed by his majesty , to grant licence for the selling and uttering of wines by retail to any person or persons , and for any time or terme not exceeding one and twenty years , if such person and persons shall so long live ; and for such yearly rent as they can or shall agree , and think fit , so as no fine be taken for the same ; but that the rent and summs of money agreed upon and reserved , be payed and answered half yearly by equal portions during the whole term. and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that such licence shall not be given or granted , but to such who shall personally use the trade of selling or uttering of wines by retail , or to the landlord and owner of the house where the person useing such trade shall sell and utter wine by retail , nor shall the same be assignable nor in any wise beneficial or extensive to indempnifie any person against the penalties of this present act , except the first taker . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall & may be lawful to and for his majesty , his heirs & successors , to constitute and appoint such and so many other officers and ministers , as a receiver , register , clerk , controller , messenger or the like , for the better carrying on of this service , as he and they shall think fit , so as the sallaries and wages of all such officers to be appointed , together with the sallary or wages of his majesties said . agents do not exceed six pence in the pound of the revenue that shall hence arise . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the rents , revenues , and sums of money hence arising , except what shall be allowed for the wages and sallaries of such officers and ministers , which is not to exceed six pence out of every pound thereof , shall be duly and constantly paid and answered into his majesties receipt of exchequer , and shall not be particularly charged or chargeable , either before it be paid into the exchequer or after , with any gift or pension . and his majesties said ▪ agents are hereby enjoyned and required to return into the court of exchequer every michaelmas and easter terms , upon their oaths ( which oaths the barons of the exchequer , or any one of them , are hereby authorized to administer ) a book fairly written , containing a true & full account of what licences have been granted the preceding half year , and what rents and sums of money are thereupon reserved , and have been paid , or are in arrear , together with the securities of the persons so in arrear , to the end due and speedy process may be made out according to the course of the exchequer , for the recovery of the same . provided always , that this act , nor any thing therein contained , shall not in any wise be prejudicial to the priviledge of the two vniversities of the land , or either of them , nor to the chancellors or scholars of the same , or their successors ; but that they may use and enjoy such priviledges as heretofore they have lawfully used and enjoyed , any thing herein to the contrary notwithstanding . provided also ▪ that this act , or any thing therein contained shall not extend or be prejudicial to the master , wardens , freemen and commonalty of the mystery of v●●tners of the city of london , or to any other city or town-corporate but that they may use and enjoy such liberties and priviledges as heretofore they have lawfully used and enjoyed , any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding . provided also , and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that this act , or any thing therein contained , shall not in any wise extend to debar or hinder the major and burgesses of the burrough of st. albans in the county of hertford , or their successors , from enjoying , using and exercising of all such liberties , powers and authorities to them heretofore granted by several letters patents under the great seal of england , by queen elizabeth and king james of famous memories , for the erecting , appointing , and licensing of three several wine-taverns within the burrough aforesaid , for and towards the maintenance of the free-school there ; but that the same liberties , powers and authorities shall be , and are hereby established and confirmed , and shall remain and continue in and to the said major and burgesses and their successors , to and for the charitable use aforesaid , and according to the tenor of the letters patents aforesaid , as though this act had never been made , any thing herein contained to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . provided also , that it shall not , nor may be lawful to or for any officer or officers to be appointed by his majesty for the carrying on of this service , to take , demand , or recei●e any fees , rewards , or summs of money whatsoever , for or in respect of this service , other then five shillings for a licence , four pence for an acquittance , and six pence for a bond , under the ●enalty of ten pounds , one moiety thereof to the kings majesty , the other moiety to the person or persons who shall sue for the same , by action of debt , bill , plaint , or information , wherein no wager of law , essoign or protection shall be allowed , any thing herein , or any other matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding . and it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no merchant , vintuer , wine-cooper or other person , selling or retailing any wine , shall mingle or utter any spanish wine , mingled with any french wine , or rh●●ish wine , sider , perry , hony , sugar , syrops of sugar , molasses , or any other syrops whatsoever , nor put in any isinglass ; brimstone , lime , raisins , iuice of raisins , water , nor any other liquor nor ingredients , nor any clary , or other herb , nor any sort of flesh whatsoever ; and that no merchant , vintner , wine-cooper , or other person selling or retailing any wine , shall mingle or utter any french wines mingled with any rhinish wines or spanish wines , sider , perry , stummed wine , vitriol , hony , sugar , syrop of sugar , molasses , or any syrops whatsoever , nor put in any isinglass , brimstone , lime , raisins , iuice of raisins , water , nor any other liquor or ingredients , nor any clary or other herb , nor any sort of flesh whatsoever ; and that no merchant , vintner , wine-cooper or other person selling or retailing any wine , shall mingle or utter any r●inish wine mingled with any french wines , or spanish wines , sider , perry , stummed wine , vitriol , hony , sugar , syrops of sugar , molasses , or any other syrops whatsoever , nor put in any isinglass , brimstone , lime , raisins , iuice of raisins , water , nor any other liquor or ingredients , nor any clary or other herb , nor any sort of flesh whatsoever : and that all and every person and persons committing any of the offences aforesaid , shall incur the pains and penalties herein after mentioned : that is to say , every merchant , wine-cooper , or other person selling any sort of wines in gross , mingled or abused as aforesaid , shall forfeit and lose for every such offence , one hundred pounds ; and that every vintner or other person selling any sorts of wine by retail , mingled or abused as aforesaid , shall forfeit and lose for every such offence , the sum of forty pounds ; of which forfeitures , one moyety shall go unto the kings majesty , his heirs and successors , the other moyety to the informer , to be recovered in any court of record by action of debt , bill , plaint or information , wherein no essoigne , protection , or wager of law shall be allowed . provided always , and be it enacted , that from and after the first day of september , one thousand six hundred sixty and one , no canary wines , muskie or alegant , or other spanish or sweet wines , shall be sold or uttered by any person or persons within his majesties kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town of berwick upon twede , by retail , for above eighteen pence the quart : and that no gascoigne or french wines whatsoever , shall be sold by retail , above eight pence the quart ; and that no rhinish wines whatsoever shall be sold by retail , above twelve pence the quart ; ( and according to these rates , for a greater and lesser quantity , all and every the said wines shall and may be sold ) upon pain and penalty that every such person and persons who shall utter or sell any of the said wines by retail , that is to say , by pint , quart , pottle , or gallon , or any other greater or lesser retail-measure ▪ at any rate exceeding the rates hereby limited , do and shall forfeit for every such pint , quart , pottle , gallon , or other greater or lesser quantity so sold by retail , the sum of five pounds ; the one moyety of which forfeiture shall be to our soveraign lord the king , his heirs and successors , and the other moyety to him or them that will sue for the same , to be recovered in manner and form as aforesaid . provided nevertheless , that it shall and may be lawful to and for the lord chancellor of england , lord treasurer , lord president of the kings council , lord privy seal , and the two chief iustices , or five , four , or three of them ; and they are hereby authorized yearly and every year between the twentieth day of november , and the last day of december , and no other times , to set the prises of all and every the said wines to be sold by retail as aforesaid , at higher or lower rates then are herein contained , so that they or any of them cause the prises by them set to be written , and open proclamation thereof to be made in the kings court of chancery yearly in the term time , or else in the city , burrough ▪ or towns corporate where any such wines shall be sold ; and that all and every the said wines shall and may be sold by retail at such prises as by them , or any five , four , or three of them shall be set as aforesaid , from time to time , for the space of one whole year , to commence from the first day of february next after the setting thereof , and no longer , and no greater prises under the pains and penalties aforesaid , to be recovered as aforesaid , and afterwards : and in default of such setting of prises by the said lord chancellor of england , lord treasurer , lord president of the kings council , lord privy seal , and the two chief iustices , or five , four , or three of them , as aforesaid , at the respective rates . and prises set by this act , and under the penalties as aforesaid , to be recovered as aforesaid . anno xii . caroli ii. regis . an act for the levying of the arrears of the twelve moneths assessment commencing the 24 th . of june 1659 , and the six moneths assessment commencing the 25. of december 1659. whereas there are severall great summs of money , yet uncollected and in arrear , and divers summs of money in the hands of the collectors and not payed in , due upon the twelve moneths assessment commencing the twenty fifth of december one thousand six hundred fifty nine , for payment of the arrears of his majesties army now disbanding , and to be disbanded , notwithstanding all former orders , and his majesties proclamation for the speedy levying and collecting thereof . be it therefore enacted by the kings most excellent majestie , and the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that the commissioners nominated and appointed in the respective counties , cities and corporations of this kingdome , the dominion of wales , and the town of berwick , in an act made this present parliament for the speedy provision of money for disbanding and paying of the forces of this kingdome both by land and sea , do forthwith cause all the said ▪ arrears to be levied & collected by such wayes and means , as the same was formerly appointed to be levied and collected ; and likewise all such summs of money as remain in any collectors hands to be speedily payed in , to iames nelthorp and iohn lawson esquires late treasurers at war , for and towards the speedy disbanding and paying off the said forces . provided alwayes , that the summe of five hundred and twenty pounds and twelve shillings disbursed by robert quarum receiver generall of the county of cornwall , by the desire and direction of the commissioners of assessments , and other gentlemen of the said county , for the publique service of the kingdome . and also the summe of seventy pounds disbursed by the town of lyme regis in the county of dorset for the same service , shall be and are hereby discharged and allowed unto the said receiver and town of lyme regis , as if the same had been actually payed in to the treasurers appointed to receive the same , any thing in this act to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding . anno xii . caroli ii. regis . an act for granting unto the kings majesty , four hundred and twenty thousand pounds , by an assessement of threescore and ten thousand pounds by the moneth , for six moneths , for disbanding the remainder of the army , and paying off the navy . whereas it was well hoped , that the moneys enacted to be raised by several acts of this parliament , that is to say , one act entituled , an act for the speedy provision of money , for disbanding and paying off the forces of this kingdom both by land and sea. and one other act entituled , an act for supplying and explaining certain defects in an act , entituled , an act for the speedy provision of money for the disbanding and paying off the forces of this kingdom both by land and sea. and one other act entituled , an act for raising sevenscore thousand pounds for the compleat disbanding of the whole army , and paying off some part of the navy , would have effectually sufficed to have compleatly disbanded the armies and paid off the navy ; but by the slow coming in of the same moneys , the growing charge being still kept on , the same cannot be effected without further supply ; and if no further supply should be made , the growing charge would become insupportable : the commons assembled in parliament , do therefore give and grant unto your most excellent majesty , for the uses herein after expressed , and no other , the sum of four hundred and twenty thousand pounds to be raised & levyed in manner following : and do humbly pray your most excellent majesty , that it may be enacted , and be it enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , by , and with the advice and consent of the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , that the sum of threescore and ten thousand pounds by the moneth , for six moneths , beginning from the first day of january , one thousand six hundred and sixty , shall be assessed , taxed , collected , levyed and paid in the several counties , cities and burroughs , towns and places within england and wales , and the town of berwick upon tweed , according to such rates , rules , and proportions , and by the same commissioners , as in and by a certain act past this parliament , entituled an act for raising of sevenscore thousand pounds for the compleat disbanding of the whole army , and paying off some part of the navy , which said commissioners shall meet on , or before the twelfth day of ianuary , one thousand six hundred and sixty , and are hereby enabled to use and execute all and every the like rates ▪ rules , proportions , powers and authorities , as in and by the said act are mentioned and referred unto , or expressed , as fully and amply , as if the same had been particularly inserted in this present act. and be it further enacted , that the sum of two hundred and ten thousand pounds , being one moyety of the six months assessment , hereby imposed , shall be assessed , collected , levyed and paid in to the receiver or receivers general , who shall be appointed by the said commissioners , upon or before the first day of february , one thousand six hundred and sixty . and the other two hundred and ten thousand pounds residue thereof , upon or before the first day of april , one thousand six hundred sixty one . and be it further enacted , that all and every the sums to be collected and levied by vertue of this present act , shall be paid at the guild-hall of the city of london , unto sir george cartwright , sir richard brown lord mayor of the city of london , sir iames bunce , sir william wheeler , sir william vincent , thomas rich esq ; and the chamberlain of the city of london for the time being , who are hereby appointed treasurers for the receipt thereof , and the acquittances of them , or any threé of them , shall be a sufficient discharge for so much as shall be received by vertue of this act , to any person or persons who shal pay in the same . and whereas there is a present necessity of raising of eighty thousand pounds , be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if any person or persons of the city of london , or any other place , who hath or have advanced any monies upon the credit of an act of this parliament , entituled , an act for raising sevenscore thousand pounds , for the compleat disbanding of the whole army , and paying off some part of the navy , shall continue the loane of such monies upon the credit of this act , and declare the same under his or their hands , unto the treasurers by this act appointed , before the one and thirtieth day of december , one thousand six hundred and sixty ; and if any other person or persons shall advance one hundred pounds or upwards upon the credit of this act , and before the tenth day of ianuary , one thousand six hundred and sixty , pay the same unto the said treasurers , then every such person and persons so continuing or advancing as aforesaid , shall not only do a very acceptable service , but shall also receive from the said treasurers out of the last one hundred and ten thousand pounds , which shall be received upon the second payment appointed by this act , his and their principal money , with interest , at the rate of ten pounds per cent . per annum , from the time of such declaration and advancement respectively , any law , act or statute to the contrary notwithstanding . and the said treasurers are hereby required to make payment accordingly , and not to receive any more money to be advanced as aforesaid , then what with the money so to be continued will amount to eighty thousand pounds . and be it further enacted , that the treasurers by this act appointed , shall receive for them , and those to be employed under them in this service , one penny in the pound , in such manner as they ought to receive by the act last before mentioned . and be it further enacted , that all and every the sums of money which by vertue of this present act shall be paid to or received by the treasurers aforesaid , shall from time to time be issued out according to such warrants and directions onely , as they or any three of them shall receive from the commissioners named in one act of this present parliament , entituled , an act for the speedy disbanding of the army and garisons of this kingdom , or threé of them , who are hereby required and enjoyned at their perils , to take care and provide , that the moneys so as aforesaid to be issued out , be employed onely to the uses , intents and purposes hereafter following , and to no other use , intent , or purpose whatsoever , that is to say , principally and in the first place , for and towards the total disbanding of the present army and garrisons , until that work be fully perfected and compleated according to such rules and instructions , as touching the disbanding of the army in the said act last mentioned , are contained . and after the army shall be wholly disbanded , then the residue of the moneys to be raised by vertue of this present act , or due , or behinde on any former act , shall be employed for and towards the paying off of the fleét and navy , according to such rules . orders , and instructions , as touching the payment of the navy , are herein after-mentioned , and not otherwise . and be it further enacted , that an accompt of all the moneys by vertue of this act to be received , shall be given by the said treasurers to this or any other succeéding parliament , which shall require the same , or to such person or persons , as by this or any other succeéding parliament shall be thereunto appointed : provided always , and it is hereby declared , that nō mannors , lands , tenements , and hereditaments which were formerly assessed and taxed for and towards former assessments and land-taxes , and are now in the possession or holding of his majesty , or of the queéns highness , or of any ecclesiastical person or persons , or his , her , or their farmers and tenants , shall be exempted from the payment of the several sums of mony in this act comprized ; but that the said mannors , lands , tenements and hereditaments , shall be rated , assessed and taxed for and towards the said several sums of money in this act comprised , in such manner and form as they were of late rated , taxed , and assessed for and towards the said former land-rates , any law , statute or custom to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding . provided also , that nothing herein contained shall be drawn into example to the prejudice of the ancient rights belonging to the peers of this realm . and be it declared and enacted by the authority aforesaid , that these persons hereafter named shall be added commissioners for their several counties , places and precincts respectively , and shall exercise the same powers as the other commissioners intended by this act are authorised and impowered to do , that is to say ; berks. for the county of berks , peregrine hobby , richard harrison esqs ; john fecciplace of fernehamesq ; samuel woodcox . borrough of new windsor . for the borrough of new windsor , andrew plumpton , richard fishburne , gent. bucks . for the county of bucks , william