








CHAPTER VIII - CONCERNING THOSE WHO HAVE OBTAINED A PRINCIPALITY BY WICKEDNESS

ALTHOUGH a prince may rise from a private station in two ways,
neither of which can be entirely attributed to fortune or genius,
yet it is manifest to me that I must not be silent on them, although
one could be more copiously treated when I discuss republics. These
methods are when, either by some wicked or nefarious ways, one ascends
to the principality, or when by the favour of his fellow-citizens a
private person becomes the prince of his country. And speaking of
the first method, it will be illustrated by two examples- one ancient,
the other modern- and without entering further into the subject, I
consider these two examples will suffice those who may be compelled to
follow them.

Agathocles, the Sicilian, became King of Syracuse not only from a
private but from a low and abject position. This man, the son of a
potter, through all the changes in his fortunes always led an infamous
life. Nevertheless, he accompanied his infamies with so much ability
of mind and body that, having devoted himself to the military
profession, he rose through its ranks to be Praetor of Syracuse. Being
established in that position, and having deliberately resolved to make
himself prince and to seize by violence, without obligation to others,
that which had been conceded to him by assent, he came to an
understanding for this purpose with Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, who,
with his army, was fighting in Sicily. One morning he assembled the
people and senate of Syracuse, as if he had to discuss with them
things relating to the Republic, and at a given signal the soldiers
killed all the senators and the richest of the people; these dead,
he seized and held the princedom of that city without any civil
commotion. And although he was twice routed by the Carthaginians,
and ultimately besieged, yet not only was he able to defend his
city, but leaving part of his men for its defence, with the others
he attacked Africa, and in a short time raised the siege of
Syracuse. The Carthaginians, reduced to extreme necessity, were
compelled to come to terms with Agathocles, and, leaving Sicily to
him, had to be content with the possession of Africa.

Therefore, he who considers the actions and the genius of this man
will see nothing, or little, which can be attributed to fortune,
inasmuch as he attained pre-eminence, as is shown above, not by the
favour of any one, but step by step in the military profession,
which steps were gained with a thousand troubles and perils, and
were afterwards boldly held by him with many hazards and dangers.
Yet it cannot be called talent to slay fellow-citizens, to deceive
friends, to be without faith, without mercy, without religion; such
methods may gain empire, but not glory. Still, if the courage of
Agathocles in entering into and extricating himself from dangers be
considered, together with his greatness of mind in enduring overcoming
hardships, it cannot be seen why he should be esteemed less than the
most notable captain. Nevertheless, his barbarous cruelty and
inhumanity with infinite wickednesses do not permit him to be
celebrated among the most excellent men. What he achieved cannot be
attributed either to fortune or to genius.

In our times, during the rule of Alexander VI, Oliverotto da
Fermo, having been left an orphan many years before, was brought up by
his maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani, and in the early days of his
youth sent to fight under Paolo Vitelli, that, being trained under his
discipline, he might attain some high position in the military
profession. After Paolo died, he fought under his brother
Vitellozzo, and in a very short time, being endowed with wit and a
vigorous body and mind, he became the first man in his profession. But
it appearing to him a paltry thing to serve under others, he resolved,
with the aid of some citizens of Fermo, to whom the slavery of their
country was dearer than its liberty, and with the help of the Vitelli,
to seize Fermo. So he wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that, having been
away from home for many years, he wished to visit him and his city,
and in some measure to look into his patrimony; and although he had
not laboured to acquire anything except honour, yet, in order that the
citizens should see he had not spent his time in vain, he desired to
come honourably, so would be accompanied by one hundred horsemen,
his friends and retainers; and he entreated Giovanni to arrange that
he should be received honourably by the citizens of Fermo, all of
which would be not only to his honour, but also to that of Giovanni
himself, who had brought him up.

Giovanni, therefore, did not fail in any attentions due to his
nephew, and he caused him to be honourably received by the Fermans,
and he lodged him in his own house, where, having passed some days,
and having arranged what was necessary for his wicked designs,
Oliverotto gave a solemn banquet to which he invited Giovanni Fogliani
and the chiefs of Fermo. When the viands and all the other
entertainments that are usual in such banquets were finished,
Oliverotto artfully began certain grave discourses, speaking of the
greatness of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare, and of their
enterprises, to which discourse Giovanni and others answered; but he
rose at once, saying that such matters ought to be discussed in a more
private place, and he betook himself to a chamber, whither Giovanni
and the rest of the citizens went in after him. No sooner were they
seated than soldiers issued from secret places and slaughtered
Giovanni and the rest. After these murders Oliverotto, mounted on
horseback, rode up and down the town and besieged the chief magistrate
in the palace, so that in fear the people were forced to obey him, and
to form a government, of which he made himself the prince. He killed
all the malcontents who were able to injure him, and strengthened
himself with new civil and military ordinances, in such a way that, in
the year during which he held the principality, not only was he secure
in the city of Fermo, but he had become formidable to all his
neighbours. And his destruction would have been as difficult as that
of Agathocles if he had not allowed himself to be overreached by
Cesare Borgia, who took him with the Orsini and Vitelli at Sinigaglia,
as was stated above. Thus one year after he had committed this
parricide, he was strangled, together with Vitellozzo, whom he had
made his leader in valour and wickedness.

Some may wonder how it can happen that Agathocles, and his like,
after infinite treacheries and cruelties, should live for long
secure in his country, and defend himself from external enemies, and
never be conspired against by his own citizens; seeing that many
others, by means of cruelty, have never been able even in peaceful
times to hold the state, still less in the doubtful times of war. I
believe that this follows from severities being badly or properly
used. Those may be called properly used, if of evil it is lawful to
speak well, that are applied at one blow and are necessary to one's
security, and that are not persisted in afterwards unless they can
be turned to the advantage of the subjects. The badly employed are
those which, notwithstanding they may be few in the commencement,
multiply with time rather than decrease. Those who practise the
first system are able, by aid of God or man, to mitigate in some
degree their rule, as Agathocles did. It is impossible for those who
follow the other to maintain themselves.

Hence it is to be remarked that, in seizing a state, the usurper
ought to examine closely into all those injuries which it is necessary
for him to inflict, and to do them all at one stroke so as not to have
to repeat them daily; and thus by not unsettling men he will be able
to reassure them, and win them to himself by benefits. He who does
otherwise, either from timidity or evil advice, is always compelled to
keep the knife in his hand; neither can he rely on his subjects, nor
can they attach themselves to him, owing to their continued and
repeated wrongs. For injuries ought to be done all at one time, so
that, being tasted less, they offend less; benefits ought to be
given little by little, so that the flavour of them may last longer.

And above all things, a prince ought to live amongst his people in
such a way that no unexpected circumstances, whether of good or
evil, shall make him change; because if the necessity for this comes
in troubled times, you are too late for harsh measures; and mild
ones will not help you, for they will be considered as forced from
you, and no one will be under any obligation to you for them.