tirringham esq ; sir t●omas hampson baronet , sir philip palmer baronet , anthony ratcliff esq ; cambridge . for the county of cambridge , sir thomas dayrel , john bennet esq ; sir anthony cage , levinus bennet . isle of ely. for the isle of ely , roger jennings esq ; chester . for the county of chester , sir george warburton baronet , edward warren , jeffery shakerley , henry leigh , esqs ; city of chester . for the city and county of the city of chester , the major for the time being . cornwal . for the county of cornwal , robert roberts esq ; sir william tredinham , joseph tredinham , thomas penhallow , the knights and burgesses that serve for the said county , and iames eirsey gent. the major of lostwithel for the time being , iohn mollesworth esq william williams of trenythen . cumberland . for the county of cumberland , mr. anthony bouch , mr. richard uriell , mr. thomas croswhat , mr. robert webster . devon. for the county of devon , nicholas daviesdoctor of physick , william jennens gent. edmond tremayne , william putt , john kellond , william bogan , george howard , iohn kelly , iames rodd esquires , walter jago , francis drew , esq ; william walrond esq ; john blagdon gent. iohn hamm gent. henry newte . york . for the west-riding in the county of york , welbury norton , rob●rt wivell esquires , richard roundhil gent. william hamond , walte● hawksworth esquires , cuthbert wade , iohn preston gent. arthur ingram esq ; edward atkinson , william witham gent. samuel sunderlandesq ; thomas ward gent. sir william ingram knight , sir john goodrick baronet , sir tho. wentworth , sir edward rodes , knights , godfrey copley of sprotsbrough , john clayton , ioshua horton , thomas stringer esqs . the alderman of l●edes for the time being . york northriding . for the northriding in the county of york , sir william caley , arthur caley esq . william wivell esq . sir tho. gower baronet , thomas vvorsley , charles tankred esqs . sir william francklyn baronet , the bailiffs of scarboroughfor the time being , tristram fish , robert belt , esq . thoms robinson , thomas scudamore esq . york city . for the city and county of the city of york , all the aldermen of the city of york . kingston upon hull . for the town of hull , mr. george crowle . essex . for the county of essex , mr. edward glascock , mr. m●les hubbert , mr. iohn smart , capt. hunter , dean tindal esq . isaac wincall , thomas clopton , thomas peck , peter iohnson , thomas manby esq . gloucester . for the county of gloucester , thomas freame , tho. floyde , samuel sheppard , phillip sheppard , vvilliam morgan , richard daston , iohn tookeesq . robert lord tracy , thomas morgan esq . sir nicholas throckmorton knight , vvilliam bromage gent. vvilliam vvinter of dimmockgent . richard matchen gent. iohn wynnyattgent . thomas aylway gent. hereford . for the county of hereford , sir herbert parretknight , john barnaby of brookehampton esq . thomas baskervile of collington gent. john boothof hereford esq . city of hereford . for the city of hereford , thomas davies esq . major , james lawrence gent. tho. clerk gent. hertford . for the county of hertford , marmaduke rawden , iames willimott iunior gent. thomas arrasdr . of physick , richard coombes esq . sir robert ioslyn knight , thomas cappin , edward briscoe , iohn halsie esq . mr. fetherston of blackeswere , edward brograve , ralph gore , thomas brograve , edward cason , thomas bonest , henry becher , henry chancey , george bromley , alexander meade , iohn crouch , iames willimort iunior , george poyner gent. iohn iesson esq . st. albans . for the borrough of st. albans , william foxwistesq . recorder , mr. iohn new , mr. edward eames , mr. thomas cawley senior , mr. william marston , sir henry connyngsby , edmond smith , alban cox , richard combes esq . thom. marstongent . kent . for the county of kent , sir william mann , sir edward masters , thomas peake esq . sir tho. godfrey , the major of maydston for the time being , sir william meredeth baronet , sir thomas preise baronet , mr. richard manley , mr. thomas manley . sandwich . for the town of sandwich , iohn verrier , peter peke gent. lancaster . for the county of lancaster , henry banisteresq . ieoffry rushton gent. richard fleetwoodgent . iohn molineux esq . vvilliam fif●esq . sir george middleton knight and baronet , mathew richardson esq . robert heywood esq . roger stowton of the city of london , thomas butler , r●chard farrington , vvilliam vvall , william turner , henry brabin , vvilliam hodgkensongent . lincoln . for the county of lincoln , and city and county of the same , edward turney , william lister , esqs , sir robert dallison baronet , sir charles dallison knight , william draper , samuel p●octor , william thompson , humphrey walcot , thomas mills , maurice dalton , iohn watson , william willoughby , henry heron , marm●duke darrel , iohn ogle , anthony treadway , william skipwich , thomas browne of eastkirby ; iohn almore , mr. skinner of thornton colledge , tho. harrington , william whichcot , charles pelhamiunior , roger pelham , mr. iohn lockton , mr. iohn hobson iunior , mr. henry hall , mr. charles bawdes , mr. iohn colthurst , mr. william bishop , and mr. edward blaw , aldermen , mr. william perkins , mr. thomas mills , mr. peregrine buck , mr. william dowman , mr. thomas dickenson , mr. iohn thornton , and richard wetherel , aldermen . london . for the city of london , nicholas delves esq . benj●min albin , richard spencer . middlesex . for the county of middlesex , sir iohn robinsonbaronet , lieutenant of the tower , sir richard browne , thomas bride , thomas harrisonof south-mins , sir vvilliam bareman , lieut. col. powel , charles pitfeild esq . robert peyton , iohn iones , iohn limbrey , edward chard , richard shelton esq . vvilliam page esq . roger iennynsesq . sir heneage finch baronet his majesties sollicitor general , cheney of hackneyesq . lieut. col. powel , charles cheney of chelsey , christopher abdy esq . sir allen broadricke , iohn barton esq . westminster . for the city of vvestmiuster , and liberties thereof , gabriel beck esq . mr. graham , peter maplesden , george plunknett , thomas kirke , vvill. greene , george farewell , ralph darnall . monmouth . for the county of monmouth , vvilliam ionesof frowen esq . iames proger , charles proger . northampton . for the county of morthampton , edward onely iohn thorton , iohn vvilloughby esqs . norfolk . for the county of norfolk , george windham , robert doughty of hanworth , robert legar , esquires , henry scarborough gent. mr. john roops , mr. thomas talbot , mr. henry blackborne , gent. borough of lyn regis . for the borough of lyn regis , john bassetmajor , robert steward esq ; recorder , thomas greene , william wharton , henry bell , robert thorowgood , alderman holley . great yarmouth . for the town of great yarmouth , nicholas cutting , james simons bailiff there , sir john potts knight and baronet , sir william doyleyknight , sir thomas me●ow knight , thomas gooch , george england , john carter , nathaniel ashby , thomas lucas , iohn woodroff , iames iohnson esquires , george tilyard gent. thetford . for the whole borough and corporation of thetford , the major for the time being , john kendal gent. mr. bourage martin , maurice shelton , esquires , robert keddington gent. mr. nicholas rookwood , mr. robert wright of kilveston . newcastle upon tine . for the town and county of newcastle upon tine , sir nicholas cole knight and baronet , sir francis bows knight , sir francis anderson knight , sir iohn marley . nottingham . for the county of nottingham , francis sandi●esq ; thomas bristow , william newton , gentlemen . east-retford . for the borrough of east-retford , the bailiffs for the time being . oxon. for the county of oxon , william glyn , john west , esquires , iohn coker gent. iames herbertesq ; sir thomas tippin . university of oxford . mr. robert withers , mr. edward master , mr. david thomas , mr. gregory ballard , mr. timothy horton . the city of oxford . for the city of oxford , francis holloway , william cornish . salop. for the county of salop , charles baldwin , samuel baldwin , esquires , mr. moore of middleton , mr. bushop of the moore , benjamin buckley . stafford . for the county of stafford , thomas rudiardesq ; iohn colelough , timothy edge , gentlemen . somerset . for the county of somerset , william orangeesq ; vvilliam bacon senior , gent. iohn cridland gent. mawdley samborne , iohn carew , roger newborough , iames haise , esquires . for the city of bristol . for the city and county of the city of bristol , the major and sheriffs for the time being , iohn knight the elder , vvilliam coulston , iohn bradway , vvilliam coles . for the city of bathe . for the city of bathe , iohn vane , iohn masters , aldermen . southampton . for the county of southampton , with the town and county , mr. essex powlet , richard lucy , gabriel vvhistler , esq ; isle of wight . for the isle of vvight , thomas bowremanesq ; iohn oglander of newport gentleman . suffolk . for the county of suffolk , george vviniffe , william blumfield , esquires , mr. iohn brooke , mr. milton of ipswich , mr. edmond bedingfield , mr. francis langley , mr. thomas read , mr. rabbit of bramfield , isaac matham esquire , gardiner web gent. st. edmunds bury . for st. edmonds bury , francis smith , robert sharpe , samuel hustler . surrey . for the county of surrey , edward evelin , iohn yates , richard knipe , esquires , mr. iohn parker , sir purbeck temple , sir thomas bludworth , knights , thomas rogers , charles good-harman-atwood , esquires , iohn parker of rigate . rye in the county of sussex . for the town of rye , samuel bembrigg , iames vvelsh , thomas osmonton . worcester . for the town of worcester , sir iohn packingtonbaronet , sir rowland berkley knight , sir iohn winford knight , samuel sandys , henry townsend , iohn bearcroft , esquires , sir ralph clare , knight of the bath . worcester city . for the city and county of the city of worcester , edward soley alderman , samuel smith , thomas twitty , gentlemen , henry townsendesq ; sir william mooreton knight , humphrey tyrer , richard heming , stephen richardson , gentlemen , sir iohn packington , sir rowland berkley , sir ralph clare , sir iohn winford , samuel sandys esq ; warwick . for the county of vva●wick , listerof alveston esq . richard bishop of st●atford esq . coventry . for the city and county of the city of coventry , sir arthur caley knight , the maior of coventry for the time being , h●nry smith alman , sir richard hopkins knight , william iesson , thomas norton esqs . mr. thomas love , mathew smith , samuel snell , william ielliffe , robert beak , iames na●er aldermen . town of warwick . for the town of warwick , sir henry puckeringbaronet , sir clement throckmortonknight , 〈◊〉 rouse , nathaniel stoughton , iohn stanton esqs . lister of alveston esq . richard bishop of stra●ford . wilts . for the county of wiltes , waltes buckland , thomas mompesson , william caley esqs . mathew rayman gent. tho. hunt gent. robert chandler , robert nicholas of alcainings , william broomewichgent . samuell eyre gent. simon spatchurstesq . christopher gardiner gent. mr. francis par●y . sarum . for the city of new sarum , samuel eyre gent. symon spatchurst esq . christopher gardiner gent. anglesey . for the isle of anglesey , robert lord viscount bulkley . brecon . for the county of brecon , william iones , iohn gwyn , henry stedman , edward powell . cardigan . for the county of cardigan , iames phillips , morgan herbert , thomas ienkins , erasmus lloyde , thomas evans , henry vaughan , thomas price the elder , esquires ; thomas lloyde of yinshen , morris vaughan , iohn price , gent. thomas par●y , reighnold ienkins , iohn bowin , thomas lewis , ●●ector phillips , nic●olas lewis , vvilliam iones , abel g●●ffin , esqs ; vvactkin lloyde , iohn griffith of noyadd , gentlemen ; the major of cardig●mfor the time being , rees gwin , david morgan , aldermen . carmarthen . for the county of carmarthen , jonathan lloyde , walter lloyde , walter mansell . carnarvon . for the county of carnarvon , griffith bodurda , john lloyd●of naugwhnadale , robert wynn of conway , william vvynn of pengwoone , vvilliam thomas of carnarvon , ionathan lloyde , vvalter lloyde , vvalter mansell . denbigh . for the county of denbigh , francis manly esq ; flint . for the county of flint , ken●ick eaton , esq ; glamorgan . for the county of glamorgan , iohn price , of courtcarne , morgan morgan , esq ; mountgomery . for the county of mountgomery , vvilliam oakely , edmond vvareing of oldbury , david morrice , esqs ; iohn matthews , henry pu●sel , iohn kiffin , vvilliam price of lanligan , iohn lloyd of conway . haverford-west . for the town and county of haverford-west , sir herbert perrot , knight , vvilliam browne , alderman . rules , orders , and instructions for the discharging and paying off the navy , and other debts relating thereunto . i. the commissioners hereby appointed for disbanding of the army , and discharging the navy , shall proceed therein in manner following , viz. first they are to disband the remaining part of the army according to the former rules in that behalf made ; which done , they are then first to discharge and pay off those sixty five ships which are now out of imployment , and of them in the first place , those whose commanders , officers and seamen , have the least pay due to them ; and after them they are to pay off the men aboard those thirty six ships now in his majesties service , who entred on his pay the twenty fourth of june last . ii. that all the commanders , officers and mariners who served in person , and were in service upon any of the sixty five of his majesties ships , on the twenty fifth of april , one thousand six hundred and sixty , and have taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , or shall take the same , when they shall be thereunto required , and have not since deserted the service , nor been discharged for misdemeanor , shall with all convenient speed have their accompts stated ( by the auditors hereafter appointed ) and thereupon receive all their arreats of their pay from the fourteenth of march one thousand six hundred fifty eight , to the day of their discharge ; and the commanders officers , and mariners of the aforesaid thirty six ships which were in service on the twenty fifth of april , one thousand six hundred and sixty , and have taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , or shall take the same as aforesaid , and have not deserted the service , shall have their accompts stated as before , and receive their pay from the said fourteenth of march , one thousand six hundred fifty eight , until the twenty fourth of iune , one thousand six hundred and sixty next following . and the commissi●ners appointed by this act , shall upon sight of the accompts so stated as before , cause the send captains , officers and mariners wages , successively to be payed by the treasurers appointed by this act , out of the money which shall come in of the six months assessment , or any other money , heretofore appointed for the paying or disbanding the army , and discharging the navy . and if any further arrears shall be claimed and appear to be due to any such commanders , officers or mariners in service as aforesaid for service at sea , from or after the fourteenth of march , one thousand six hundred fifty seven , and to , or before the fourteenth of march , one thousand six hundred fifty and eight , that in such case the auditors hereby appointed , shall examine all such arrears , and draw up a state thereof to be presented to the next parliament in order to their satisfaction . iii. that no money be paid or allowed to any person before-mentioned for any short allowance of victuals , made or pretended to be made them , either at sea , or in harbor : and if it shall appear , that any money , clothes , goods , wares , or merchandices , have beén paid or sold by any publick minister , officer , or other person , to any commander , officer , or seaman of the aforesaid ships , upon accompt of their pay , since the fourteenth of march , one thousand six hundred fifty eight ; in such case , all the said moneys so paid , and the value of the clothes , goods , wares , and merchandices so sold and delivered within the time of their said service , shall be defaulked out of their pay aforesaid : and the sums so defaulked shall be paid by warrants of the commissioners , charged on the treasurers , unto such person and persons to whom the same of right belongeth , out of the money that shall come in of the six moneths assessment , or any other moneys heretofore appointed for paying or disbanding of the army and navy , in course next after the commanders , officers , and seamen are paid . iv. that after the accompts of the commanders , officers , and seamen are stated , then the auditors shall state the accompts of the ship-keépers : and of all officers on shore in the yards , and store-houses , at deptford , woolwich , chatham , portsmouth , harwich , and other places , to be stated from the fourteenth of march one thousand six hundred fifty eight , to the twenty fourth of june last past ; after the rates accustomed to be paid by his majesty , and according to their several capacities , at which time the said commissioners are to give them warrants , charged upon the treasurers , to pay them their several sums out of the money that shall come into their hands of the six moneths assessment , or any other money heretofore appointed , for paying or disbanding of the army and navy in course next after the common marriners , seamen , commanders , officers , and their servants , are discharged and paid , and the money from them defaulked as before , fully satisfied . v. that the said auditors shall state the accompts of the victuallers from the said fourteénth day of march , one thousand six hundred fifty eight , to the day of the several ships discharge , for as many as are out of employment as before ; and to the twenty fourth day of june , for the remaining part of the navy now in his majesties service in the winter guard , and assign them payment in course on the treasurers before-mentioned , to be paid out of the money remaining in their hands , out of the six moneths assessment , or any other money heretofore appointed for the paying or disbanding of the army and navy , next after the sums formerly ordered are paid . vi. that the auditors shall from the said fourteenth of march , one thousand six hundred fifty eight , state the accompts of all men that shall or may justly claim any money for quarters , and cures of the sick , and wounded seamen ser a shore out of his majesties ships in any town or corporation in this kingdom ; and for the quarters and cures of the sick and wounded soldiers sent over from flanders ; which being so stated , the said commissioners shall assign them their money by warrant on the treasurers , to be paid in course next after the commanders , officers , and marriners aforesaid , and the officers and ship-keépers aforesaid , are paid and satisfied . vii . that if in case any commanders , officers , or marriners , shall have died or beén discharged by ticket out of any the said ships , and their arrears of pay not satisfied : in such case the auditors shall state the accompts of the persons so dead or discharged from the said fourteénth day of march , one thousand six hundred fifty eight , to the day of their death or discharge , according to their several capacities ; and the commissioners shall thereupon give warrants upon the treasurers , by this act appointed for the payment of the sums to them , or their assigns in course , when the commanders and officers of the several ships , to which they did belong at the time of their death or discharge , and the debts for curing the sick and wounded , are satisfied . viii . that the said auditors shall also state the several accompts of all other persons , which can or may justly claim any debt to be due unto him or them , for any provision , maintenance of prisoners , goods , wares , merchandises , stores , ammunition , and other necessaries sold and delivered to any publick minister , to and for the use of the navy aforesaid , from the fourtéenth of march one thousand six hundred fifty eight , to the twenty fourth of iune one thousand six hundred and sixty , and order them payment in course , after the before mentioned sums are paid by assignation on the treasurers to be paid out of the money remaining in their hands , out of the six moneths assessment , or any other mo●eys heretofore appointed for paying or disbanding of the army and navy . ix . that for the better stating the accompts of the commanders , officers , and mariners of the said navy , and the several other accompts before recited , and hereafter mentioned , arthur sprey , william iessop , ralph darnal , samuel atkins , richard kingdon , and bartholomew fillingham esquires , and iohn walker gentleman , shall be and are hereby appointed , constituted , and authorized to audite , and cast up the accompts of the aforesaid commanders , officers , mariners , and all other mens accompts relating to the debt of the said navy as before , and shall respectively before they enter thereon , take an oath in these words following . i do swear , that to the best of my skill and judgment , i shall examine , and truly state all such accompts as shall be committed to my care and trust by the commissioners , for disbanding the army , and discharging the navy , or any three , or more of them ; and shall and will to the best of my knowledge , make true certificates of all such accompts to the said commissioners , or any three of them . so help me god. which said oath , the said commissioners , or any three of them as aforesaid , are hereby authorized to administer accordingly . which accompts so certified by the said auditors , or any two of them , then the said commissioners , or any three of them , shall have power and authority , and are nee●by authorized and impowered to issue out warrants from time to time , to the respective treasurers aforesaid , for the payment of the several sums so audited , and due as aforesaid : which warrants , together with the acquittance of the persons to whom the same is payable thereupon , shall be to the said treasurers respectively a sufficient warrant and discharge . x. that the chief officers of his majesties navy do with all convenient speed deliver unto the commissioners appointed by this act , a perfect list of the names of all the aforesaid ships that are to be discharged , and the places in which they lie ; and the names and sirnames of the commanders , officers , marriners , and common seamen to each ship belonging ; and a particular accompt of the time that every person hath served , and what money or goods every or any one of them hath received . xi . that the pursers and checks of the several ships of the navy , do from time to time when they shall be required thereunto , attend the auditors aforesaid , and deliver unto them a true and perfect accompt of all the commanders , officers , marriners , and seamen belonging to the said ships , and shall produce the original muster-book and pay-books , wherein the names of the said commanders , officers , and sea-men were entered , and give an exact accompt of what arrears is due unto them , and how and in what manner the same becomes due ; the which books and accompts , shall by the said pursers and checks be delivered upon oath , which said oath the commissioners aforesaid , or any thrée of them , are hereby ordered to administer accordingly . xii . that in case any purser shall be found to make any false muster , or shall muster any captain , officer , or mariner by a false name , or make any false ticket , such purser shall forfeit his or their respective wages , and be imprisoned the space of six moneths , and in such case the commissioners appointed by this act , or any two of them , are hereby impowred to commit them to prison accordingly . xiii . that upon discharge of any of the commanders , officers , and mariners of the navy aforesaid ; all the said commanders , officers , and mariners , shall deliver up all their respective ships , guns , masts , sayles , yards , anchors , cables , tackle , apparrel , provisions , ammunition and stores , which are in their possessions , for his majesties use , unto such person or persons , as his majesty , or the lord high admiral of england , shall appoint to receive the same ; and if any commanders , officers , or sea-men , shall refuse to be discharged , or to deliver up the stores aforesaid , or shall be found , upon due proof , to have embezled any part thereof , or do disswade others from being discharged , he or they so offending , shall forfeit all his and their arrears , and be further proceeded against , according to their demerit . xiiii . that the said commissioners , or any thrée of them as aforesaid , shall have power to nominate , appoint , and imploy such clerks , agents , messengers and servants , as shall be necessary for the said work , and to make and give to them such reasonable sallaryes , allowances and satisfactions as they shall think fit ; and also to provide all other necessaries , and to defray all other charges relating to the fame . xv. that the commissioners formerly nominated by the house of commons , and by this act continued and appointed for this service , shall have and receive for their charge and pains in and about this service , one penny in the pound , and no more , out of all such monies as shall be issued by vertue of this act ; and each of the auditors aforesaid shall receive for his pains and charges , in and about this service , the sum of twenty shillings per diem , during the continuance of this service , which the treasurers of the aforesaid monies , are hereby enabled and required to issue and pay accordingly . xvi . that the commissioners shall direct the said treasurers from time to time to grant assignations ( who are hereby required to observe the same ) for such and so many sums of money on the respective receivers or treasurers for raising money by the act aforesaid in the several counties , cities , or places , where they understand any of the said money lies , as the commissioners for disbanding the army and navy , or any threé or more of them as aforesaid , shall direct and appoint to such persons , and in such manner as the said commissioners , or any threé or more of them as aforesaid , shall direct and appoint . xvii . that the commissioners herein named , or any thrée of them , shall and are hereby authorized to call to accompt the present treasurers in this act named : and iames nelthorpe , and iohn lawson esquires , late treasurers at wars , or any other former treasurers , or commissioners of the army , or navy ; for all such sums of money , as they or any of them stand accomptable for , and to certifie the same accompts into his majesties exchequer . anno regni caroli ij. regis angliae , scotiae , franciae , & hiberniae , duo decimo . at the parliament begun at westminster the five and twentieth day of april , an. dom. 1660. in the twelfth year of the reign of our most gracious soveraign lord charles , by the grace of god , of england , scotland , france , and ireland , king , defender of the faith , &c. london , printed by iohn bill , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1660. cum privilegio . anno xii . caroli . ii. regis . an act for further supplying and explaining certain defects in an act , intituled , an act for the speedy provision of money for disbanding and paying off the forces of this kingdom , both by land and sea. whereas through some doubts arising upon or by negligence in the execution of one act of this present parliament , intituled , an act for the speedy provision of money for the disbanding and paying off the forces of this kingdom both by land and sea : and also of one other act , intituled , an act for supplying and explaining certain defects in the aforesaid act : the same acts do not answer the ends aforesaid , in such measure as was expected , without some further explanation of the sence thereof , and a review of the several assessments made thereby , so that some persons may not escape without payment at all , or go away at very small proportions , whilst others pay their just and full due . it is therefore enacted and declared by the kings most excellent majesty , by , and with the consent and advice of the lords and commons in parliament assembled , and by the authority of the ●ame , that all and every person and persons of the several ranks , degrées , and qualifications in the said act or acts mentioned , shall contribute and pay the several and respective sums of money therein appointed to be paid ( any pretence of e●emption , being the kings majesties servants , to the contrary notwithstanding : ) and also that every person and persons , ecclesiastical and temporal , bodies politick and corporate , shall pay for their estates , both real and personal , the sum of forty shillings for one hundred pounds per annum , and so proportionably for a greater or lesser estate , and for every hundred pounds personal estate , after the rate of five pounds per annum ; provided it extend not to estates under five pounds per annum . and to the intent the same may be equally and indifferently assessed and taxed , be it further enacted and declared by the authority aforesaid , that the several commissioners in the said act named , or any three of them , within their several and respective counties , limits and precincts , shall have power to nominate and appoint two or more of the most able and discréet persons in every parish , villa● or hamlet , to review the several rates 〈◊〉 ass●ssments that have been made in their several and respective parishes , villages and hamlets . and where they shall finde that by the negligence , or default of any former assessors , any persons or estates have béen under rated , or omitted to be rated , that then they shall rate and assess all such persons and estates , so under-rated or omitted , to the full value they are to be rated and assessed at , either for their degrées , persons , or estates , by this or the former acts to that purpose made in this present parliament , or shall by the appointment at the discretion of the said commissioners make new assessments or rates , and shall return the same or their said additional rates at such places and times as the said commissioners ; or any thrée of them shall appoint . and it is further enacted and declared by the authority aforesaid , that every sworn attorney , or clerk in the office of the clerk of the pipe in the exchequer ; and euery attorney belonging to the office of the lord treas●rers remembrancer , shall pay twenty nobles apéece . and be it further enacted and declared , that every barrester at law , and every other person or persons that hath or have subscribed to any deed or writing wherein he or they have béen written or entituled esquire , or that hath or have acted by vertue of any commission or pretended commission , act , or pretended acts of parliament , wherein they have before the sitting of this parliament , béen written or entituled esquire , shall pay as reputed esquires within the said acts. and to the intent that none that have or shall pay his or their due proportions . that he or they ought to pay in respect of his or their quality or degrée , may be doubly charged , every person that hath or shall pay his full proportion for his or her degrée , and quality , the same excéeding the proportion of his or her estate , real and personal , shall by certificate under the hands and seals of 〈◊〉 or more of the commissioners within the same county or precinets where such sum hath o● shall be paid , be discharged from further payment for his or her estate , so that it be particularly expressed in every such certificates where such estate lieth , and the several and respective values thereof ; so that it may appear , that his or her proportion for his or her degrée or quality doth exceed that of his or her estate ; and also where any person or persons , bodies politick or corporate , have paid , or shall pay for his , her , or their estate , in one or more counties , he or they shall by like certificate or certificates be discharged in other places for so much and such values specially mentioned to be paid in the said certificates , and no more . and be it enacted and declared by the authority aforesaid , that the said commissioners or any threé or more of them within their several precincts , shall and may have power to inquire of , hear and determine all abuses , neglects , and misdoings of all and every the assessors and collectors to be imployed by vertue of this or the said precedent acts ; and shall have power to impose any fine or fines upon them or any of them , whom they shall be well informed ( by the oath of two or more credible witnesses , which oath they or any two of them are hereby impowred to administer ) to offend from and after the twentieth day of december , one thousand six hundred and sixty , in not performing their duties in their respective employments . provided , that no such fine shall excéed the sum of five pounds for one offence ; and that such commissioners who shall set or impose such ●ine or ●ines , shall have full power by warrant under their hands and seals , to command the several constables or tythingmen , which in the several and respective places where such person or persons have their habitation or above , upon whom such fine or fines is or are imposed , to levy the same by distress upon the goods of such person or persons refusing to pay the same , and to return the overplus thereof ( if any be ) deducting also reasonable charges for taking such distress , to the owner or owners of such goods ; and every such fine shall be imployed to the same purposes as the moneys raised by the said former acts are appointed : and also in case no distress can be found or had for satisfying such fine , and in case no distress can be taken by the collectors or other officers appointed to distrain , for the taxes or assessments by vertue of the said former act or acts , that in every such default , upon complaint to the said commissioners , or any threé of them , within their several and respective limits , the said commissioners , or any thrée of them , shall have full power and authority to cause every such person from whom no distress can be had , to be committed to the next common gaol , there to remain until he hath fully satisfied and paid such sum or sums of money , which ought to be charged upon him , by vertue of this and the said former acts , without bail or main-prize . and be it further enacted and declared , that the commissioners of every county and place respectively shall make up a true accompt of the sums onely of every hundred , lath , wapentake or ward , rated and assessed by the said former acts , together with the additional sums that shall be rated by vertue of this present act severally within their several counties , limits , and precincts , without naming the particular persons or estates , and shall shew what hath been paid thereof , and to what person and persons and what hath been discharged by such certificates as are appointed by this act , and what is in arrear and upaid , and shall return the same unto his majesties court of exchequer , before the second day of march next ; and in so doing they shall not be compelled to make or return any other accompt , duplicate , or certificate . and it is further enacted and declared . that the true and full yearly value of all lands , tenements , rents , tithes , and other hereditaments , shall be rated and assessed in manner aforesaid , in the several parishes , villages , or hamlets , where the same are scituate , lying , or arising . and be it further declared , that every sum charged upon , and paid by any person , by vertue of the said former acts or either of them , by reason of estate , degrée , or quality , shall be allowed and deducted out of such further charge , as shall be imposed upon him or her , by vertue of this present act. lastly , it is enacted and declared , that whosoever is sued at law for any act done , or to be done in the due execution of this or either of the said former acts , he may plead the general issue , and give the special matter in evidence : and if the plaintiff be nonsuit , or a verdict pass against any such plaintiff or plaintiffs in any such action , the defendant shall and may recover his double costs . provided always , and be it enacted , that this act or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to any peer of this realm , in point of assessment imprisonment , distress , or otherwise , provision being made in the said first recited act , for the assessing of the said péers , by certain péers , who are therein named and appointed in that behalf . and be it further enacted , that the lord chancellor , the lord treasurer , the lord steward of his majesties houshold , lord chamberlain of his majesties houshold , the earl of northampton , lord howard of charleton , the lord roberts , the lord grey of wark , the lord craven , the lord mohun , and the lord hatton , be added to the péers named in the said first recited act for the assessing of the péers , according to the said recited act : which said lords commissioners , or any five of them , in this and the former act named , shall have power to assess , levy , and collect ; and shall assess , levy , and collect , all such sums of money as shall be assessed according to the tenor of this and the former act , upon such péers who have not paid proportionably to their estates . and be it declared and enacted by the authority aforesaid , that these persons hereafter named , shall be added commissioners for their several counties , places , and precincts respectively , and shall exercise the same power as if they had béen named in the said former acts , or either of them . berks. for the county of berks , perigrine hobby , richard harrison esqs . iohn fettiplace , of fernhamesq . burrough of new windsor . andrew plumton gent. richard fishborne gent. bucks . for the county of bucks , sir thomas hampson baronet , sir phillip palmer baronet , anthony ra●cliffe esq . cambridge . for the county of cambridge , sir thomas dayrell , iohn bennet esq . sir anthony cage , levinus bennett . for the isle of ely. for the isle of ely , roger jennings , esq . chester . for the county of chester , sir george warberton baronet , edward warren esq . jeffery shakerly esq . henry lee esq ; city of chester . for the city and county of the city of chester , the major for the time being . cornwall . for the county of cornwall , robert roberts , esq . sir william thredinham , jo●eph tredinham , thomas penhallow , the knights and burgesses that serve for the said county , and iames eirsey gent. cumberland . for the county of cumberland , anthony bouch , richard ●urial , thomas croswhat , robert vvebster . devon. for the county of devon , nicholas daviesdoctor of physick , vvilliam jennins gent. edmond tremaine , vvilliam putt , iohn kellond , vvilliam bogan , george howard , iohn kelley , vvilliam kelley , iames rodd esqs . york . for the west riding in the county of york , vvestbury norcon esq . robert vvivell esq . richard roundhill gent. vvilliam hamond esq . vvalter hawkesworth , esq . cutbert vvade . iohn ●reston gent. arthur ingram esq , edward atkin●● , vvilliam vvitham gent. samuel sonder●●nd , esq . thomas vvard gent. sir william ●●gram knight . york northriding . for the northriding in the county of york , sir william caley , arthur caley esq . william wivell esq . sir tho. gower baronet , thomas vvorsley esq . charles tankred , sir william francklyn baronet , the bailiffs of scarborough for the time being , tristram fish , robert belt , esquires , thomas robinson , thomas scudamore esquires . york . for the city and county of the city of york , all the aldermen of the city of york . for the town of kingston upon hull , george crowle . essex . for the county of essex , mr. edward glascock , mr. miles hubbert , mr. iohn smart , capt. hunter , dean tindal esq . isaac wincoll , thomas clapton , thomas peek , peter iohnson , thomas manby esqs . gloucester . for the county of gloucester , thomas freame , tho. floyde , samuel shepard , phillip shepard , vvilliam morgan , richard daston , iohn took●esqs . robert lord tracy . hereford . for the county of hereford , sir herbert parretknight , john barnaby of brookehampton esq . thomas baskervile of collington gent. john boothof hereford esq . city of hereford . for the city of hereford , thomas davies esq . major , james lawrence gent. tho. clerk gent. hertford . for the county of hertford , marmaduke rawden , iames willimott iunior gent. arras dr. of physick , richard combes esq . st. albans . for the borrough of st. albans , william foxwistesq . recorder , mr. iohn new , mr. edward eames , mr. thomas cowley senior , mr. william marston , henry conningsby , edmond smith , alban cox , richard combes esq . kent . for the county of kent , sir william mann , sir edward masters , thomas peake esq . sir tho. godfrey , the major of maydston for the time being , sir william merideth baronet , sir thomas peirce baronet , mr. richard manley , mr. thomas manley . sandwich . for sandwich , iohn verrier , peter peake gent. lancaster . for the county of lancaster , henry banister esq . ieoffry rushton gent. richard fleetwood gent. iohn molineux esq . vvilliam fife esq . sir george middleton knight and baronet , mathew richardson esq . robert heywood esq . roger stoughton of the city of london , alderman . lincoln . for the parts of linsey in the county of lincolne , edward turney , william lister , esqs , sir robert dallison baronet , sir charles dallison knight . great grimsby . for great grim●by , william draper , samuel proctor . for the parts of kestivan , william thompson , humphrey walcot . london . for the city of london , nicholas delves esq . middlesex . for the county of middlesex , sir iohn robinsonbaronet , lieutenant of the tower , sir richard browne , thomas bide , thomas harrisonof south-mims , sir vvilliam bateman , lieut. col. powel , charles pitfield esq . robert peyton , iohn iones , iohn limbrey , edward chard , richard shelton esqs . vvilliam page esq . roger genningsesq . richard meney . westminster . for the city of vvestminster , and liberties thereof , gabriel beck esq . mr. graham , peter maplesden , george plunknet , thomas ki●ke , william greene , george farewell , ralph darnell . northampton . for the county of northampton edward onely , iohn thornton , iohn vvilloughby esqs . norfolk . for the county of norfolk , george windham , robert doughty of hanworth , robert legar , esquires , henry scarborough gent. mr. john ripps , mr. thomas talbot , mr. henry black-borne , gent. borough of lyn regis . for the borough of lyn regis , john bassetmajor , robert steward esq ; recorder , thomas greene , william wharton , henry bell. great yarmouth . for the town of great yarmouth , nicholas cutting , james simonds bailiff there , sir john potts knight and baronet , sir william doyleyknight , sir thomas medow knight , thomas gooch , george england , john carter , nathaniel ashby , thomas lucas , iohn woodroff , iames iohnson esquires , george tilyard gent. thetford . for the whole borough and corporation of thetford , the major for the time being , john kendal gent. mr. bourage martin , maurice shelton , esquires , mr. robert keddington gent. mr. nicholas rookwood , mr. robert wright of kilveston . newcastle upon tine . for the town and county of newcastle upon tine , sir iohn marley . nottingham . for the town of nottingham , francis sandisesq ; thomas bristow , william newton , gentlemen . east-retford . for the borrough of east-retford , the bailiffs for the time being . oxon. for the county of oxon , william glyn , john west , esquires , iohn coker gent. iames herbertesq ; sir thomas tippin . university of oxford . mr. robert withers , mr. edward master , mr. david thomas , mr. gregory ballard , mr. timothy horton . the city of oxford . for the city of oxford , francis holloway , william cornish . salop. for the county of salop , charles baldwin , samuel baldwin , esquires , mr. moore of middleton , mr. bishop of the moore , benjamin buckley . stafford . for the county of stafford , thomas rudiardesq ; iohn colclough , timothy edge , gentlemen . somerset . for the county of somerset , william orangeesq ; vvilliam bacon senior , gent. iohn cridlandgent . mawdley samborne , iohn carew , roger newborough , iames haise , esquires . the city of bristol . for the city and county of the city of bristol , the major and sheriffs for the time being , iohn knight the elder , vvilliam coulston , iohn bradway , vvilliam cole . for the city of bathe , iohn vane , iohn masters , aldermen . southampton . for the county of southampton , with the town and county , mr. essex powlet , richard lucy , gabriel vvhistler , esqs ; isle of wight . for the isle of vvight , thomas bowreman esq ; iohn oglander of newport gentleman . suffolk . for the county of suffolk , george vviniffe , william blumfield , esquires . surrey . for the county of surrey , edward evelin , iohn yates , richard knipe , esquires , mr. iohn parker , sir purbeck temple knight , earle of ancram , henry capel . dalinahey esq . iohn farewell , doctor windebanck . for the town of rye . samuel bembrigg , iames vvelsh , thomas osmonton . coventry . for the city and county of the city of coventry , sir arthur caley knight , the major of coventry for the time being , henry smith alderman . town of warwick . for the town of warwick , sir henry puckeringbaronet , sir clement throckmortonknight , iohn rouse , nathaniel stoughton , iohn stanton esquires . wilts . for the county of wilts , waltor buckland , thomas mompesson , william caley esqs . m●tthew rayman gent. tho. hunt gent. robert challoner , robert nicholas of alcainings , william broomwichgent . samuel eyre gent. simon spatchhurstesq . christopher gardiner gent. sarum . for the city of new sarum , samuel eyre gent. simon spatchhurst esq . christopher gardiner esq . anglesey . for the isle of anglesey , robert , lord viscount bulkley . cardigan . for the county of cardigan , iames phillips , morgan herbert , thomas ienkins , erasmus lloyde , thomas evans , henry vaughan , thomas price the elder , esquires ; thomas lloyde of ymshen , maurice vaughan , iohn price gentmen . carnarvan . for the county of carnarvan , griffith bodurda , john lloyde of na●gwnnadale , robert wynn of conway , william vvynn of pengwoone , vvilliam thomas of carnarvan , ionathan lloyde , vvalter lloyde , vvalter mansell . denbigh . for the county of denbigh , francis weanly esq ; flint . for the county of flint , kenrick eaton , esq ; mountgomery . for the county of mountgomery , haverford-west . for the town and county of haverford-west , sir herbert perrot , knight , vvilliam browne , alderman . anno xii . caroli ii. regis . an act for the raising of seventy thousand pounds for the further supply of his majesty . the commons assembled in parliament do give and grant unto your most excellent majesty , the sum of seventy thousand pounds to be raised and levyed in manner following , and do pray your majesty , that it may be enacted , & be it enacted by your most excellent majesty , by & with the advice & consent of the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the sum of threescore and ten thousand pounds , for one month only , beginning from the first day of iuly , one thousand six hundred sixty and one , shall be assessed , taxed , collected , levied and paid in the several counties , cities , burroughs , towns , and places within england and wales , and the town of berwick upon tweede , according to the several rates , rules , and proportions , and in such manner and form , and by the same commissioners , as in and by a certain other act , passed this parliament , for raising the like sum of seventy thonsand pounds for one month only , beginning from the twenty ninth of september , one thousand six hundred and sixty , entituled an act for the speedy raising of seventy thousand pounds for the present supply of his majesty , are mentioned or referred unto and intended , which commissioners shall meet-upon or before the fifth day of iuly , one thousand six hundred sixty and one , and are hereby enabled and required to use and execute all and every the like powers and authorities , as in and by the said act are mentioned , or referred to , and intended as fully and amply , as if the same rates , rules , proportions , powers and authorities had been particularly inserted in this present act. and be it further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that all and every the sums of money charged by this act , upon the several counties , cities , towns , burroughs and places aforesaid , shall be raised , levied , and paid into his majesties receipt of the exchequer , upon or before the first day of august , one thousand six hundred sixty one , by the several receive general , who shall be appointed by the said commissioners ; provided always , and it is hereby declared , that no mannors , lands , tenements and hereditaments , which were formerly assessed and taxed for and towards former assessments , and land-taxes , and are now in the possession or holding of his majesty , or of the queens highness , or of any ecclesiastical person or persons , or his , or their farmers and tenants , shall be exempted from the payment of the several sums of money in this act comprized , but that the said mannors , lands , tenements and hereditaments , shall be rated , assessed , and taxed for and towards the said several sums of money in this act comprized , in such manner and form as they were of late rated , taxed , and assessed for and toward the said former land-rates , any law , statute or custome to the contrary thereof , in any wise notwithstanding . provided always , that neither this act , nor any thing therein-contained , shall be drawn into example to the prejudice of the antient rights belonging to the peers of this realm . and be it declared and enacted by the authority aforesaid , that these persons hereafter named , shall be added commissioners for their several counties , places and precincts respectvely , and shall exercise the same powers as the other commissioners intended by this act , are authorized and impowred to do ; that is to say , berks. for the county of berks , peregrine hobby , richard harrison , esqs ; john fettiplace of ferne●amesq ; and samuel woodcox . borrough of new windsor . for the borrough of new windsor , andrew plumpton , richard firshburne , gent. bucks . for the county of bucks , william tirringham esq ; sir thomas hampson baronet , sir philip palmer baronet , thomas ratcliff esq ; cambridge . for the county of cambridge , sir thomas dayrell , john bennet esq ; sir anthony cage , levinus benner . isle of ely. for the isle of ely , roger jennings esq ; chester . for the county of chester , sir george warburton baronet , edward warren , jeffery shakerley , henry leigh , esqs ; city of chester . for the city and county of the city of chester , the major for the time being . cornwal . for the county of cornwal , robert roberts esq ; sir william tredinham , joseph tredinham , thomas penhallow , the knights and burgesses that serve for the said county , and iames eirsey gent. the major of lostwithel for the time being , iohn mollesworth esq william williams of trenythen . cumberland . for the county of cumberland , mr. anthony bouch , mr. richard uriell , mr. thomas croswhat , mr. robert webster . devon. for the county of devon , nicholas daviesdoctor of physick , william jennens gent. edmond tremayne , william putt , john kellond , william bogan , george howard , iohn kelly , iames rodd esquires , walter jago , francis drew , esq ; william walrond esq ; john blagdon gent. iohn hamm gent. henry newte . york . for the west-riding in the county of york , welbury norton , robert wivell esquires , richard roundhil gent. william hamond , walter hawksworth esquires , cuthbert wade , iohn preston gent. arthur ingram esq ; edward atkinson , william witham gent. samuel sunderlandesq ; thomas ward gent. sir william ingram knight , sir john goodrick baronet , sir tho. wentworth , sir edward rodes , knights , godfrey copley of ●p●otsbrough , john clayton , ioshua horton , thomas stringer esqs . the alderman of leedes for the time being . york northriding . for the northriding in the county of york , sir william caley , arthur caley esq . william wivell esq . sir tho. gower baronet , thomas vvorsley , charles tankred csqs . sir william francklyn baronet , the bailiffs of scarboroughfor the time being , tristram fish , robert belt , esqs . tho. robinson , thomas scudamore esqs . york city . for the city and county of the city of york , all the aldermen of the city of york . kingston upon hull . for the town of kingston upon hull , mr. george crowle . essex . for the county of essex , mr. edward glascock , mr. miles hubbert , mr. iohn smart , capt. hunter , dean tindal esq . isaac wincall , thomas clopton , thomas peek , peter iohnson , thomas manby esqs . glocester . for the county of glocester , thomas freame , tho. floyde , samuel sheppard , phillip sheppard , vvilliam morgan , richard daston , iohn tookeesqs . robert lord tracy , thomas morgan esq . sir nicholas throckmorton knight , vvilliam bromage gent. vvilliam vvinter of dimmockgent . richard matchen gent. iohn winnyatgent . thomas aylway gent. hereford . for the county of hereford , sir herbert parretknight , john barnaby of brookehampton esq . thomas baskervile of collington gent. john boothof hereford esq . city of hereford . for the city of hereford , thomas davies esq . major , james lawrence gent. tho. clerk gent. hertford . for the county of hertford , marmaduke rawden , iames willimott iunior gent. thomas a●asdr . of physick , richard combes esq . sir robert io●lyn knight , thomas coppin , edward briscoe , iohn halsie esqs . mr. fetherston of blackeswere , edward brograve , ralph gore , thomas brograve , edward cason , thomas bonest , henry becher , henry chancey , george bromley , alexander meade , iohn crouch , iames willimott iunior , george poyner gent. iohn iesson esq . sir edward alston knight . st. albans . for the borrough of st. albans , william foxwistesq . recorder , mr. iohn new , mr. edward eames , mr. thomas cowley senior , mr. william marston , sir henry conningsby , edmond smith , alban cox , richard combes esq . thom. marsto●gent . kent . for the county of kent , sir willi●m mann , sir edward masters , thomas peake esq . sir tho. god●rey , the major of maydston for the time being , sir william merideth baronet , sir thomas peirse baronet , mr. richard manley , mr. thomas manley . sandwich . for the town of sandwich , iohn verrier , peter peke gent. lancaster . for the county of lancaster , henry banisteresq . ieoffry rushton gent. richard fleetwoodgent . iohn molineux esq . vvilliam fife esq . sir george middleton knight and baronet , mathew richardson esq . robert heywood esq . roger stowton of the city of london , thomas butler , richard farrington , vvilliam vvall , william turner , henry brabin , vvilliam hodgkensongent . lincoln . for the county of lincoln , and city and county of the same , edward turney , william lister , esqs , sir robert dallison baronet , sir charles dallison knight , william draper , samuel proctor , william thompson , humphrey walcot , thomas mills , michael dalton , iohn watson , william willoughby , henry heron , marmaduke darrel , iohn ogle , anthony treadway , william skipwith , thomas browne of eastkirby , iohn almore , mr. skinner of thornton colledge , tho. harrington , william whichcot , charles pelhamiunior , roger pelham , mr. iohn lockton , mr. iohn hobson iunior , mr. henry hall. mr. charles pawdes , mr. iohn colthurst , mr. william bishop , and mr. edward blaw , aldermen , mr. william perkins , mr. thomas mills , mr. peregrine buck , mr. william dowman , mr. thomas dickenson , mr. iohn thornton , and richard wetherel , aldermen . london . for the city of london , nicholas delves esq . benjamin albin , richard spencer . middlesex . for the county of middlesex , sir iohn robinsonbaronet , lieutenant of the tower , sir richard browne , thomas bide , thomas harrisonof south-mins , sir vvilliam bateman , lieut. col. powel , charles pitfield esq . robert peyton , iohn iones , iohn limbrey , edward chard , richard shelton esqs . vvilliam page esq . roger iennynsesq . sir heneage finch baronet , his majesties sollicitor general , cheney of hackneyesq . lieut. col. powel , charles cheney of chelsey , christopher abdy esq . sir allen broadricke , iohn barton esq . westminster . for the city of vvestminster , and liberties thereof , gabriel beck esq . mr. glaham , peter maplesden , george plunknet , thomas kirke , vvill. greene , george farewell , ralph darnell . monmouth . for the county of monmouth , vvilliam ionesof frowen esq . iames proger , charles proger . northampton . for the county of northampton , edward onely , iohn thorton , iohn vvilloughby esqs . norfolk . for the county of norfolk , george windham , robert doug●ty of hanworth , robert legat , esquires , henry scarborough gent. mr. john kepps , mr. thomas talbot , mr. henry blackborne , gent. borough of lyn regis . for the borough of lyn regis , john bassetmajor , robert steward esq ; recorder , thomas greene , william wharton , henry bell , robert thorowgood , alderman holley . great yarmouth . for the town of great yarmouth , nicholas cutting , james simonds bailiff there , sir john potts knight and baronet , sir william doyley knight , sir thomas me●ow knight , thomas gooch , george england , john carter , nathaniel ashby , thomas lucas , iohn woodroff , iames iohnson esquires , george tilyard gent. theftford . for the whole borough and corporation of theftford , the major for the time being , john kendal gent. mr. bourage m●rtin , maurice helton , esquires , robert keddington gent. mr. nicholas rookwood , mr. robert wright of kilveston . newcastle upon tine . for the town and county of newcastle upon tine , sir iohn marley , sir nicholas cole knight , and baronet , sir francis bows knight , sir francis anderson knight . nottingham . for the county of nottingham , francis sandisesq ; thomas bristow , william newton , gentlemen . east-retford . for the borrough of east-retford , the bailiffs for the time being . oxon. for the county of oxon , william glyn , john west , esquires , iohn coker gent. iames herbert esq ; sir thomas tippin . university of oxford . mr. robert withers , mr. edward master , mr. david thomas , mr. gregory ballard , mr. timothy horton . the city of oxford . for the city of oxford , francis holloway , william cornish . salop. for the county of salop , charles baldwin , samuel baldwin , esquires , mr. moore of middleton , mr. bishop of the moore , benjamin buckley . stafford . for the county of stafford , thomas rudiardesq ; iohn colclough , timothy edge , gentlemen . somerset . for the county of somerset , william orangeesq ; vvilliam bacon senior , gent. iohn oridland gent. mawdley samborne , iohn c●rew , roger newborough , iames haise , esquires . for the city of bristol . for the city and county of the city of bristol , the major and sheriffs for the time being , iohn knight the elder , vvilliam coulston , iohn bradway , vvilliam coles . for the city of bathe . for the city of bathe , iohn peirce , iohn masters , aldermen . southampton . for the county of southampton , with the town and county , mr. essex powlet , richard lucy , gabriel vvhistler , ess isle of wight . for the isle of vvight , thomas bowremanesq ; iohn oglander of newport gentleman . suffolk . for the county of suffolk , george vviniffe , william blumfield , esquires , mr. iohn brooke , mr. milton of ipswich , mr. edmond bedingfield , mr. francis langley , mr. thomas read , mr. rabbit of bramfield , isaac motham esquire , gardiner web gent. st. edmonds bury . for st. edmonds bury , francis smith , robert sharpe , samuel hustler . surrey . for the county of surrey , edward evelin , iohn yates , richard knipe , esquires , mr. iohn parker , sir purbeck temple , sir thomas bludworth , knights , thomas rogers , charles good-harman-atwood , esquires , iohn parker of rigate . rye in the county of sussex . for the town of rye , samuel bembrigg , iames vvelsh , thomas osmonton . worcester . for the county of worcester , sir iohn packingtonbaronet , sir rowland berkley knight , sir iohn winford knight , samuel sandys , henry townsend , iohn bearcroft , esquires , sir ralph clare , knight of the bath . worcester city . for the city and county of the city of worcestor , edward soley alderman , samuel smith , thomas twitty , gentlemen , henry townsendesq ; sir william mooreton knight , humphrey tyrer , richard heming , stephen richardson , gentlemen , sir iohn packington , sir rowland berkley , sir ralph clare , sir iohn winford , samuel sandys esq ; warwick . for the county of vvarwick , listerof alveston esq . richard bishop of stratford esq . coventry . for the city and county of the city of coventry , sir arthur caley knight , the major of coventry for the tune being , henry smith alderman , sir richard hopkins knight , william iesson , thomas norton esqs . mr. thomas love , mathew smith , samuel snell , william ielliffe , robert beak , iames nailer aldermen . town of warwick . for the town of warwick , sir henry puckeringbaronet , sir clement throckmortonknight , iohn rouse , nathaniel stoughton , iohn stanton esqs . lister of alveston esq . richard bishop of stratford . wilts . for the county of wilts , walter buckland , thomas mompesson , william caley esqs . mathew rayman gent. tho. hunt gent. robert chandler , robert nicholas of alcainings , william broomewichgent . samuel eyre gent. simon spatchhurstesq . christopher gardiner gent. mr. francis parry . sarum . for the city of new sarum , samuel eyre gent. simon spatchhurst esq . christopher gardiner gent. anglesey . for the isle of anglesey , robert lord viscount bulkley . cardigan . for the county of cardigan , iames phillips , morgan herbert , thomas ienkins , erasmus lloyde , thomas evans , henry vaughan , thomas price the elder , esquires ; thomas lloyde of yinshen , morris vaughan , iohn price gentmen , tho parry , reighnold ienkins , iohn bowin , thomas lewis , hector phillips , nicholas lewis , vvilliam iones , abel griffin , esqs , vvactkin lloyde , iohn 〈◊〉 of noyadd , gentlemen ; the major of cardiganfor the time being , rees gwin , david morgan , aldermen . carmarthen . for the county of carmarthen , jonathan lloyde , walter lloyde , walter mansell . carnarvon . for the county of carnarvon , griffith bodurda , john lloyde of nangwimadale , robert wynn of conway , william vvynn of pengwoone , vvilliam thomas of carnarvon , ionathan lloyde , vvalter lloyde , vvalter mansell . denbigh . for the county of denbigh , francis manlyesq ; flint . for the county of flint , kenrick eaton , esq ; glamorgan . for the county of glamorgan , iohn price , of courtcarne , morgan morgan , esq ; mountgomery . for the county of mountgomery , vvilliam oakely , edmond vvareing , david morrice , esqs ; iohn matthews , henry pursel , iohn kiffin , vvilliam price of lanligan , iohn lloyd of conway . haverford-west . for the town and county of haverford-west , sir herbert perrot , knight , vvilliam browne , alderman . anno xii . caroli ii. regis . an act for the attainder of several persons guilty of the horrid murther of his late sacred majestie king charles the first . in all humble manner shew unto your most excellent majestie , your majesties most dutifull and loyall subjects the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the horrid and execrable murther of your majesties royal father , our late most gracious soveraign charles the first , of ever blessed and glorious memory , hath been committed by a party of wretched men , desperately wicked , and hardened in their impiety , who having first plotted and contrived the ruine and destruction of this excellent monarchy , and with it of the true , reformed protestant religion which had been so long protected by it and flourished under it , found it necessary in order to the carrying on of their pernicious and traiterous designs , to throw down all the bullwarks and fences of law , and to subvert the very being and constitution of parliament , that so they might at last make their way open for any further attempts upon the sacred person of his majesty himself ; and that for the more easie effecting thereof , they did first seduce some part of the then army into a compliance , and then kept the rest in subjection to them , partly for hopes of preferment , and chiefly for fear of losing their imployments and arrears ; until by these , and other more odious arts and devices , they had fully strengthened themselves , both in power and faction ; which being done , they did declare against all manner of treaties with the person of the king , even then while a treaty by advice of both houses of parliament was in being , remonstrate against the houses of parliament for such proceedings , seize upon his royal person while the commissioners were returned to the house of parliament with his answer , and when his concessions had been voted a ground for ●eace , seize upon the house of commons , seclude and imprison some members , force out others , and there being left but a small remnant of their own creatures ( not a tenth part of the whole ) did seek to shelter themselves by this weak pretence , under the name and authority of a parliament , and in that name labo●red to prosecute what was yet behinde and unfinished of their long intended treason and con●piracy ; 〈…〉 p●●pose they prepared an ordinance for erecting la w●d●gious and unheard of tribunal , which they called an high court of justices , for t●yal of his majesty ; and having easi● procur●● it to pass in their house of commons , as it then stood moulded , ventured to send it up from thence to the peers then sitting , who totally rejected it ; whereupon their rage and fury increasing , they presume to pass it alone as an act of the commons , and in the name of the commons of england ; and having gained the pretence of law , made by a power of their own making , pursue it with all possible force and cruelty , until at last , upon the thirtieth day of january , one thousand six hundred forty and eight , his sacred majesty was brought unto a scaffold , and there publickly murthered before the gates of his own royal palace ; and because by this horrid action the protestant religion hath received the greatest wound and reproach , and the people of england the most insupportable shame and infamy that it was possible for the enemies of god and the king to bring upon uswhilst the fanatick rage of a few miscreants ( who were as far from being true protestants , as they were from being true subjects ) stands imputed by our adversaries to the whole nation : we therefore your majesties said dutiful and loyal subjects , the lords and commons in parliament assembled , do hereby renounce , abominate , and protest against that impious fact , the execrable murther , and most unparallel● treason committed against the sacred person and life of our said late soveraign , your majesties most royal father , and all proceedings tending thereunto : and do beseech your most excellent majesty that it may be declared , and be it hereby declared , that by the undoubted and fundamental laws of this kingdom , neither the peers of this realm , nor the commons , nor both together in parliament , or out of parliament , nor the people collectively or presentatively , nor any other persons whatsoever ever had , have , hath , or ought to have any coercive power over the persons of the kings of this realm ; and for the better vindication of our selves to posterity , and as a lasting monument of our otherwise inexpressible detestation and abhorrency of this vilanous and abominable fact , we do further beseech your most excellent majesty , that it may be enacted , and be it hereby enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , by and with the advice and consent of the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , that every thirtieth day of january , unless it falls out to be upon the lords day , and then the day next following , shall be for ever hereafter set apart to be kept and observed in all the churches and chappels of these your majesties kingdoms of england and ireland , dominion of wales , and town of berwick upon twede , and the iues of jersey and guernsey , and all other your majesties dominions , as an anniversary day of fasting and humiliation , to implore the mercy of god , that neither the guilt of that sacred and innocent ●●oud , one those other sins by which god was provoked to deliver up both us and our king into the hands of cruel and unreasonable men , may at any time hereafter be visited upon us or our posterity . and whereas oliver cromwel deceased , henry ireton deceased , john bradshaw deceased , and thomas pride deceased , john l●sle , william say , sir hardress waller , valentine wauton , thomas harrison , edward whally , william heveningham , isaac pennington , henry martin , john barkstead , gilbert millington , edmond ludlow , sir michael livesey , robert tichborne , owen rowe , robert lilborne , adrian scroop , john okey , john h●wson , william goffe , cornelius holland , thomas challoner , john carew , carew , john jones , miles corbet , henry smith , gregory clement , thomas wogan , edmond harvy , thomas scot , william cawley , john downes , nicholas love , vincent potter , augustine garland , john dixwell , george fleetwood , simon meyne , james temple , peter temple , daniel blagrave , thomas waite , john cooke , andrew broughton , edward dendy , william hewlet , hugh peters , francis hacker , daniel axtel , are notoriously known to have been wicked and active instruments in the prosecution and compassing that trayterous murther of his late majesty , for which the said sir hardress waller , thomas harrison , william heveningham , isaac pennington , henry martin , gilbert millington , robert tichborne , owen rowe , robert lilborne , adrian scroop , john carew , john jones , henry smith , gregory clement , edmond harvy , thomas scot , john downes , vincent potter , augustine garland , george fleetwood , simon meyne , james temple , peter temple , thomas waite , john cook , william hewlet , hugh peters , francis hacker , and daniel axtell , have already received their tryal at law , and by verdict , or their own confession , have been convicted , and by iudgement of law thereupon had , do now stand duely and legally attainted ; of whom , ten persons , that is to say , thomas harrison , adrian scroop , john carew , john jones , thomas scot , gregory clement , john cook , hugh peters , francis hacker , and daniel axtell , have most deservedly suffered the pains of death , and been executed according to law ; and the said john lisle , william say , valenti●e wauton , edward whally , john barkstead , edmond ludlow , sir michael livesey , john okey , john hewson , william goffe , cornelius holland , thomas challoner , miles corbet , william cawley , nicholas love , john dixwell , daniel blagrave , andrew broughton , and edward dendy , are fled from iustice ; not daring to abide a legal tryal : may it therefore please your maiesty that it may be enacted , and be it enacted by authority of this present parliament , that the said oliver cromwell deceased , henry ireton deceased , john bradshaw deceased , and thomas pride deceased , shall by vertue of this act , be adjudged to be convicted and attainted of high treason , to all intents and purposes , as if they , and every of them respectively had been attainted in their lives : and also that john lisle , william say , valentine wauton , edward whally , john barkstead , edmond ludlow , sir michael livesey , john okey , john hewson , william goffe , cornelius holland , thomas challoner , william cawley , miles corbet , nicholas love , john dixwell , daniel blagrave , andrew broughton , edward dendy , and every of them , stand and be adjudged , and by authority of this present act convicted and attainted of high treason ; and that all and every the mannors , messnages , lands , tenements , rents , reversions , remainders , possessions , rights , conditions , interests , offices , fees , annuities , and all other the hereditaments , leases for years , chattels real , and other things of that nature , whatsoever they be , of them the said oliver cromwell , henry ireton , john bradshaw , thomas pride , john lisle , william say , valentine w●uton , edward whally , john barkstead , edmond ludlow , sir michael livesey , john okey , john hewson , william goffe , cornelius holland , thomas challoner , william cawly , miles corbet , nicholas love , john dixwell , daniel blagrave , andrew broughton , edward dendy , thomas harrison , adrian scroop , john carew , john jones , thomas scot , gregory clement , hugh peters , francis hacker , iohn cook , daniel axtell , sir hardress waller , william heveningham , isaac pennington , henry martin , gilbert millington , robert tichborne , owen rowe , robert lilborne , henry smith , edmond harvy , iohn downs ▪ vincent potter , augustine garland , george fleetwood , simon meyne , iames temple , peter temple , thomas wayte , which they , or any of them , or any other person or persons , to their or any of their uses , or in trust for them , or any of them , had the five and twentieth day of march , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred forty and six , or at any time since , shall stand and be forfeited unto your majesty , your heirs and successors , and shall be deemed , vested , and adjudged to be in the actual and real possession of your majesty , without any office or inquisition thereof hereafter to be taken or found : and also , that all and every the goods , debts , and other the chattels personal whatsoever , of them the said oliver cromwell , henry ireton , iohn bradshaw , thomas pride , whereof at the time of their respective deaths , they , or any of them , or any other in trust for them or any of them , stood possessed in law or equity , and all the goods , debts , and other the chattels personal whatsoever of them the said iohn lisle , william say , valentine wauton , edward whalley , john barkstead , edmond ludlow , sir michael livesey , john okey , john hewson , william goffe , cornelius holland , thomas challoner , william cawly , miles corbet , nicholas love , john dixwell , andrew broughton , edward dendy , thomas harrison , adrian scroope , john carew , john jones , thomas scot , gregory clement , hugh peters , francis hacker , iohn cook , daniel axtell , sir hardress waller , william heveningham , isaac pennington , henry martin , gilbert millington , robert tichborne , owen rowe , robert lilborne , henry smith , edmond harvy , iohn downs , vincent potter , augustine garland , george fleetwood , simon meyne , iames temple , peter temple , thomas wayte , whereof upon the eleventh day of february , one thousand six hundred fifty nine , they or any of them , or any other in trust for them or any of them , stood possessed either in law or equity , shall be deemed and adjudged to be forfeited unto , and are hereby vested , and put into the actual and real possession of your majesty , without any further office or inquisition thereof hereafter to be taken or found . provided always , and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no conveyance , assurance , grant , bargain , sale , charge , lease , assignment of lease , grants and surrenders by copy of court-roll , estate , interest , trust , or limitation of any vse or vses of or out of any manors , lands , tenements , or hereditaments , not being the lands nor hereditaments of the late king , queen or prince , or of any archbishops , bishops , deans , deans and chapters , nor being lands or hereditaments sold or given for the delinquency , or pretended delinquency of any person or persons whatsoever , by vertue or pretext of any act , order , ordinance , or reputed act , order or ordinance since the first day of ianuary , one thousand six hundred forty and one , nor any statute , iudgement or recognizance , had , made , acknowledged or suffered to any person or persons , bodies politick or corporate , before the twenty ninth day of september , one thousand six hundred fifty nine , by any of the offenders before in this act ▪ mentioned , or their heirs , or by any other person or persons claiming by , from , or under them or any of them , other then the wife or wives , childe or children , heir or heirs of such person or persons , or any of them , for money bona fide , to them or any of them paid or lent , nor any conveyance , assurance , grant or estate made before the twenty fifth of april one thousand six hundred and sixty , by any person or persons to any of the offenders aforesaid in trust ; and for the benefit of any other person or persons not being any of the offenders aforesaid , or in trust for any bodies politick or corporate , shall be impeached , defeated , made void or frustrated hereby , or by any of the convictions and attainders aforesaid ; but that the same shall be held and enjoyed by the purchasers , grantees , lessees , assigns , cestuy que usu , cestuy que trust , and every of them , their heirs , executors , administrators and assigns respectively , as if this act had not been made , and as if the said offenders had not been by this act , or by any other course or proceedings of law convicted or attainted ; so as the said conveyances , and all and every the grants and assurances which by vertue of this act , are , and ought to be held and enjoyed as aforesaid , shall before the first of ianuary , which shall be in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred sixty and two , be entred and enrolled of record in his majesties court of exchequer , and not otherwise ; any thing in this act herein before contained to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . provided always , and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all and singular the mannors , lands , tenements and hereditaments , which at any time heretofore were the lands and possessions of henry late marquess of worcester , and edward now marquess of worcester , and henry lord herbert , son and heir apparent of the said edward marquess of worcester , or any of them ; whereof or wherein the said oliver cromwell , or any other person or persons in trust for him , or to his use , or any other the persons attainted by this act , or otherwise , or any person or persons in trust for them or any of them , had or claimed , or pretended to have any estate , right , title , possession or interest , at any time before or since the decease of the said oliver cromwell , shall be , and hereby are vested and setled in , and shall be held and enjoyed by the said marquess of vvorcester , and the said henry lord herbert , in such manner and form , and for such estate and estates , with such powers and priviledges as they formerly had in the same respectively ; any thing in this present act contained , or any act , conveyance or assurance heretofore made or acknowledged by the said edward marquess of vvorcester , and henry lord herbert or either of them , unto the said oliver cromwell , or any other person or persons in trust for , or to the use of the said oliver cromwell , or any act or conveyance made or done by the said oliver cromwell , or by any in trust for him , to any person whatsoever , to the contrary notwithstanding . saving always to all and every person and persons , bodies politick and others , their respective heirs , successors , executors and administrators , all such right , title and interest in law and equity , which they or any of them have or ought to have , of , into , or out of any the premisses , not being in trust for any the said offenders , nor derived by , from or under the said offenders , since the twenty fifth day of march , which was in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred forty six ; and that they the said person and persons , bodies politick , and other their respective heirs , successors , executors and administrators , and every of them , in all and every such case where his and their entry was lawful , upon such offender or offenders , or the heirs or assigns of such offender or offenders , in or upon the said twenty fifth day of march , one thousand six hundred forty and six , or at any time since , may without petition , monstrans de droyt , onster le maine , or other suit to his majesty , enter on the premisses in his majesties possession , or in the possession of his successors and patentees , their heirs or assigns , in such manner to all intents , as he or they might have done on the possession of the said offenders , their heirs or assigns , in or upon the said twenty fifth day of march , or at any time since ; any thing in this act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . provided also , that all and every person and persons which have received any of the rents or mean profits , of , in , or out of any the lands , tenements and hereditaments , chattels real , or possessions of any the offender or offenders in this act mentioned , before the eleventh day of february , one thousand six hundred fifty and nine , and have paid or accounted for the same before the said eleventh day of february , one thousand six hundred fifty and nine , unto the said offender or offenders , or their assigns , or to any claiming from or under them , shall be clearly and for ever acquitted and discharged of and from the same , against the kings majesty , his heirs and successors , any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding . provided always , that it shall and may be lawful to and for richard ingoldsby to retain and keep , or otherwise to sell and dispose all and singular the goods and chattels formerly belonging to sir hardress waller , in the kingdom of ireland , until two thousand pounds , for which the said richard ingoldsby in the year one thousand six hundred fifty eight , stood joyntly bound with the said six hardress waller , unto iames brooks of the city of york , alderman , and was then counter-secured by a iudgement upon his lands , and since by a deed of bargain and sale of the said goods and chattels in ireland , be fully paid , together with the interest thereof ; he the said richard ingoldsby accounting for , and paying the full overplus thereof , if any shall be , unto our soveraign lord the king ; any thing herein before contained to the contrary notwithstanding . anno xii . caroli ii. regis . an act for confirmation of leases and grants from colledges and hospitals . whereas since the beginning of the late troubles , divers masters , provosts , presidents , wardens , governours , rectors , principals , and other heads , fellows , and scholars of colledges , halls , or houses of learning , in either of the vniversities of oxford and cambridge , and the dean , canons and prevends of the cathedral or collegiat church or colledge of christ-church in the vniversity of oxford , and provest , warden , or other head-officer , and fellows or scholars of the ●olledges of eaton and winchester , and masters and governors , brethren , brothers and sisters of divers hospitals have been amoved ejected or sequestred by the lords and commons assem●led in parliament , or by certain visitors by them appointed , or by some conventions sitting at westminster under the name or stile of a parliament , or by some authority or pretence of authority derived from them or the late pretended and usurped powers , stiled keepers of the liberty of e●gland by authority of parliament , or protectors of the common-wealth of england scotland , and ireland , and the dominion or dominions and territories thereunto belonging . and whereas also after these amotions , ejections or sequestrations , several other persons have been either by election of the said colledges , halls , houses of learning , church or hospitals , or by some of the powers or pretended powers above mentioned placed and substituted in these masterships , headships , fellowships deanary , canories , prebendaries , governorships and other places aforesaid , who have actually exercised the same places and been de facto masters , provosts presidents , wardens , governours , rectors , principals and other heads , fellows , scholars , brethren , brothers and sisters , dean canons or prebends of such respective colledges , halls houses of learning , hospitals , cathedrall church or places , and have made divers grants by copy of court-roll , and leases and licences to let or assign grants and presentations to , and elections of divers persons , re-entries for non-payment of rent or breach of conditions , whereupon divers questions may in time to come arise . for prevention whereof , it is enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , with the advice and assent of the lords and commons in parliament assembled , and by authority of the same , that all grants by copy of court-roll , and leases and licences of setting and assigning grants and presentations ; and all elections of heads , masters , fellows , scholars , students and officers of the said ●olledges , halls , church , & houses of learning and hospitals aforesaid , into dead or other places then or since vacant , receipts and acquittances of rents incurred , entries for forfeitures or conditions broken , had made or given since the five and twentieth day of march in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred forty two , and before the five and twentieth day of july in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred and sixty , by any such masters , provosts , presidents , wardens , governors , rectors , principalls and other heads de facto of the said colledges , halls and houses of learning , and fellows , and scholars de facto of the same respectively in either of the said vniversities , or dean and canons or prebends de facto of christ church aforesaid , or master , provost or warden and fellows de facto of the colledges of eaton or winchester , or by such master , warden or governors de facto , or master , warden or governors , brethren brothers or sisters de facto of any hospital , by whatsoever particular name or stile of foundation the said colledges , church , hospitals , masters , governors , fellows , deans and canons , or prebends are stiled , founded , known or incorporated , and all leases granted by the master , warden , brethren , brothers or sisters of any hospitals of the patronage of any bishop , dean , or dean and chapter , and all surrenders to them made to inable such leases , grants and presentations , shall stand and be of the same and no other force and effect , as if the said masters , provosts , presidents , wardens , governors , rectors , principals , heads , fellows , scholars , dean , canons , prebends , brethren , brothers or sisters had been such de jure , and duly and de jure intituled in and to the said colledges , halls , houses of learning , church , hospitals , offices or places respectively , and as if such leases granted by the master & brethren of any hospital of the patronage of any bishop , dean or chapter had been confirmed by the said bishop , dean or chapter ; and that notwithstanding such defect in the said lessors or grantors , & notwithstanding the restitution of any of the persons so ejected , the rents , covenants and conditions contained in such leases and grants shall go in succession , as if such lessors or grantors had been de jure masters , provosts , presidents , wardens , governors , reetors , principals , heads , fellows , scholars , dean , canons , prebends , brethren , brothers and sisters of such colledges , halls , houses of learning , church , hospitals and places respectively ; any former law , custome or statute to the contrary notwithstanding . provided alwayes and be it enacted , that nothing in this acc contained do or shall extend to the confirming or making good of any lease or leases of any parcel or parcels of lands , tenements , pastures , houses , orchards , gardens or barns , or any of the possessions of or belonging to the hospitall of saint john baptist and the evangelist in the town of northhampton , made between the first day of september in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred fifty & five , and the five and twentieth day of july in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred fifty and eight , by the pretended master george g●odman and his co-brethren of the aforesaid hospital , by colour of any pretended grant or patent whatsoever , or notwithstanding the seal of the said hospital or corporation was to them or any of them set or affixed . provided alwayes , that this act or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to make good in law or equity any lease or leases made by simon moore clerk , late master or pretended master of the hospitall of saint oswald in the county of worcester , of any the lands , tenements and hereditaments of or belonging to the said hospital , to richard moore son of the said simon moore , or to any of the children or grand children of the said simon moore , or to any other person or persons in trust or for the use or uses of the said simon moore , or his wife , children or grandchildren , or any or either of them . provided alwayes , that no person or persons shall be confirmed in any mastership , provostship , headship , fellowship , or chaplains place in any colledge or hall in either of the vniversities of oxford or cambridge , or in the colledges of eaton and winchester , that is not ordained minister by bishops or presbyters ( or being ordained , hath since renounced his ordination ) where by the local statutes of the said respective colledges or halls ordination is required . provided alwayes , and be it enacted , that this act shall not extend to confirm any lease or leases of the rectories and parsonages of randall and littlecoates in the county of lincolne , which have long since been in the tenure or occupation of john lord culpeper , as by several leases under the seal of the master and fellows of the colledge of the holy and undivided trinity within the town and vniversity of cambridge of king henry the eights foundation may appear , and are now leased over the head of the said john lord culpeper the antient tenant , to one john west , though according to usage he claimed to renew his lease three years before the expiration thereof at the usual fines or more . but that the said john lord culpeper , his executors or administrators , reimbursing the said new tenant or lessee so much money as hath been really paid to the said colledge for the fine for such lease , they shall be admitted to renew the said lease for the said fine . provided alwayes , that whereas doctor owen late reputed dean , and the chapter of the cathedral church of christ in oxon of the foundation of king henry the eight , by their indenture dated the seventh day of august , in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred fifty seven , did lease and demise unto john arthur clerk , thomas bromefield of london esquire , and laurence marsh of darking in the county of surry esquire , certain tyths and lands parcel of the mannor and parsonage of kirkham in the county of lancast●r , and by several other indentures did lease and demise unto several other persons many other parts and portions of the said parsonage of kirkham ( which had long been in the tenure or occupation of thomas clifton esquire and his ancestors , by severall successive leases under the abbot and covent of vale royal , and the colledge of christ church aforesaid respectively ) for severall terms of years yet unexpired : be it enacted and ordained , that thomas clifton now of litham in the county of lancaster esquire , his executors and administrators , ( paying the several and respective rents reserved unto the said colledge , and securing unto the said john arthur , thomas bromefield , and laurence marsh , or the survivors or survivor of them , or the executors or executor of the survivor of them , for the uses in the said lease expressed and not otherwise , out of the premisses , the yearly summ of four hundred pounds , to be paid half yearly by equall portions , for the terme of eleven years next ensuing , and reimbursing unto the said several other lessees respectively or their respective assigns so much money as was by them respectively and truly paid for their respective fines , ) shall have and enjoy the said several demised premisses for the residue of the said several termes of years yet to come , as if the said several leases made unto them the said john arthur , thomas bromfeild , and laurence marsh , and unto the said severall other persons as aforesaid , had been legally made unto the said thomas clifton by a lawfull deane and chapter , this act or any other thing to the contrary notwithstanding . provided alwayes , that this act or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to confirm the election of any head , fellow , scholar or chaplain of any colledge or hall in either of the vniversities , that upon any other ground besides the want of episcopal ordination , is or was not capable of being elected into such place or places by the statures of the said colledge or hall , into which he or they were chosen . provided also , that this act or any thing therein contained , shal not extend to prejudice the title of any person or persons , who by letters patents under the great seal since the first day of may , and before the twenty sixth of august one thousand six hundred and sixty , have obtained from his majesty any grant of any deanery , headship of any house , rectorshiy of any colledge , canons place , prebendary , fellowship or scholarship within either of the vniversities , or the colledges of eaton , westminster , or winchester ; but that all and every the said grants and letters patents shall be of such , and no other force and effect , as the same should have been if this act had not been made , any thing in this act contained to the contrary notwithstanding . provided also , that this act or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to confirm any lease or estate made by john tombes clerk , of any lands , tenements , or hereditaments , belonging to the hospital of saint katharines in ledbury in the county of hereford , to any of the children of him the said john tombs , or to any other person or persons in trust for him or them , or any of them . provided alwayes , and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that neither this act , nor any thing therein contained , shall in any wise extend to confirm , or make good , any lease or leases made by vvilliam lenthal , pretended warden of the house of converts , belonging to the master of the rolls , since the thirtieth day of january , one thousand six hundred forty and two , of any houses or tenements thereto belonging , to the prejudice of john lord culpeper , his successors , lessees , or assigns , the said lord culpeper paying or reimbursing unto the said lessee or lessees of such houses or tenements , such monies as they or any of them have paid , with interest for the same , he or they discounting for the mean profits thereof . provided alwayes , that neither this act , nor any thing therein contained , shall extend to confirm vvilliam hook in the mastership of the kings majesties hospital of the savoy , nor to confirm or make good any lease of any lands or tenements belonging to the said hospital , made between the thirtieth day of january , in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred forty eight , and the first day of june , one thousand six hundred and sixty ; the master of the said hospital for the time being , allowing and reimbursing to all such lessees all such summ or summs of money , as they or any of them paid to the then master of the said hospitall by way of fine , at the time of such lease making , and interest for the same , and the said lessees and every of them disc●unting for the mean profits of the same . provided alwayes , and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that this act , or any thing herein contained , shall not extend to confirm or make good any lease or grant made , or mentioned to be made to any person or persons by john owen late dean , and others , canons , or pretended dean and canons of the colledge of christ church in the vniversity of oxford , or by any of them , of any the rectories , tythes , or gleab lands of hampton , wickenford , badsey , aldington , uffenha● , south-littleton , north littleton , and middle littleton , in the county of worcester , heretofore the possessions of henry late marquess of worcester , and dame anne his wife , or either of them , and whereo the said henry was dispossest for his allegiance and loyalty to his late majesty of blessed memory ; but that the executor or administrator of the said henry , shall and may be admitted to renew the leases of the said tythes , for such terme or terms , as the said dean and chapter of christ church are by law enabled to grant the same , the said executors or administrators satisfying and reimbursing to such person or persons , all such summ or summs of money , as he or they have payd for the said lease or leases , by way of fine , with interest for the same , the said person or persons discounting to the said executors or administrators , for the mean profits received thereupon . provided also , that this act , or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to confirm or make good any lease , leases , or estate made by any pretended dean and chapter , master or head of any colledge or hall in either of the vniversities , or of any pretended master or governors of any hospital , which said lease , leases or estate had not been good or effectual in law , had they been made by a lawful dean & chapter , master , head or governor of any colledge , hall or hospital aforesaid ; this act , or any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding . provided also that this act , or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to confirm or make good any leafe or leases of the rectory or parsonage of arrington in the county of cambridge , which hath long been in the tenure and occupation of thomas ●hicheley esq ; and his ancestors , by several successive leases from the master and fellows of trinity colledge in cambridge ; nor shall confirm or make good any lease or leases of the rectory or parsonage of soham in the said county of cambridge , which hath likewise been , and still is in the occupation and possession of the said thomas chicheley , by lease from the master and fellows of pembroke hall in cambridge , but that the said thomas chicheley ( paying and reimbursing the several and respective tenants or lessees , the several and respective sums of money by them severally and respectively paid to the said colledge and hall , for or in the name of any fine or fines , for the making or granting such new lease or leases , with interest , discounting such rents and profits as by them respectively have been taken or received out of the premisses ) shall be restored to his said ancient possessions . and the said colledge and hall respectively shall be enabled to lease the said several rectories and parsonages , with their respective appurtenances , unto the said thomas chicheley ; this act , or any thing herein contained to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding . provided alwayes , that neither this act , nor any thing therein contained , shall extend to restore any person or persons to any headship , fellowship , or scholarship of any colledge or hall , or to any chaplains or 〈◊〉 place , in any colledge or hall , in 〈…〉 the vniversities , or to any lecture or readers place , that is or shall be before the first day of january , one thousand six hundred and sixty , eiected out of their respective headship , fellowship , scholarship , chaplain or clerks-place , or out of any lecture in the said vniversities , by his majesties commissioners under the great seal , for not having been legally and according to the severall statutes of the said respective severall places nominated , elected or admitted in or to the same ; any thing in this act contained to the contrary notwithstanding . anno xii . caroli ii. regis . an act for prohibiting the exportation of wooll , woolfels , fullers earth , or any kind of scouring earth . for the better preventing and avoiding of such losses and inconveniencies as have happened , and daily do and may happen to the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , and to the kingdome of ireland by and through the secret and subtile exportation and transportation , and by and through the secret and subtle carrying and conveighing away of wooll , woolfells , mortlings , sherlings , yarn made of wooll , woolflocks , fullers earth , and fulling clay , out of and from the kingdome and dominion aforesaid , and for the better setting on work the poor people and inhabitants of the kingdomes and dominion aforesaid . and to the intent that the full and best use and benefit of the principal native commodities of the same kingdomes and dominion may come , redound , and be unto and amongst the subjects and inhabitants of the same , and not unto or amongst the subjects and inhabitants of the realm of scotland , or of any foreign realms or states , as the same now of late in some great measure hath done , and is further likely to do , if some severer punishment then heretofore be not speedily inflicted upon such offenders , as shall be actors or assistants in and to such exportation and transportation , and in and to such carrying and conveying away thereof as aforesaid ; be it enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that no person or persons whatsoever , from and after the fourteenth day of january one thousand six hundred and threescore , shall directly or indirectly , export , transport , carry or convey , or cause or procure to be exported , transported , carried or conveyed out of , or from the kingdome of england , or dominion of wales , or town of barwick upon ●wede , or out of or from the isles of jersey or guernzey , with sarke and alderney , being under the government of guernzey aforesaid , or out of or from any of them , or out of , or from the kingdome of ireland aforesaid , into any parts or places out of the kingdomes , isles or dominion aforesaid , any sheep or wooll whatsoever , of the breed or growth of the kingdomes of england or ireland , or isles or dominion aforesaid ; or any wooll fells , mortlings or shorlings , or any yarn made of wooll , or any woolflocks , or any fullers earth , or any fulling clay whatsoever ; nor shall directly or indirectly pack or load , or cause to be packed or loaded upon any horse , cart , or other carriage , or load , or lay on board , or cause to be loaden or laid on board in any ship or other vessel , in any place or port within the kingdomes of england or ireland , or town of berwick , or isles , or dominion aforesaid , any such sheep , wooll , woolfells , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wooll or woollflocks , or any fullers earth or fulling clay , to the intent or purpose to export , transport , carry or convey the same , or to cause the same to be exported , transported , carryed or conveyed out of the kingdomes of england or ireland , town of berwick , isles or dominion aforesaid , or with intent or purpose , that any other person or persons should so export , transport , carry or convey the same into any parts or places out of the kingdomes of england and ireland , town of berwick , isles or dominion aforesaid , into the kingdome of scotland , or any foreign parts . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no wooll , woolfells , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wooll , woollflocks , or any fullers earth , or fulling clay , shall be from and after the fourteenth day of january , in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred and threescore , exported , transported , carried or conveyed out of the kingdome of england and dominion of wales , or town of berwick , or kingdome of ireland , or out of any port or place of the said kingdomes respectively unto the isles of jersey or guernzey , or to sarke or alderney , except as in this act shall be hereafter limited or appointed . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all and every the offender & offenders , offence and offences aforesaid , shall be subject and lyable to the respective pains , penalties and forfeitures hereafter following , that is to say , the said sheep , woolls , woolfels , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wooll , woolflocks , fullers earth , and fulling clay , so exported , transported , carryed , conveyed , packed or loaden contrary to the true intent of this act , shall be forfeited , and that every offender and offenders therein shall forfeit twenty shillings for every such sheep , and three shillings for every pound weight of such wooll , woolfels , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wool , wool-flocks , fullers earth , or fulling clay . and also the owners of the said ships or vessels knowing such offence , shall forfeit all their interest in the said ships or vessels , with all their apparel and furniture to them and every of them belonging . and that the master and mariners thereof , knowing such offence , and wittingly and willingly aiding and assisting thereunto , shall forfeit all their goods and chattels , and have imprisonment for the space of three moneths without bail or main-prise ; the one moiety of which said penalties and forfeitures shall be to the kings majesty , his heirs and successors ; and the other moiety to him that will sue for the same by action of debt , bill , plaint or information in any of his majesties courts of record , or before the iustices of assize , or in the general quarter sessions of the peace : in which suit , no essoyn , protection or wager of law shall be allowed . and be it further enacted , that if any merchant or other person or persons shall after the said fourteenth day of january transport or cause to be transported , any sheep , wool , wool-fels mortlings , shorlings , woollen-yarn , wool-flocks , fullers-earth or fulling-clay , contrary to the true intent of this act , and be thereof lawfully convicted , that then he shall be disabled to require any debt or accompt of any factor or others for or concerning any debt or estate properly belonging to such offendor . provided alwaies and it is nevertheless declared , that this act or any thing therein contained shall not be construed to take away any greater pains or penalties inflicted or to be inflicted for any the offences aforesaid by vertue of any former act of parliament now in force . and be it also further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that every offence that shall be done or committed contrary to this act , shall and may be inquired of and heard , examined , tryed and determined in the county where such sheep , wooll , wool-fels , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wooll , wool-flocks , fullers-earth , or fulling-clay respectively shall be so packed , loaden , or laid aboard as aforesaid contrary to this act , or else in the county where such offenders shall happen to be apprehended , or arrested for such offence , in such manner and form , and to such effect to all intents and purposes as if the same offence had been wholly and altogether done and committed at and in such county . provided alwaies and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no person or persons whatsoever shall at any time hereafter be impeached for any offence aforesaid , unless such person or persons shall be prosecuted within the space of one year next ensuing such offence committed . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall and may be lawfull to and for any person or persons to seize , take and challenge to his or their own use and behoof , and to the use of the king , his heirs and successors , all and all manner such sheep , wool , woolfels , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wool , wool-flocks , fullers-earth and fulling clay , as he or they shall happen to see , finde , know or discover to be laid aboard in any ship or other vessel or boat , or to be brought , carried or laid on shore at or near the sea or any navigable river or water , to the intent or purpose to be exported , transported or conveyed out of the kingdoms of england , or ireland , town of berwick , isles or dominion aforesaid contrary to the true meaning of this act , or to be packed or loaden upon any ●●orse , cart or other carriage , to the intent or purpose to be conveyed or carried into the kingdome of scotland aforesaid ; and that such person or persons as shall happen so to seize , take or challenge any such sheep , wooll , wool-fells , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wooll , woolflocks , fullers earth or fulling clay as aforesaid , shall have the full moiety thereof , to all intents and purposes . provided alwayes , that such person or persons as shall make any such seizure or challenge as aforesaid to his or their own use , shall not be admitted or allowed to give in evidence upon his or their oath or oathes against any person or persons , which shall happen to be indicted , accused or questioned by vertue of this act , or any thing therein contained . and furthermore be it enacted by the authority aforesaid . that all and every ship , vessel , hulke , barge or boat , of what kinde soever , whereof any alien born , or whereof any naturall born subjects not inhabiting within the realm of england , shall be owner or part owner , and wherein any sheep , wooll , wool-fells , mortlings , shorlings , yarn made of wooll , wooll-flocks , fullers earth , or fulling clay shall happen to be shipped , put or laid aboard contrary to the true meaning of this act , shall be forfeited to the kings majestie , his heirs and successors . provided alwayes , that this act shall not extend to any lamd skin ready drest , and prepared fit and usefull for furr or lynings . provided also , that this act shall not in any wise extend to the transporting , carrying or conveying away of any such wool-fells or pelts , with such vvooll upon them , or to any beds stuffed with flocks , which shall be carryed or imployed in any ship or other vessel for necessary use onely , of and about the ordnance or other thing in or concerning such ship or vessel , or onely for the necessary use of any the persons in such ship or vessell , passing or being , and which shall not be sold or uttered in any foreign parts , out of the kingdomes of england or ireland , or town of berwick , istes or dominion aforesaid ; nor to the exporting , transporting , carrying or conveying of any weather-sheep , or of the vvooll growing upon any such vveather-sheep , to be carryed alive in any ship or other vessell , for and towards the onely necessary food or diet , of or for the company or passengers or other persons therein , and for and towards none other purpose . provided alwayes , and be it further enacted , that this act or any thing therein contained shall not extend to any such wooll to be exported or transported out of or from the port of southampton , onely unto the aforesaid isles of jersey and guernzey , by , or for the onely use or behoof of any the inhabitants of the said isles of jersey and guernzey , or either of them , or to any such vvooll to be shipped or loaden aboard in any ship or other vessel , by , or for the only use or behoof of any the inhabitants of the said isles of jersey or guernsey , or either of them in the port aforesaid , to be exported and transported into the said isles of jersey or guernzey or either of them ; so as such person and persons that shall so ship or lay aboard such wooll into any ship or other vessel , do before the shipping or laying aboard such vvooll , deliver unto the customer , comptroller , surveyor or searcher of the port of southampton aforesaid ( out of which the same vvooll is to be exported ) a writing under the seal or seals of the respective governors of the same isles of jersey and guernzey , unto which the said wool is to be transported , or of his or their deputy or deputies respectively , the which writing shall purport and express that the party named in such writing is authorised and appointed to export or to cause to be exported out of the port aforesaid so much wooll , expressing the number of the tods , to the same isle , to be used or manufactured in one of the same isles , or in some of the members or parts of the same , and that such party so authorised and appointed to export or cause to be exported that wool , hath before the making and sealing of that writing , entred sufficient bond to his majesties use for the landing of the said wool in that isle . and to the intent that the quantity of wooll to be exported out of the port of southampton aforesaid into the said isles or either of them in any one year , accompting the year to begin from the first day of january next ensuing , and so yearly from the first day of january , may not exceed the quantity hereunder specified ; that is tosay , unto the isle of jer●ey two thousand tods and no more of unkeamed wool , and unto guernzey one thousand tods and no more of unkeamed wool , and unto alderny two hundred tods and no more of unkeamed wool , and unto sarke one hundred tods of unkeamed wool and no more , every tod not exceeding thirty two pounds . and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the governor of the said isle of jersey or his deputy for whom he will answer , shall not make to any person or persons any writing or writings such as is above specified , to authorise or appoint such person or persons as aforesaid , to fetch , e●port , or transport out of the port of southampton aforesaid unto the said isle of jersey in one year , accompting the year from the first day of january , one thousand six hundred and sixty aforesaid , any greater quantity of vvool then two thousand tods in any one year ; and that the governor of the said isle of guernzey , or his deputy for whom he will answer , shall not make to any person or persons any writing or writings , such as is above specified , to authorise and appoint such person or persons as aforesaid , to fetch , export , or transport out of the port above specified unto the said isles of guernzey , with alderny and sarke , in any one year , accepting the year from the first day of january aforesaid , any greater quantity of vvooll then one thousand tods for guernzey , two hundred todds for alderney , and one hundred todds for sarke in any one year ; and that the customer of the port of southampton aforesaid , shall keep a true accompt of all the said quantity of woolls so by him permitted to be loaden by vertue of this act , and shall not permit any greater quantity of vvoolls to be loaden then by this act is prescribed in any one year to either of the said islands respectively under any pretence whatsoever , upon the penalty of the forfeiture of his place , and the summe of one hundred pounds in money , one moyety whereof to the kings majesty , his heirs and successors , and the other moyety to him or them that will sue for the same in any court of record , wherein no essoyne , protection or wager of law shall be allowed . and if any of the governors aforesaid , or any their or either of their deputy or deputies of the said isles , or either of them , shall give , grant , or make any licence or licences for exporting from southampton aforesaid , into the said isles respectively , of any greater quantity of such vvooll , then is before by the true meaning of this act limitted and appointed in that behalf ; that then the respective governor or governors of such of the said isles , shall forfeit and pay to the kings majesty , his heirs or successors , the summ of twenty pounds of lawful money of ●ngland , for every todd of vvooll which shall be so licenced to be exported , over and above the rate or proportion of vvooll in and by this act , or the true meaning thereof limited or appointed . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the respective governors aforesaid , or their respective deputies , or any their clerks , officers or servants , for the granting , making , or sealing of every such writing of licence as is aforesaid , and for the entring a remembrance of the same into some book , which they shall have and keep for that purpose , may have and take the summ of twelve pence , and no more , upon pain of forfeiting to be partie grieved the summ of five shillings for every penny which shall be taken over and above the said summ of twelve pence , in and by this act allowed to be taken , and so after that proportion , the said penalty or forfeiture for the taking above twelve pence as aforesaid , to be recovered by bill , plaint or information in any court of record at westminster or elsewhere , wherein no injunction , protection , priviledge , essoyne or wager of law shall be admitted or allowed . anno regni caroli ij. regis angliae , scotiae , franciae , & hiberniae , duodecimo . at the parliament begun at westminster the five and twentieth day or april , an. dom. 1660. in the twelfth year of the reign of our most gracious soveraign lord charles , by the grace of god , of england , scotland , france , and ireland , king , defender of the faith , &c. london , printed by john bill , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1660. cum privilegio . anno xii . caroli . ii. regis . an act for confirmation of marriages . whereas by vertue or colour of certain ordinances , or certain pretended acts or ordinances , divers marriages since the beginning of the late troubles , have bee● had and solemnized in some other manner then hath been formerly used and accustomed : now for the preventing and avoyding of all doubts and questions touching the same , it is enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , with the advice and assent of the lords and commons in parliament assembled , and by authority of the ●ame , that all marriages had or solemnized in any of his majesties dominions since the first day of may , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred forty and two , before any iustice of peace , or reputed iustice of peace , of england or wales , or other his majesties dominions , and by such iustice or reputed iustice , so pronounced or declared . and all marriages within any of his majesties dominions , since the same first day of may , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred forty two , had or solemnized according to the direction or true intent of any act or ordinance , or reputed act or ordinance , of one or both houses of parliament , or of any convention sitting at westminster ; under the name stile or title of a parliament , or assuming that name , stile or title , shall be , and shall be adjudged , esteemed , and taken to be , and to have been of the same and no other force and effect , as if such marriages had been had and solemnized according to the rites and ceremonies established , or used in the church or kingdom of england , any law , custome , or vsage to the contrary thereof notwithstanding . and be it further enacted , that where in any suite commenced or to be commenced in any of the courts of the common law , any issue hath beén joyned , and not already tryed or determined , or shall be joyne● upon the point of bastardy , or lawfulness of marriage , for or concerning the marriages had and solemnized as aforesaid , the same issues shall be tryed by iury of twelve men according to the course of tryal of other issues tryable by iury at the common law , and not otherwise , any law , statute , or vsage to the contrary thereof , in any wise notwithstanding . anno xii . caroli . ii. regis . an act for prohibiting the planting , setting , or sowing of tobacco in england and ireland . your majesties loyal and obedient subjects , the lords and commo●s in this present parliament assembled considering of how great concern and importance it is , that the columes and plantations of this kingdom in america , be defended , protected , maintained , and kept up , and that all due and possible encouragement be given unto them ; and that not onely in regard great and considerable dominions , and countries , have been thereby gained , and added to the imperial crown of this realm ; but for that the strength and welfare of this kingdom do very much depend upon them , in regard of the employment of a very considerable part of its shipping and seamen , and of the vent of very great quantities of its native commodities and manufactures , as also of its supply with several considerable commodities which it was wont formerly to have onely from forraigners , and at far dearer rates : and forasmuch as tobacco is one of the main products of several of those plantations , and upon which their welfare , and subsistence , and the navigation of this kingdom , and vent of its commodities thither , do much depend ; and in regard it is found by experience , that the tobaccoes planted in these parts are not so good , and wholsome for the takers thereof ; and that by the planting thereof your majesty is deprived of a considerable part of your revenue arising by customes upon imported tobacco ; do most humbly pray that it may be enacted by your majesty : and it is hereby enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , and the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same : that no person or persons whatsoever shall , or do from and after the first day of january , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred and sixty , set , plant , improve to grow , make or cure any tobacco either in seed , plant , or otherwise , in or upon any ground , earth , field , or place , within the kingdom of england , dominion of wales , islands of guernsey or jersey , or town of berwick upon tweed , or in the kingdom of ireland , under the penalty of the forfeiture of all such tobacco , or the value thereof , and of the sum of forty shillings for every , rod or pole of ground to planted , set , or sowen as aforesaid ; and so portionablely for a greater or 〈◊〉 quantity of ground , one moyety thereof to his majesty , his heirs and successors : and the other moyety to him or them that shall sue for the same , to be recovered by bill , plaint , or information in any court of record , wherein no essoign , protection , or wager in law shall be allowed . and it is hereby further enacted , that all sheriffs , iustices of the peace , maiors bailiffs , contrables , and every of them , upon information or complaint made unto them , or any of them , by any the officers of the customes , or by any other person , or persons whatsoever , that there is any tobacco set , sowen , planted , or growing within their iurisdictions , or precincts , contrary to this act , shall within ten days after such information or complaint , cause to be burnt , plucked up , consumed , or utterly destroyed , all such tobacco so set , sowen , planted or growing . and it is hereby further enacted , that in case any person or persons shall resist , or make forcible opposition against any person or persons in the due and through execution of this act , that every such person or persons for every such offence , shall forfeit the sum of five pounds to be divided and recovered in manner aforesaid . and in case any person or persons shall not pay the sums of money , by them to be paid , by vertue of this act , that in every such case , destress shall be made and sale thereof , returning the over-plus to the owners ; and in case no destress be to be found , that then every such party shall be committed to the common gaol in the county where such offence shall be committed , there to remain for the space of two moneths , without bail or main-prize . provided always , and it is hereby enacted , that this act , nor any thing therein contained , shall extend to the hindring of the planting of tobacco in any physick garden of either university , or in any other private garden for physick or chirurgery , onely so as the quantity so planted exceed not one half of one pole in any one place or garden . anno xii . caroli ii. regis . an act for erecting and establishing a post-office . whereas for the maintenance of mutual correspondencies , and prevention of many inconveniences happening by private posts , severall publique post-offices have been heretofore erected for carrying , and recarrying of letters by posts , to , and from all parts and places within england , scotland , and ireland , and severall parts beyond the seas ; the well-ordering whereof , is a matter of general concernment , and of great advantage , as well for preservation of trade and commerce , as otherwise : to the end therefore that the same may be managed so , that speedy and safe dispatches may be had , which is most likely to be effected , by ere●ting one general post-office for that purpose ; be it therefore enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that there be from henceforth one general letter-office erected and established in some convenient place within the city of lond●n , from whence all letters and pacquets whatsoever may be with speed and expedition sent unto any part of the kingdomes of england , scotland , and ireland , or any other of his majesties dominions , or unto any kingdome or countrey beyond the seas , at which said office all returns and answers may be likewise received ; and that one master of the said general letter-office shall be from time to time appointed by the kings majesty , his heirs , and successors , to be made or constituted by letters patents under the great seal of england , by the name and style of his majesties post-master generall ; which said master of the said office , and his deputy , and deputies by him thereunto sufficiently authorised , and his and their servants , and agents ; and no other person or persons whatsoever , shall from time to time have the receiving , taking up , ordering , dispatching , sending post or with speed , and delivering of all letters & pacquets whatsoever , which shall from time to time be sent to and from all and every the parts and places of england , scotland , and ireland , and other his majesties dominions , and to and from all and every the kingdomes and countreys beyond the seas , where he shall settle or cause to be setled posts or running messengers for that purpose . except such letters as shall be sent by coaches , common known carryers of goods by carts , waggons , or packhorses , and shall be carried along with their carts , waggons , and packhorses respectively ; and except letters of merchants and masters which shall be sent by any masters of any ships , barques , or other vessel of merchandize , or by any other person imployed by them for the carriage of such letters aforesaid , according to the respective directions ; and also except letters to be sent by any private friend or friends in their wayes of journey or travel , or by any messenger or messengers sent on purpose , for or concerning the private affairs of any person or persons : and also except messengers who carry and recarry commissions or the return thereof , affidavits , writs , process , or proceedings , or the returnes thereof , issuing out of any court. and be it furtther enacted by the authority aforesaid , that such postmaster generall for the time being , as shall from time to time be made and constituted by his majesty , his heirs and successors , and the respective deputies , or substitutes of such post-master general , and no other person or persons whatsoever , shall prepare , and provide horses and furniture to let to hire unto all through-posts , and persons riding in post by commission , or without , to and from all and every the parts and places of england , scotland and ireland , where any post-roads are , or shall be setled and established . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall and may be lawful to and for such post-master general to be constituted and appointed as aforesaid , and his deputy or deputies by him thereunto sufficiently authorized , to demand , have , receive and take for the portage and conveyance of all such letters which he shall so convey , carry , or send post as aforesaid , and for the providing and furnishing horses for through-posts , or persons riding in post as aforesaid , according to the several rates and summs of lawful english money hereafter mentioned , not to exceed the same ( that is to say ) for the port of every letter not exceeding one sheet , to or from any place not exceeding fourscore english miles distant from the place where such letter shall be received , two pence ; and for the like port of every letter not exceeding two sheets , four pence ; and for the like port of every pacquet of letters proportionably unto the said rates ; and for the like port of every pa●quet of writs , deeds , and other things after the rate of eight pence for every ounce weight ; and for the port of every letter not exceeding one sheet , above the distance of fourscore english miles from the place where the same shall be received , three pence ; and for the like port of a letter , not exceeding two sheets , six pence ; and proportionably to the same rates , for the like port of all pacquets of letters , and for the like port of every other pacquet of writs , deeds , or other things , after the rate of twelve pence of english money for every ounce weight ; and for the port of every letter not exceeding one sheet , from london unto the town of berwick , or from thence to the city of london , three pence of english money ; and for the like port of every letter not exceeding two sheets , sir pence ; and proportionably unto the same rates , for every pacquet of letters , and for every other pacquet of greater bulk , one shilling and six pence for every ounce weight ; and for the port of such letters and pacquets as shall be conveyed or carried from the town of berwick unto any place or places within forty english miles distance from berwick , or any other place where such letter shall be received , two pence ; and for every letter not exceeding two sheets , four pence ; and proportionably to the same rates for every pacquet of letters , and for every other pacquet or parcel , eight pence for every ounce weight ; and for every letter not exceeding one sheet to be conveyed or carryed a further distance then forty english miles , four pence ; and for the like port of every double letter , eight pence : and proportionably unto the same rates for the like port of every pacquet of letters , and for the like port of every other pacquet , one shilling for every ounce weight ; and for the port of every letter not exceeding one sheet from england unto the city of dublin in ireland , or from the city of dublin in ireland unto england , six pence of english money ; and for the like port of every letter not exceeding two sheets one shilling , and proportionably to the same rates for every pacquet of letters ; and for the port of every other pacquet of any kind of greater bulk , two shillings for every ounce weight ; and for the port of such letters or pacquets as shall be conveyed or carryed from the city of dublin , unto any other place or places within the kingdme of ireland , or from any other place unto the said city , or to , or from any other place within the said kingdome , according to the rates , and summs of english money hereafter following , viz. for every letter not exceeding one sheet , to or from any place within forty english miles distance from dublin , or any other place where such letter shall be received , two pence ; and for every letter not exceeding two sheets , four pence , and proportionably to the same rates for every pacquet of letters , and for every other pacquet of greater bulk , eight pence for every ounce weight ; and for every letter not exceeding one sheet to be carryed or conveyed a further distance then forty english miles , four pence ; and for the like port of every letter not exceeding two sheets , eight pence ; and proportionably unto the same rates for the like port of every pacquets of letters , and for the like port of every other pacquets of greater bulk , one shilling for every ounce weight ; and for all and every the letters , pacquets , & parcels of goods that shall be carried or conveyed to , or from any of his majesties said dominious , to or from any other parts or places beyond the seas , according to the severall and respective rates , that now are , and have been taken for letters , pacquets , and parcels so conveyed , being rated either by the letter , or by the ounce weight , that is to say ,     d morlaix , saint maloes , caen , newhaven , and places of like distance , port paid to roan is for single vi double xii treble xviii ounce xviii     d hamburgh , cullen , frankfort , port paid to antwerp is single viii double xvi treble xxiv ounce xxiv     s d venice , geneva , legorne , rome , naples , messina , and all other parts of italy , by way of venice , franct pro mantua single o ix double i vi treble ii iii ounce ii viii     s d marcelia , smerna , constantinople , aleppo , and all parts of turkie , port paid to marcelia single i o double ii o 3. q ●● . of an ounce ii ix ounce iii ix     s d genoua , legorn , rome , and other parts of italy , by way of lyons , franct pro lyons single i o double ii o 3 q ●● . of an ounce ii ix ounce iii ix and of letters sent outwards ,     s d to bourdeux , rochel , nantes , orleans , byon , towers , and places of like distance , port paid to paris single o ix double i vi treble ii iii ounce ii o     s d and for letters brought from the same places into england single i o double ii o 3. q ●● . of an ounce iii o ounce iv o also letters sent outwards ,     s d to norembergh , bremen , dantswick , lubeck , lipswick , and other places of like distance , post paid to hamburgh single i o double ii o 3. q ●● . of an ounce iii o ounce iv o     s d and for letters brought from the said places to england single o viii double . i iv treble ii o ounce ii o and for the port of letters brought into england from     s d calais , diepe , bulloigne , abbeville , amiens , saint omers , montrell single o iv double o viii treble i o ounce i o     s d rouen single o vi double i o treble i vi ounce i vi     s d paris single o ix double i vi treble i iii ounce i o     s d dunkirk , ostend , lille , ipte , courtrey , gheandt , bruxells , bridges , antwerp , & all other parts of flanders single o viii double i iv treble ii o ounce ii o     s d sluis , flushing , middleburgh , amsterdā , roterdam , delph , hagh , and from all other parts of holland & zealand single o viii double i iv treble ii o ounce ii o provided alwayes , that all mercha●●●● accompts not exceeding one sheet of paper , and all bills of exchange , invoyces , and bills of lading , are , and shall hereby be understood to be allowed without rate in the price of the letters , and likewise the covers of letters not exceeding one fourth part of a sheet of paper sent to marseilles , venice or ligorne , to be sent forward to turky , shall be understood to be allowed to pass without rate or payment for the same ; and according to the same rates and proportions for the port of letters , packquets & parcels to or from any of the parts or places beyond the seas , where posts have not been heretofore setled , and may hereafter be setled by the said post-master general for the time being , his executors or assignes : and it shall and may be lawful to and for such post-master general , & his deputy and deputies , to ask , demand , take and receive of every person that he or they shall furnish and provide with horses , furniture and guide to ride , ost in any of the post-roardes as aforesaid , three pence of english money for each horses hire or postage for every english mile , and foure pence for the guide for every stage . and whereas upon the arrival of ships from parts beyond the seas into several ports within his majesties dominions , many letters directed to several merchants and others , have been detained long to the great damage of the merchants , in want of that speedy advice and intelligence which they might have had if the same had been forthwith dispatched by the s●●●d posts , and sometimes such letters have been delivered by the masters or passengers of s●●h ships to ignorant and loose hands , that understand not the way and means of speedy conveyance and delivery of letters , whereby great prejudice hath accrued to the affairs of merchants and others , as well by the miscarryage of many letters so brought , as oftentimes by the opening of the same to the discovery of the correspondencies and secrets of the merchant . be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all letters and pacquets that by any master of any ship or vessel , or any of his company , or any passengers therein shall or may be brought to any port-town within his majesties dominions , or any of the members thereof , other then such letters as are before excepted , or may be sent by common known carriers in manner aforesaid , or by a friend as aforesaid ; shall by such master , passenger , or other person be forthwith delivered unto the deputy or deputies only of the said post-master general for the time being by him appointed for the said port-town , and by him or them to be sent post unto the said general post-office to be delivered according to the several and respective directions of the same . and be it further enacted by the aforesaid authority , that no person or persons whatsoever , or body politick or corporate other then such post-master general , as shall from time to time be nominated and appointed by his majesty , his heires or successors , and constituted by letters patents under the great seal of england as aforesaid , and his deputy and deputies or affignes , shall presume to carry , recarry & deliver letters for hi●e , other then as before excepted , or to set up or imploy any foot-post , horse-post , coach-post , or pacquet-boat whatsoever for the conveyance , carrying , and recarrying of any letters or pacquets by sea or land within his majesties dominions , or shall provide and maintaine horses and furniture for the horsing of any thorow-posts , or persons riding in post with a guide and horne , as usuall for hire , upon paine of forfeiting the summe of five pounds of english money for every severall offence against the tenor of this present act , and also of the forfeiture of the summe of one hundred pounds of like english money for every weeks time that any offender against this act shall imploy , maintaine , and continue any such foot-post , horse-post , coach-post or pacquet-boat as aforesaid : which said several and respective forfeitures , shall , and may be sued for , and recovered by action or actions of debt , plaint , or information in any of his majesties courts of record , wherein no essoigne , priviledge , protection , or wager of law shall be admitted ; and the said several and respective forfeitures that shall happen from time to time to be recovered , shall be and remaine the one moiety thereof to his majestie , & his heires and successors , and the other moiety thereof to such person or persons , who shall or will inform against the offender or offenders against this present act , and shall or will sue for the said forfeitures upon the same . provided alwayes , that if any post-master of any respective place , doth not , or cannot not furnish any person or persons riding in post with sufficient horses within the space of one half hour after demand , that then such person or persons are hereby understood to be left at liberty to provide themselves , as conveniently they can ; and the persons who shall furnish such horses , shall not therefore be liable to any penalties or forfeitures contained in this act. provided alwayes , that if through default or neglect of the post-master generall aforesaid , any person or persons riding in post shall fail as aforesaid of being furnished with a sufficient horse or horses , for his or their use , after demand as aforesaid ; that in every such case , the said post-master generall shall forfeit the summ of five pounds sterling , the one moiety to his majesty , his heirs and successors , and the other moiety to him or them who shall sue for the same in any court of record , to be recovered by bill , plaint , or other information , wherein no essoigne , protection or other wager in law shall be admitted . provided alwayes , and be it enacted , that nothing herein contained shall be understood to prohibit the carrying or recarrying of any letters or pacquets , to or from any town or place , to or from the next respective post-road , or stage appointed for that purpose ; but that every person shall have free liberty to send and imploy such persons as they shall think fit , for to carry the said letters or pacquets as aforesaid without any forfeiture or penalty therefore , any thing contained in this act to the contrary notwithstanding . provided alwayes , that if the pacquet or maile shall be carried out of england into any part beyond the seas in any ship or vessel which is not of english built , and navigated with english seamen , that in every such case , the said post-master general shall forfeit the summ of one hnndred pounds sterling ; the one moiety to his majestie , his heirs and successors , and the other moiety to him or them , who shall sue for the same , in any court of record , to be recovered by bill , plaint or other information , wherein no essoign , protection , or other wager in law shall be allowed . provided also , and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no person or persons shall be capable of having , using , or exercising the office of post-master general , or any other imployment relating to the said office , unless he or they shall first take the oathes of allegiance and supremacy , before any two iustices of the peace of the respective counties wherein such person or persons are or shall be resident , which said iustices are hereby authorized to administer the said oathes accordingly . provided also , and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that a letter or pacquet-post shall twice every week come by the way of trurow and penrin to the town of ma●ketiew alias marhasion in the county of cornwall ; and once a week to kendal by the way of lancaster , and to the town of penrith in cumberland by the way of newcastle and carssile ; and to the city of lincoln , and the burrough of grimoby in the county of lincolne , any thing in this act contained to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding . provided also and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that such post-master generall to be from time to time appointed by his majesty , his heirs and successors as aforesaid , shall continue constant posts for carriage of letters to all places , though they lie out of the post-roads , as hath been used for the space of three years last past , at the rates herein before mentioned , under pain of forfeiture for every omission five pounds , to be recovered by action , suite , or plaint , in any his majesties courts of record , the one moiety to the use of his majesty , the other moeity to the use of the informer . and for the better management of the said post-office , and that the people of these kingdomes may have their intercourse of commerce and trade the better maintained , and their letters and advises conveyed , carried & recarried with the greatest speed , security , and convenience that may be ; be it further enacted , that the said post-master general so nominated , appointed and constituted as aforesaid , and his deputies , shall from time to time observe and follow such orders , rules , directions and instructions for and concerning the settlement of convenient posts and stages upon the several roads in england , scotland and ireland , and other his majesties dominions , and the providing and keeping of a sufficient number of horses at the said several stages , as well for the carrying and conveying of the said letters and pacquets , as for the horsing of all thorow-posts and persons riding in post by warrant or otherwise as aforesaid , as his majestie , his heires and successors shall from time to time in that behalf make , and ordaine ; and that his majesty , his heires and successors may grant the said office of post-master general , together with the powers and authorities thereunto belonging , & the several rates of portage above mentioned , and all profits , priviledges , fees , perquisites & emoluments thereunto belonging , or to belong , either for life or term of years , not exceeding one and twenty years , to such person or persons , and under such covenants , conditions and yearly rents to his said majesty , his heires and successors reserved , as his said majesty , his heirs and successors shall from time to time think fit for the best advantage and benefit of the kingdome . provided alwayes , and be it enacted by the athority aforesaid , that no person shall have power to take , use , or seize any horses for the service mentioned in this act , without the consent of the owners thereof ; any usage or pretence , or any thing in this act contained to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding . provided always , and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all inland letters sent by any packet-post established by this act as aforesaid , do and shall pay the rates and prices before mentioned , at such stage where they are last delivered only , unless the party that delivers the letters desireth to pay elswhere ; any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding . provided always , that all letters , and other things , may be sent or conveyed to or from the two vniversities in manner as heretofore hath been used ; any thing herein to the contrary notwithstanding . anno xii . caroli . ij. regis . an act impowering the master of the rolls for the time being , to make leases for years , in order to new build the old houses belonging to the rolls . whereas the mansion-house , ground , and tenements , with the appurtenances belonging to the master of the rolls , as master of the rolls , are much out of repair , and not capable of improvement , in regard the former masters of the rolls were not enabled to grant such leases , and for such terms as might encourage tenants to build and to repair : be it therefore enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , and the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled ; and it is hereby enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the master of the rolls for the time being , and his successors , masters of the rolls , shall have good right , full power , and lawful authority , during the time he or they shall continue master of the rolls , by writing indented , under hand and seal , to grant and make leases for one and forty years , or for any lesser term , to commence from the making of any such leases , of all and singular the premisses , or any part thereof , the chappel of the rolls with a convenient mansion-house , court , yard , garden , stable , coach-house , and other our-houses and buildings , fit for the use and habitation of the master of the rolles , onely excepted ; which lease and leases , so to be made , shall be good and effectuall in law to all intents and purposes , as if such master of the rolls for the time being , as shall so make the same , had beén seized of the premisses of a good estate in feé simple . provided , that in leases where provision is made for new building of houses or tenements , that the yearly rent of twenty shillings at the least shall be reserved upon every lease of such a quantity of the said premisses , as shall be set out and assigned by the master of the rolls for the time being for any one house or tenement to be built upon ; and that in leases where there is no provision for new building , the like usual rent that hath beén paid or reserved for the greater part of seven years now last past , or more , shall be yearly reserved . provided also , that the master of the rolls for the time being , or any succeéding master of the rolls , after the prenusses have beén once letten , according to the power given as abovesaid , shall not grant or make any new or concurrent lease untill within seven years of the expiration of the lease then in being , nor for any lesser rent then was reserved upon the former lease , nor for any longer term , then for the term of one and twenty years from the making of such new lease . jo : browne cleric . parliamentorum . 1. an act for the restoring of henry lord arundel of warder to the possession of his estate . 2. an act for restitution of thomas earl of arundel , surrey and norfolk , to the dignity and title of duke of norfolk . 3. an act to restore to wentworth earl of roscomon , of the kingdom of ireland , all the honors , castles , lordships , lands , tenements and hereditaments in ireland , whereof james earl of roscomon his great-grand father , or iames earl of roscomon his father , &c. 4. an act for restoring of sir george hamilton unto his lands and estate in ireland . 5. an act for maintenance of the vicar for the time being of the vicaridge of royston in the counties of hertford and cambridge , and of his successors , vicars of the said vicaridge . 6. an act for enabling sir william vvray to sell lands for payment of his debts , and raising of portions for his younger children . 7. an act for naturalizing of gerrard vanheuthusen , daniel demetrius , and others . 8. an act for enabling of iohn newton the younger , and william oakeley , to make sale of lands for payment of debts , and raising of portions , &c. 9. an act for the levying of certain moneys due upon the collection for the protestants of piedmont . 10. an act for the naturalization of john boreell esq ; eldest son of sir william borreell knight and baronet . 11. an act for the naturalization of abraham watchtor born beyond the seas . 12. an act for restoring of sir thomas crimes baronet , to his estate . 13. an act for enabling george fawnt of foston in the county of leicester esq ; to sell and conveigh part of his lands , for payment of several debts and legacies charged upon his estate by sir william fawnt knight deceased , aud for the raising of portions for his younger children , and making his wife a joynture . 14. an act for naturalizing francis hide , and others . 15. an act to enable joseph micklethwaite an infant , and his trustees , to sell lands for payment of his fathers debts . 16. an act for raising portions , and making provision for maintenance for the younger children of sir edward gostwicke . 17. an act for confirming the sale of the mannor of hitcham , sold to charles doe , by sir iohn clarke knight and baronet , and for setling and disposing other the lands of the said sir iohn clarke and dame philadelphia his wife . 18. an act for the setling of some of the mannors and lands of the earl of cleaveland in trustees , to be sold for the satisfying of the debts of the said earl , and of thomas lord vventworth his son. 19. an act for the disappropriating of the rectory appropriate of preston , & uniting and consolidating of the said rectory , and of the vicaridge of the church of preston ; and for assuring of the advowson , and right of patronage of the same unto the master , fellows , and scholars of emanuel colledge in cambridge , and their successors . 20. an act for making the precinct of covent garden parochial . london , printed by john bill , printer to the king ' s most excellent majesty . 1660. at the king's printing-house in black-fryars . 